 Chapter 4. The family of Augustus and his plans to found a dynasty. While Augustus was constructing the new constitution, he had many tasks of other kinds—administrative, military and diplomatic—to perform. He had to regulate the relations of the Roman state with neighbouring powers in the east. He had to secure the northern frontier of the empire on the Rhine and the Danube against the German barbarians, and to carry out there the work begun by Caesar his father. He had to improve the administration in Italy and Rome, and step in if the senate of the empire failed to perform its duties. He had to reform the provincial administration which had been so disgracefully managed by the senate of the republic. Besides this he had to make his own position safe by keeping his fellow citizens content. He had to see that the nobles and the people were provided with employment and amusement. Finally he had to look forward into the future and take measures to ensure the permanence of the system which he had called into being. This last task of Augustus, his plans and his disappointments in the choice of a successor to his power, will form the subject of the present chapter. It is needful, first of all, to obtain a clear view of his family relationships. Augustus was married three times. One, he had been betrosed to a daughter of Publius Sevilius Isauricus, but political motives induced him to abandon this alliance and marry Clodia, daughter of Fulvia, in order to seal a reconciliation with her stepfather, Marcus Antonius. In consequence, however, of a quarrel with her mother, he put her away before the marriage was consummated. Two, his second wife was Scribonia, twice a widow whom he also married for political reasons, namely in order to conciliate sexed as Pompeius, whose father-in-law, Scribonius Libo, was Scribonia's brother. By her one child was born to him in 39 B.C., unluckily a daughter, for had it been a son much anxiety and sorrow might have been spared him. Her name was Julia. He divorced Scribonia in order to marry three, Livia, the widow of Tiberius Claudius Nero, 38 B.C. Livia was herself a daughter of the Claudian house, for her father, Marcus Livia's drusus Claudianus, was, as his name shows, a Claudius adopted into the Livian gens. She was a beautiful and talented woman, whom he truly loved, and it was a sore disappointment to him that they had no children. Livia, however, brought her husband two step-sons, Tiberius Claudius Nero, born in 42 B.C., and Nero Claudius drusus, born in 38 B.C., after her marriage with Augustus and suspected to be really his son. Besides his daughter Julia and his wife Livia, another woman possessed great influence with the emperor, and played an important part in the affairs of the time. This was his sister, Octavia. She was married twice, first to Caus Claudius Marcellus, and secondly, for political reasons, to Marcus Antonius. By her first marriage she had a son, Marcus Claudius Marcellus, born 43 B.C., and a daughter, Marcellus. It is necessary to say a word here about the political position of the emperor's kindred. The imperial house embraced the male and female descendants in male, agnatic line from the founder of the dynasty, the wife of the emperor, and the wives of the male descendants. Thus, Livia and Julia belonged to the house of Augustus, but Octavia did not belong to it, nor Julia's children, until Augustus adopted them. The distinctive privilege possessed by members of the imperial house was that they were inviolable and sacrosanct like the tribunes. This right dated from the triumviral period, and thus is explained how it was that Octavia, though not one of the imperial house, possessed tribunician sacrosanctity. She had acquired it not as the sister of Caesar, but as the wife of Antonius. Soon it became the custom for the soldiers to take an oath of fidelity to the whole house of the Caesars. But this custom hardly existed under Augustus himself. Under the first prinkeps the members of his house enjoyed few honours and privileges compared with those which were acquired by them in later reigns. It has been already seen that constitutionally the emperor has no voice in appointing a successor to the principate, for neither designation nor heredity was recognised. Augustus had to find a practical way for escaping this constitutional principle, and securing that the system which he founded should not come to an end on his own death, and that he should have a capable successor. The plan which he adopted was an institution which had no official name, but which was equivalent to a co-regency. He appointed a consort in the imperial power. There was no constitutional difficulty in this. The institution of collegial power was familiar to Roman law and Roman practice, and the two elements of imperial authority, the Imperium and the Tribunition power, could be held by more than one. But at the same time the consort was not the peer of the emperor. He could only be subsidiary. There could be only one prinkeps, only one Augustus. In fact the consort held in relation to the Augustus somewhat the same position as the praetor held to the consul. Thus from the necessity for making practical provision for the succession arose certain extraordinary magistracies, proconsular and tribunition offices which held a middle place between the prinkeps on the one hand, and the ordinary magistrates on the other. On the death of the prinkeps the consort would have a practical, though not a legal, claim to be elected prinkeps, and nothing short of revolution would as a rule hinder him from obtaining the highest position in the state. The proconsular command was first conferred on the consort the tribunition power subsequently. Under Augustus both powers were conferred for a limited number of years, but always for more than one year, which was the defined period for the ordinary magistracies. The consort had not command over the troops like the emperor, but it was common to assign him some special command. He did not bear the title of imperator, and he did not wear the laurel wreath, nor was he included in the yearly vows which were offered up for the emperor. But he had the right to set up his statues, and his image appeared on coins. Anyone might be selected as consort, but it was only natural that the emperor should select his son for that position, and thus it became ultimately the recognised custom that the emperor's son should become his consort. By this means the danger of elevating a subject so near the imperial throne was avoided, and the natural leaning of a sovereign towards the foundation of a dynasty was satisfied. When the