 I'm sorry that's not what I had to say but I think we better get started. I'm sorry that's not what I had to say but I think we better get started. This is a welcome party for Bob. So Jelly Bean is the thing it is. I'm just going to say, yeah, he did. He's shooting with his wrestling. He's too old to have a son. We're glad to have you. I'd like to say I'm most grateful about the bipartisan approach that's been taken on the international affairs in recent days on the Hill. And I can tell you that I haven't had a great report of this. At least the son of the one that's been given from my friends overseas. Our country stands a little taller. They've taken cognizance. Now that the MX comes to the floor, I hope that this can continue. And if we can, the Waters Edge show the rest of the world the flavor of disagreements we have here and locally in our internal affairs. That's the normal mantra that when it comes to the Waters Edge, I run on silent. I feel that the most important thing, as I've been saying to some of you and to many others, down here visiting recently, is that it not only provides a deterrent that is absolutely needed at the time, but most of all, it gives us a great chance in those negotiations, a reduction in the number of misses. And I'd like to just say another word also then about our other international affair, which is Central America, Latin America. And let me if I could, I've never had a chance to say it and give you what my overall dream is, and my vision is with regard to our neighbors down here. I had this dream for some time. When I made that trip down there, I said to the leaders that I met with, that I know in the past with all the best intentions our country has grown a number of times to our neighbors with programs or plans for better relationship. But maybe we've been insensitive, maybe we've been insensitive to our size and to that feeling again that still we are the big goliath of the North. And so we have come, said to them here is our plan, our idea. And then I said, I'd like to come down and find out what your ideas are. And I pointed out what I see as the relationship and the very uniqueness of this hemisphere. We all came from the same origins. All with the European background, all came to this whole hemisphere that was virtually waiting to be developed. We had that in common. There's no other place in the world for the North Pole and the South Pole. We worship the same God. And I can't describe to you the reaction when I would say to them, even though we are a number of nations in North and South and Central America, we have something that again is unique. And that is that when we cross a border into someone else's country, we're still surrounded by Americans because we're all Americans. And I was amazed at their reception of that, as if they didn't know that we ever felt it, because it is true that we probably more than anyone else used the term America as the name of our country and describing ourselves. But they were most pleased to hear it. And that's why I think that what's going on down there and the needs for us to proceed, to continue, to try and alter what we all know is a social structure there that has made subversive laws, made dictatorships possible, and is now responsible for what's going on in these countries. And that is a social order in which there is only one division. There is an upper crust, and then there is a great mass of tessentry that lives in what we would consider as a substandard way. And this is why I repeat again three-fourths of our eight is, and we'll continue to keep economic, the interest we have to have with resorting to a military situation down here is that how can they proceed for the things they're trying to do? Land reform, for example. You give a man some land, but he came to out and worked it, and he got his head shot off. And as long as they are under fire, there is a limit to how much they can do in proceeding with the human rights and the improvements economically. When power failures put industries out of work or closed down, and thus the employees are out of work, then they're right back where they were hungry and dependent on someone to provide subsistence. So there is an importance in resolving that military issue. And this is why I hope we can have the same by-fives and approach. I am delighted that the funding is going to continue for what we're trying to do, and the all we've asked of Nicaragua and continue to ask repeatedly is, mind your own business. Stop trying to overthrow a duly elected government that is at least now trying to make the effort to come around to the kind of society that they should have. Stop supporting as they are radical bands in Costa Rica and Honduras, Guatemala, where democracy has taken root. And you'll continue to try to talk to them. But again, as I say, I just hope that we can continue on a bipartisan path. I can tell you this from my meetings also. The concern about American forces becoming involved, the best of friends still with that memory of gunboat diplomacy of years ago, they will say, no, no, help us, but don't. Don't send troops. Don't send forces down here. So believe me, when there's more than just a lack of desire on my part to get us involved in that kind of a conflict, at the same time I recognize we probably lose every friend we've got at the first time in which I do something of that kind. So I hope that we can continue on the path that we've been on. And now I'd like to ask Don Regan to discuss our subject which has to do with IMF. Thank you.