emperor had no children he used to adopt into his family whomsoever he chose as his successor, and the danger of such a course was mitigated by the paternal power which he possessed over his adopted son. It was some time, however, before this usage became a stereotyped part of the imperial system. The first consort of Augustus was Agrippa, who married his niece Marcella. The proconsulate imperium was conferred on Agrippa some time before 22 B.C., but Augustus had certainly no intention that Agrippa should be his successor. He was compelled to assign a distinguished position to his invaluable and ambitious co-adjutor to take him into a sort of partnership in order to secure his cheerful service. But circumstances brought it about that he came to be regarded, if not as the probable successor, yet as something very like it. As Livia proved unfruitful Augustus had to look elsewhere for a successor. Within his own family three choices were open to him, though he had no sons he might at least have a grandson by the marriage of his daughter Julia, or he might select his sister's son as his heir and successor, or he might adopt his Claudian step-children. His first plan, the marriage of the young Marcellus with Julia, combined two of these courses. The empire might thus descend through a nephew to grandchildren. High hopes were formed of Marcellus, who was attractive and popular and a great favourite of his uncle. The marriage was celebrated in twenty-five B.C. during the absence of Augustus in Spain, where he suffered from a severe illness, and Agrippa, the brother-in-law of the bridegroom, was called upon to act as the father of the bride. In the following year Marcellus was elected curial edile, and a decree of the senate allowed him to stand as candidate for the consulship ten years before the legal age. At the same time Augustus allowed his step-son Tiberius to be elected quite still, though he was even younger than Marcellus, and this perhaps was a concession to Olivia, who may have felt jealous of the son of Octavia and the daughter of Scribonia. But there was another who certainly felt jealous of the favour shown to Marcellus, and regarded him as an unwelcome rival. This was Agrippa. He had entered, as we have seen, into affinity with the imperial family by his marriage with Marcellus. He had been consul as the emperor's colleague for two successive years. If Augustus was the prinkeps, men were inclined to look upon Agrippa as the second citizen, and in the east where political facts were often misrepresented he was actually thought to be an equal co-regent with the emperor. He was not popular like his young brother-in-law, but he was universally respected. His services were recognised, and his abilities were esteemed, and he had every reason to cherish ambitious aspirations. Augustus had left Rome in 27 B.C. in order to devote his attention to the administration of Gaul and Spain. During his absence, which lasted until 24 B.C., there were no disturbances in Rome, although he left no formal representative to take his place. This tranquility must have been partly due to the personal influence of Agrippa, who lived at Rome during these years, though not filling an official post. In 23 B.C., the year of his eleventh consulate, Augustus was stricken down by another illness, and he seems to have entertained some idea of abdicating the imperial power. He summoned his colleague, the consul Piso, to his bedside, and gave him a document containing a list of the military forces and an account of the finances of the empire. This act of Augustus displays the constitutional principle that when the emperor died the imperial power passed into the keeping of the senate and the chief magistrates. But Augustus, although he could not appoint, could at least recommend a successor, and it is to his honour that he did not attempt to forward the interests of his family at the expense of the interests of the state. Marcellus was still very young, and his powers were unproved. Augustus gave his signetering to Agrippa, thus making it clear whom he regarded as the one man in the empire capable of carrying on the work which he had begun. But Augustus was not to die yet. He was healed by the skill of the famous physician Antonius Musa. On his recovery he learnt that his illness had been the occasion of unfriendly collisions between Agrippa and Marcellus. While Marcellus naturally built hopes on his marriage with Julia, Agrippa was elated by the conspicuous mark of confidence which the emperor had shown in him at such a critical moment. Augustus therefore thought it wise to separate them, and he assigned to Agrippa an honourable mission to the eastern provinces of the empire for the purpose of regulating important affairs in connection with Armenia. The proconsular imperium was probably conferred on him at this time. Agrippa went as far as Lesbos, but no further, and issued his orders from that island. His friend said that this course was due to his moderation. Others suspected that he was sulky, and it is clear that he understood the true meaning of his mission. But an unexpected and untoward event suddenly frustrated the plan which Augustus had made for succession, and removed the cause of the jealousy of Agrippa. Towards the end of the same year Marcellus was attacked by malaria at Bayai, and the skill which cured his father-in-law did not avail for him. He was buried in the great mausoleum which Augustus had erected some years before in the campus Marcius as a resting place for his family. The name of Marcellus was preserved in a splendid theatre which his uncle dedicated to his memory, but the lines in Virgil's Aeneid proved a more lasting monument. The story is told that Octavia fainted when she heard them recited, and that the poet received ten thousand cisterces about eighty pounds for each line. Augustus had now to form another plan, and it might be thought that the influence of Livia would have fixed his choice on one of her sons. But his hopes were bound up in Julia, and he now selected Agrippa as husband for the widow of Marcellus. The fact that Agrippa was married to her sister-in-law, Marcellus, and had children by this marriage, was no obstacle in the eyes of the man who had so lightly divorced Scribonia. Agrippa had put away his first drive Pomponia to marry the niece of Augustus, and he was not likely to grumble now at having to sacrifice the niece for the sake of the daughter. Augustus set forth in twenty-two B.C. to visit the eastern provinces. He stayed during the winter in Sicily, and while he was there a sedition broke out in Rome owing to a struggle between Quintus Lepidus and Marcus Silarnus in their candidature for consulship. This incident seems to have determined Augustus to carry out his project of uniting Agrippa and Julia without delay. He recalled Agrippa from the east, caused the marriage to be celebrated, and consigned to him the administration of Rome and the west during his own absence in the east, early in twenty-one B.C. It is said that Mycena advised his master that Agrippa had risen too high if he did not rise still higher, and that there were only two safe alternatives, his marriage with Julia, or his death. In October nineteen B.C., Augustus returned to Rome, and in the following year received a new grant of the consular imperium for five years. At the same time he caused the tribunition power to be conferred for five years on Agrippa, who was thus raised a step nearer the prinkeps. The marriage of Julia and Agrippa was fruitful. Two sons and two daughters were born in the lifetime of Agrippa, and another son after his death. In seventeen B.C., Augustus adopted Gaius and Lucius, his grandsons, into the family of Caesar, and it seems clear that he regarded Gaius and Lucius Caesar as his successors, and their father Agrippa as no more than their guardian. But if so it was necessary to strengthen the guardian's hands, and when Agrippa's tribunition power lapsed it was renewed for another five years. But Augustus was destined to survive his second son-in-law as he had survived his first. Agrippa died in Campania, in twelve B.C. at the age of fifty-one, and was laid like Marcellus in the mausoleum of Augustus. The emperor's sister Octavia died in the following year. The death of the consort did not interfere with the plan for the succession, but he was a great loss to Augustus, whose weak health rendered him unequal to bearing the burden of the empire alone. The tender age of Gaius and Lucius Caesar required a protector in case anything should happen to their grandfather before they had reached man's estate. Augustus accordingly united his elder stepson Tiberius with Julia, eleven B.C., and thus constituted him the natural protector of the two young Caesars. For this purpose Tiberius was obliged, much against his will, to divorce his wife, Vipsania Agrippina, by whom he had a son named Drusus. This Agrippina was the daughter of Agrippa by his first wife, Pomponia, daughter of Pomponia's Atticus, the friend of Cicero. Thus Tiberius put away Agrippa's daughter in order to marry his widow. No statesman perhaps has ever gone further than Augustus in carrying out a cold-blooded method of uniting and divorcing for the sake of dynastic calculations. His younger stepson Drusus had been likewise drawn closer to the imperial family by a marriage with Antonia, daughter of Octavia, and niece of the emperor. Tiberius and Drusus had already performed important public services, and gained great military distinction by the subjugation of Raitia and Vindelikia, fifteen B.C. In twelve B.C. in the following years they had again opportunity for displaying their unusual abilities, Tiberius in reducing rebellious tribes in Pannonia, and Drusus in warfare with the Germans beyond the Rhine. The death of Drusus in nine B.C. was a great blow to Augustus, who had really paternal feelings for him, but never cared for Tiberius. But he could hardly have found a more capable helper in the administration than his elder stepson. Tiberius was grave and reserved in manner, cautious and discreet from his earliest years, indisposed to conciliate friendship, and compelled to disemble by the circumstances in which he was placed. But he was an excellent man of business, and as a general he was trusted by the soldiers, and always led them to victory. He became consul in thirteen B.C. at the age of twenty-nine. Augustus raised him to the same position to which he had raised a gripper. He granted him the proconsular imperium first, about nine B.C., and three years later the tribunition power. In this policy he was doubtless influenced not only by the merits of Tiberius, but by the influence of Livia, to whom he granted the Yus trium liberorum in nine B.C. On receiving the tribunition power, Tiberius was charged with the special commission to the east, to suppress a revolt which had broken out in Armenia. He had doubtless hope that his stepfather would adopt him, but he saw that he was destined by Augustus to be the guardian of the future emperors, rather than a future emperor himself, that he was consort indeed of the prinkeps, but was not intended to be the successor. He was too proud to relish this postponement to his step-children, and instead of undertaking the commission, he retired into exile at Rhodes. In the following year Gaia Caesar assumed a toga will lease. He also became a consul designate. Four years later he received the proconsular imperium, and the special commission to Armenia. One A.D. was the year of his consulship. The succession now seemed safe. Lucius Caesar had assumed the gown of manhood in II B.C., so that the Julian dynasty had two pillars. The Roman knights had proclaimed Gaia and Lucius, Principes uentutis, an honour which seemed to mark them out as destined to become Principes in a higher sense. From this time forward the title of Principes uentutis came to be formally equivalent to a designation of a successor to the principate who was still too young to enter the senate. But fortune was adverse to the plans of Augustus. Lucius died at Mycilia in II A.D., and two years later Gaiaus received a wound at the siege of Atagira, and died in Lycia for A.D. Thus the hopes which Augustus had cherished during the past twenty years fell to the ground. But the death of his grandchildren was not the only misfortune which befell Augustus. The depravity of his daughter wasn't even more grievous blow. The licentious excesses of Julia were the talk of the city, and were known to all before they reached the ears of her father. She had long been unfaithful to her husband Tiberius, and his retirement to Rhodes, though mainly a manifestation of antagonism between the stepson and the grandsons of the emperor, may have been partly due to his estrangement from her. But at length her profligacy became so open that it could no longer be hidden from the emperor. She's even said to have traversed the streets by night in riotous company, and her orgies were performed in the forum or on the roster. In short, to quote the words of a contemporary, in lust and luxury she omitted no deed of shame that a woman could do or suffer, and she measured the greatness of her fortune by the license it afforded for sin. The wrath of Augustus, when he learned the conduct of his daughter, knew no bounds. He formally communicated to the senate an account of her acts. He banished her to the barren island of Pandeteria off the coast of Campania, to B.C., with her mother Scribonia voluntarily attended her, and no intercession on the part of the people induced him to forgive her. Her lovers, Claudii, Scipione, Sampronia, and Quinti, were exiled. But one of them, Julius Antonius, son of Marcus Antonius and Fulvia, whom Augustus had spared after actium and always treated with kindness, was put to death, on the charge that he had corrupted the daughter in order to conspire against the father. Rumour said that Livia, scheming in the interests of herself and Tiberius, had a hand in bringing about the misfortunes which fell upon the family of Augustus, but there is no evidence whatever that such was the case. The other children of Julia and Agrippa could not replace Gaius and Lucius. Agrippa, posthumous, showed such a bad and froward disposition that Augustus could build few hopes on him. The younger Julia proved a profligate like her mother. There remained Agrippina, who had married within the imperial family, and did not disgrace it. Drusus, the brother of Tiberius, had wedded the younger Antonia, daughter of Octavia and Marcus Antonius. Of this marriage Germanicus was born, and Augustus selected him as a husband for Agrippina. The Emperor thus united his grand-nephew with his granddaughter, as he had before united his nephew with his daughter. In deciding the question of the succession Augustus was obliged to have recourse to Tiberius, yet not so as to exclude Germanicus or even to deprive the younger Agrippa of all hopes. After the banishment of Julia, Tiberius had wished, but had not been permitted, to return to Rome. He is said to have spent his time at Rhodes in the study of astrology. In II AD he was at length permitted to leave his place of exile, and during the two following years he lived at Rome in retirement, until, in consequence of the death of Gaius, he was called upon to take part again in public life. On June the 27th IV AD Augustus adopted both Tiberius and Agrippa Postumus, and caused the tribunation power to be conferred for ten years on Tiberius, who was sent forthwith to conduct a campaign in Germany. At the same time Tiberius was required to adopt his nephew Germanicus. As for Agrippa he soon ceased to be a possible rival. His conduct was such that Augustus was obliged to banish him to the island of Planassia. Thus, after the frustration of many plans, Augustus was in the end compelled to recognise as his son and heir the aspirant whom he liked least, but who was perhaps fitter than any of the others to wield the power. When he adopted Tiberius he expressed his feelings in the words, Hoc Republichai Causa Facchio, I do this for the sake of the Republic. Nine years later, 13 AD, Tiberius was raised higher than any previous consort. It was enacted by a special law, Lex, introduced by the consuls, that he should have proconsular power in all the provinces and of all the armies, coordinate with the proconsular power of his father, and that he should hold a census in conjunction with Augustus. It is significant that the proconsular power was conferred by a law. In all previous cases Augustus had bestowed it by virtue of his own proconsular imperium, but now the power of Tiberius in the provinces is no longer secondary, but is co-ordinate with and limits that of Augustus himself, and does not expire with the death of Augustus. It is therefore conferred by a Lex. At the same time Tiberius received a renewal of the Trebinician power no longer for a limited period, but for life, and the senate selected him to hold the foremost place in the senatorial committee which, at the request of Augustus, had been appointed to represent the whole senate. CHAPTER V. SECTION I. RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL REFORMS OF AUGUSTUS Augustus sought to secure his government by conciliating the higher classes and keeping the populace amused. In these aims he may be said to have succeeded. His government on the whole was popular, and people were content. His policy, constantly guided by Masonus, was liberal and humane, and that minister found means to secure the safety of his master without the help of informers or spies. The Romans regarded Masonus as an ideal minister, and by his death in 8 BC the emperor lost a counselor whose tact and insight could not easily be replaced. He is reported to have cried that if either a gripper or Masonus had lived the domestic troubles which darkened the later years of his life would never have befallen him. It was harder to conciliate the aristocracy than to satisfy the lower classes, and notwithstanding his personal popularity, notwithstanding the promptness of the senate to fall in with his wishes and accept his guidance, Augustus could not fail to perceive a feeling of regret for the republic prevailing among the higher classes, and he probably felt that if his own personal influence were removed by death, the survival of the principate would be very uncertain. He could not mistake obsequiousness or even personal friendship to himself for cheerful acquiescence in the new system. His safety was occasionally threatened by conspiracies of which we have very little information, but they do not seem to have been really serious. We need only mention that of Fanias Sapio, 23 BC, and that of C. N. Cornelius Sina, 4 AD. Sapio's conspiracy is remarkable from the fact that a Torentius Varro Marina, who was colleague of the emperor in the consulate, was concerned in it. Marina was the brother of Procellaeus, an intimate friend of Augustus, and of Torentia, wife of Macinus, and reputed to be the emperor's mistress. Augustus took the matter very seriously, but it seems that the people were not convinced of Marina's guilt. Both Marina and Sapio were executed. In the other case, Sina and his associates were pardoned by the advice of Livia, who perhaps had learned a lesson from the clement policy of Macinus. It was a great triumph for Augustus when, in the year of Marina's conspiracy, the same year in which he was himself dangerously ill, and in which he gave them principate its final shape, he won over two of the most distinguished men of republican sentiments, C. N. Calpurnius Piso, and L. Cestius Carinius, and induced them after his own abdication of the consulate in June to fill that magistracy for the rest of the year. But there were still a certain number of irreconcilables ready, if a favorable opportunity offered, to attempt to restore the republic. The solid foundations of the general contentment which marked the Augustan period were the effects of a long peace, the restoration of credit, the revival of industry and commerce, the expenditure of the public money for the public use, the promotion of public comfort and the security of public safety. In describing the details of the home administration, it is fitting to begin with the cares which Augustus bestowed on the revival of religion and the maintenance of the worship of the gods. The priestly duties of maintaining religious worship in the temples of the gods devolved properly upon the patrician families of Rome. These families had been reduced in number and impoverished in the course of the civil wars. An irreligious spirit had crept in, and the shrines of the gods had fallen into decay. Horus, who saw the religious revival of Augustus, ascribes the disasters of the civil wars to the prevailing impiety. Delicta maggiorum emeritus luis romane donic templa refaceris. We have already seen that after the conquest of Egypt, Augustus caused a law to be passed, the Lexenia, for raising some plebeian families to the patrician rank. His care for the dignity and maintenance of the patriciate was closely connected with his concern for the restoration of the national worship. He set the example of renewing the old houses of the gods and building new ones. Apollo, whose shrine stood near Actium, was loved by Augustus above all other deities, and the emperor was pleased if his courtiers hinted that he was directly inspired by the God of Light, or if they lowered their eyes in his presence as if dazzled by some divine effulgence from his face. To this God he erected a splendid temple on the Palatine. The worship of the Lares engaged his particular attention, and he built numerous shrines for them in the various districts of Rome. Many religious games and popular feasts were also revived. The state religion, as reformed by Augustus, was connected in the closest way with the principate and intended to be one of its bulwarks. Divus Julius had been added to the number of the gods. The Arval brothers sacrificed for the welfare of the emperor and his family. The College of the Quindessem Viri and Septim Viri offered prayers for him, and there were added to the calendar new feasts whose motifs depended on the new constitution. Moreover the princeps was Pontifex Maximus and belonged to the other religious colleges in which members of his house were also usually enrolled. It has been remarked that the vitality of the old religion is clearly illustrated by the creation of new deities like Anona, the goddess who presided over the corn supply on which Imperial Rome depended. The restoration of the worship of Juno was assigned to the care of Livia as the representative of the matrons of Rome. Not only had the shrines of that goddess been neglected, but the social institution over which she specially presided had gone out of fashion. Along with the growth of luxury and immorality there had grown up a disinclination to marriage. Celebesi was the order of the day, and the number of Roman citizens declined. Measures enforcing or encouraging wedlock had often been taken by censors, but they did not avail to check the evil. Augustus made the attempt to break the stubbornness of his fellow citizens at first by penalties, 18 BC, and afterwards by rewards. A lex de meritandis or de nebus was passed, regulating marriages and divorces, and laying various penalties both on those who did not marry and on those who married had no children. An unmarried man was disqualified from receiving legacies, and the married man who was childless was fined half of every legacy. These unlucky ones were also placed at a disadvantage in competition for public offices. Nearly thirty years later, 9 AD, another law, the lex papia popia, established a system of rewards. The father of three children at Rome was relieved of a certain portion of the public burdens, was not required to perform the duties of a Judex or a guardian, and was given preference in standing for magistracies. These privileges were called the Ius Trium Libororum. The same privileges were granted to fathers of four children in Italy or of five in the provinces. Augustus also, 18 BC, tried to enforce marriage indirectly by laying new penalties on licentiousness. The lex Julia de adultris et de pudicitia made adultery a public offense, whereas before it could only be dealt with as a private run. No part of the policy of Augustus was so unpopular as these laws concerning marriage. They were strenuously resisted by all classes and evaded in every possible way. Yet perhaps they produced some effect. Certainly the population of Roman citizens increased considerably between 28 and 8 BC, and still more strikingly between the latter date and 14 AD. But this increase might be accounted for by the general well-being of the age quite apart from artificial incentives. In the year 17 BC, ten years after the foundation of the Principate, Augustus celebrated Ludi Secularis, which were supposed to be celebrated every hundred or hundred and ten years. It was thus a ceremony which no citizen had ever beheld before, and which none, according to rule, should ever behold again. As a matter of fact, however, many of those who saw the secular games of Augustus were destined to see the same ceremony repeated by one of his successors. Augustus probably intended the feast to have a certain political significance, both as lending a sort of consecration to the religious and social legislation of the preceding year, and as celebrating in an impressive manner the introduction of a new epoch, whose continuance now seemed assured by the adoption of the Emperor's grandsons which took place at the same time. The conduct of the ceremony devolved upon the Quindicemvri, who elected two of their members, Augustus and Agrippa, to preside over the celebration. It lasted three days. The ceremonies consisted of the distribution of lustral torches, brimstone and pitch, and of wheat, barley, and beans, at certain stations in the city. The usual invocations of Deas-Pater and Prosperpin were replaced by those of Apollo and Diana. On the third day a carmen seculare, an ode of thanksgiving, was performed in the atrium of Apollo's Palatine Temple by a choir of youths and maidens of noble birth, both of whose parents were alive. The carmen seculare was written by Horace, and is still preserved. Augustus also endeavored to restrain luxury by sumptuary laws, and to suppress the immorality which prevailed at the public games. He excluded women altogether from the exhibitions of athletic contests, and assigned them a special place apart from the men at the gladiatorial shows. At these public spectacles he separated the classes as well as the sexes. Senators, knights, soldiers, freedmen were all assigned their special places. Precedence was given to married men over bachelors. In connection with the social reforms of Augustus may be mentioned his policy in dealing with a libertini who formed a very large portion of the population of Rome. He endeavored to reduce their numbers in three ways. 1. He facilitated the marriage of freed folk with free folk, except senators, with a view to drawing them into the number of the free population. 2. The institution of the Augustalis was an inducement to freedmen to remain in the Italian towns instead of flocking to the capital. 3. Laws were past limiting the manumission of slaves. The Lex Aelia Sentia, IV AD, decreed that a slave under thirty years of age or of bad character must not be manumitted except by the process of vindicta. Four years later the Lex Sufia Canania ordained that only a certain percentage of the slaves then existing could be set free by testament. THE END OF CHAPTER 5, CHAPTER 5, SECTION 2 and 3 of J.B. Burey's THE STUDENTS ROMAN EMPIRE, PART 1. THE STUDENTS ROMAN EMPIRE, PART 1, BY JOHN BAGNELL BUREY, CHAPTER 5. ADMINISTRATION OF AUGUSTIS IN ROME AND ITALY, THE ORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY, 27 BC TO 14 AD, SECTIONS 2 AND 3. SECTION 2. ADMINISTRATION OF ROME AND ITALY. No part perhaps of the Government of Augustis is more characteristic of his political method and of the general spirit of the Principate than the administration of Rome and Italy. At first he left this department entirely in the hands of the Senate, and he never overtly robbed the Senate of its rights. But he brought it about that a large number of important branches were by degrees transferred from the control of the Senate to that of the Princips. The Senate and consuls repeatedly declared themselves helpless and called upon the Princips to intervene, and so it came about that some offices were definitely taken in hand by him, and in other matters which were still left to the care of the Senate and the Republican magistrates, it became the habit in case of a difficulty to look to the Princips for counsel and guidance. Thus the way in which the encroachments of monarchy were made was by keeping the Republican institutions on trial and convicting them of incompetence. This was one of the secrets of empire which were discovered and deftly manipulated by Augustis. It was chiefly in the later part of his Principate, when he had arranged the affairs of the provinces, that Augustis began to intervene seriously in administration and organization in Italy and Rome. In this connection it is important to observe that while the institution of the empire inaugurated a new epoch of good government and prosperity for the provinces, so that they gradually rose to the same level politically as Italy herself, Augustis was deeply concerned to preserve intact the dignity of Rome as the sovereign city and Italy as the dominant country, and the distinction between Italy and the provinces was not entirely effaced for three centuries. The supply of Rome with corn required a new organization, and the emperor's possession of Egypt enabled him to meet the need. In 22 BC there was a great scarcity in Rome, and the people demanded that the Senate should appoint Augustis dictator and censor for life. Augustis rejected this proposal, but accepted the cura anone, or administration of the corn market, and soon relieved the distress. This was the first department in Rome that he took into his own hands. In 6 AD there was a still more pressing scarcity of food, and some years later the emperor was driven to take measures for the permanent provision of the city with corn. He instituted a prefectus anone of equestrian rank, and receiving his appointment from the emperor. His duty was to superintend the transport of corn from Egypt, and see that the Roman market was kept supplied at a cheap rate. The expenses were defrayed, chiefly at least, by the fiscus, though properly they should have devolved, as before, upon the Arrarium, as Rome was within the sphere of the Senate's administration. The emperor had also to provide for the support of the poor. The number of those who were entitled to profit by the free distribution of corn was finally fixed at two hundred thousand. This included freedmen. Immense sums were also expended by Augustus in public donations to the plebes. Agrippa, whom the emperor, during his absence in the east, twenty-one BC and following years, left in charge of Rome, set zealously to work to reform the water supply. He restored the old and laid down new aqueducts, the chief among them being the aquavirgo, nineteen BC, and he instituted a body of public servants whose duty was to keep the water pipes in repair. The administration of the aqueducts, cura aquarum, seems to have been regularly organized after Agrippa's death in eleven BC. While Augustus adorned Rome with edifices, he had also to guard against their destruction. Conflagrations frequently broke out in the capital, and there were no proper arrangements for quenching them. Finding that the Adelies, to whom he assigned this care, were unequal to performing it, he was compelled, six AD, to organize seven military cohorts of watchmen, vigilis, each cohort composed of one thousand to twelve hundred men, under the command of a prefect of equestrian rank, who was entitled Prefectus vigilum, and was appointed by the emperor. These cohorts consisted chiefly of freedmen. They were quartered in seven stations in the city, so that each cohort did service for two of the fourteen regions into which Rome was divided. Other new charges were also instituted by Augustus for the well-being of Rome. The curatores, operum, pubicorum, chosen from praetorian senators, watched over public ground and public buildings. PREFECTUS URBII Originally Roman consuls had the right of appointing a representative, called Prefectus Urbi, to take their place at Rome when they were obliged to be absent from the city. This right was taken from them by the institution of the praetorship, but immediately after the foundation of the principate, while his position still rested on a combination of the consular with the proconsular power, Augustus during his absence from Rome, twenty-seven to twenty-four BC, revived this old office and appointed a Prefectus Urbi to take his place. Masala Corvinus, a man who was much respected and had rendered great services to the emperor, was appointed to the post, twenty-five BC, but laid it down within six days on the ground that he was unequal to fulfilling its duties, but he seems to have really regarded it as an unconstitutional innovation. During his visit to the east in twenty-one BC and following years Rome was administered by his consort Agrippa and therefore no other representative was required, but during his absence in Gaul in sixteen to thirteen BC, when Agrippa was also absent in the east, Statilius Taurus was left as Prefectus Urbi and performed the duties well. It is to be observed that on this occasion Augustus was not consul and the principate no longer depended on the consular power, so that the appointment of Taurus as Prefectus Urbi was a constitutional novelty, but under Augustus the post was never anything but temporary during the emperor's absence from Italy. It was not until the reign of his successor Tiberius that the Prefectus Urbis became a permanent institution. In Italy as well as in Rome the senate proved itself unequal to discharging the duties of a government, and the emperor was obliged to step in. The Cura Viorum was instituted for the repair of the public roads, twenty BC. A curator was set over each road, for the main roads leading from Rome to the frontiers of Italy these officers were selected from the Praetorian Senators, for the lesser roads from the Knights. Italy, like Rome, was divided into regions, eleven in number, Rome itself making the twelfth. The object of this division is uncertain, but may have been made for purposes of taxation. In any case the regions were not administrative districts, for the independence of the political communities in managing their own affairs was not infringed on by Augustus or any of his successors till the time of Trajan. The Imperial Post, an institution which applied to the whole empire, may be mentioned here. It was a creation of Augustus, who established relays of vehicles at certain stations along the military roads, to convey himself or his messengers without delay, and secure rapid official communication between the capital and the various provinces. The use of these arrangements was strictly limited to Imperial officers and messengers, or those to whom he gave a special passport, called Diploma. The costs of the vehicles and horses and other expenses fell upon the communities in which the stations were established. This requisition led to abuses, and in later times the expenses were defrayed by the Fiscus. It is to be observed that this institution had not assumed under Augustus anything like the proportions which it assumed a century or so later as the Cursus Publicus. The Augustales Freedmen were strictly excluded from holding magistracies and priestly offices, and from sitting in the municipal councils or senates throughout the empire. Caesar the dictator had indeed sometimes relaxed this rule in their favor beyond Italy, but Augustus strictly enforced and excluded libertini from government. Their exclusion was economically a public loss, for one of the chief sources from which the town treasuries were supplied was the contributions levied on new magistrates and priests, whether in the form of direct payments, or of undertaking the exhibition of public games. As the Freedmen could not become magistrates or priests, they were not liable to these burdens, which they would have been glad to undertake. In order to open a field to their ambition and at the same time to make their wealth available for the public service, Augustus created a new institution entitled the Augustales, probably in the early years of his principate. One. This organization was first established in Italy and the Latin provinces of the West. In Africa it was not common, and it is not found at all in the eastern part of the empire. Two. It was not called into being by a law of Augustus, but at his suggestion the several communities decreed an institution which was in every way profitable to them. Three. The institution consisted in the creation every year of six men, Sexviri Augustales, who were nominated by the Decurions, the chief municipal magistrates. Four. These Sexviri were magistrates not priests, but their magistracie was only formal as they had no magisterial functions to perform. Five. But like true magistrates they had public burdens to sustain. They had to make a payment to the public treasury when they entered upon their office, and they had to defray the cost of games. Six. The Sexviri were almost always chosen from the class of the Libertini. This rule held good without exception in southern Italy. Seven. After their year of office the Sexviri Augustales were called Augustales just as consuls after their year of office were called Consulores. Thus the Augustales formed a distinct rank to which it was the ambition of every freedman to belong. Eight. One of the most interesting points about the institution is that it seems to have been partly modeled upon the organization of the Roman knights. The designation of the Sexviri of the Order of the Augustales seems to have been borrowed from the Order of the Equites, and perhaps was introduced about the same time. Moreover the Augustales occupied the same position in Italy and the provinces as the knights occupied at Rome. They were the municipal image of the knights. They represented the capitalists and mercantile classes in contrast with the nobility and landed proprietors. They bore the same relation to the municipal senate as the knights to the Roman senate. Three. Organization of the Army and Fleet. Augustus introduced some radical changes into the Roman military system. In the first place he established a standing army. It was quite logical that the permanent imperator should have a permanent army under his command. The legions distributed throughout those provinces, which required military protection, have now permanent camps. In the second place he organized the auxilia and made them an essential part of the military forces of the empire. Thirdly he separated the fleet from the army, and fourthly he established the Praetorian Guards. Augustus spent great care on the organization of the army, but it is generally admitted that he acted unwisely in reducing the number of legions after the civil wars. This step was chiefly dictated by considerations of economy in order to diminish the public burdens. But the standing army which he maintained, of about 250,000 men, was inadequate for the defense of such a great empire against its foes on the Rhine, the Danube, and the Euphrates, not to speak of lesser dangers in other quarters. At the death of Augustus the legions numbered 25. Each legion consisted of not more than 6,000, not less than 5,000 foot soldiers, and 120 horse soldiers. The foot soldiers were divided into 10 cohorts, and each cohort into six centuries. Each century had a standard, signum, of its own. The horse soldiers were divided into four termae. Only those were admitted to legionary service who were freeborn and belonged to a city community. To the legions were attached auxiliary troops, auxilia, recruited from the provincials who did not belong to urban communities. They were divided into cohorts, and consisted of footmen and horsemen, or both combined. Some foot cohorts were composed of about 500 men, and were divided into six centuries. Such were called quin generae. Others were larger and maintained 1,000 men divided into 10 centuries. These were miliariae. Mixed cohorts of both horse and foot soldiers were termed equitate. The alae consisted only of horse soldiers and also varied in size. The auxiliary troops, when attached to a legion, were under the control of the commander of the legion. But they could also act separately, and some provinces were exclusively by auxilia. The legions were distinguished by numbers and by names. For example, legio ten gemina, twenty-one rapax, or six victrix. Besides these troops there were cohorts of Italian volunteers, of whom we seldom hear, and there were in some provinces bodies of provincial militia. Moreover Augustus had a bodyguard of German soldiers to protect his person, but he disbanded it in 9 AD. With the exception of the legions stationed in Egypt and the auxiliary troops in some small provinces, the military forces of the empire were commanded by senators. This leads us to an important institution of Augustus, the legatus legionis, an officer of senatorial, generally praetorian rank, who commanded both the legion and the auxilia associated with it. The military tribune thus became subordinate to the legatus. He was merely a tribune of the legion, and on an equality with the prefect of an auxiliary cohort, while his position was rather inferior to that of a prefect of an auxiliary squadron. These three posts, tribunatus legionis, prefectura cohortis, prefectura alei, were the three equestrian offices, open to the sons of senators who aspired to a public career. The prefect of the camp, prefectus castrorum, was not of senatorial rank, and was generally taken from the primipili, or first of the first class of centurions. He was subject to the governor of the province in which the camp was situated, but he was not subject to the legatus legionis. He had no power of capital punishment. In Egypt, from which senators were excluded, there was no legatus legionis, and the prefect of the camp took his place. The time of service for a legionary soldier was fixed, five A.D., at twenty years, for an auxiliary at twenty-five. The government was bound to provide for the discharged veterans by giving them farms or sums of money. It became the custom, however, for some soldiers after their regular term to continue in the service of the state in special divisions and with special privileges. These divisions were known as the vexilla veteranorum, and were only employed in battle. The expenses of this military system were very large, and in six A.D., at the time of a rebellion in Dalmatia, Augustus was unable to meet the claims of the soldiers by ordinary means, and was driven to instituting an irrarium militare, with a capital of one hundred seventy million cesterces, about one million three hundred sixty thousand pounds. It was administered by three prefecti, chosen by lot, for three years from the Praetorian senators. The sources of revenue on which the military treasury was to depend were a five percent tax on inheritances, and a one percent impost on auctions. Rome and Italy were exempted from the military command of the Imperator, and the army was distributed in the provinces and on the frontiers. But there were two exceptions, the Praetorian guards, along with the city guards and the watchmen, and the fleet. The institution of a bodyguard, Cohors Praetoria, for the Imperator, had existed under the Republic, and had been further developed under the triumphorate. Augustus organized it anew. After his victory, both his own guards and those of his defeated rival Antonius were at his disposal, and out of these troops he formed a company of nine cohorts, each consisting of one thousand men. Thus the permanent Praetorian guard under the empire stood in the same relation to the Imperator, in which the temporary Cohors Praetoria stood to an Imperator under the Republic. The pay of the Praetorian soldier was fixed at double that of the legionary, his time of service was fixed, five A.D., at sixteen years, and the command was ultimately placed in the hands of two Praetorian Prefects, two B.C., of Equestrian rank. In later times this office became the most important in the state, but even at first a Praetorian Prefect had great influence. The emperor's personal safety depended on his loyalty, and the appointment of two Prefects by Augustus was probably a device for lessening the chances of treachery. Only a small division of the Praetorian troops were permitted to have their station within Rome. The rest were quartered in the neighborhood. The irregularity of a standing military force posted in Italy was to some extent rendered less unwelcome by the rule that only Italians, and Italians, was at first interpreted in its old sense so as to exclude dwellers in Gallia Sissalpina, could enter the service. Besides the Praetorian cohorts, there were three urban cohorts, Cohortes Urbane, stationed at Rome. During the absence of the emperor they were under the command of the Prefect of the city. The Cohortes Vigilum have already been mentioned. Augustus created an imperial fleet which was called, though perhaps not in his own day, the Classis Praetoria. Under the Republic the command of the naval forces had always devolved upon the commander of the legions, and consequently no fleets could be stationed in Italian ports, as Italy was exempt from the Imperium. Hence the Tuscan and Adriatic seas were infested by pirates. The war with Sextus Pompeus had turned the special attention of Augustus to the fleet, and he saw his way to separating the navy from the army. Two fleets were permanently stationed in Italy, one to guard over the eastern waters at Ravenna, and the second to control the southern seas at Messinum. They formed the guard of the emperor, and at first were manned by his slaves. The commanders under the early empire were Prefecti, who were sometimes freedmen. Augustus also stationed a squadron of lesser magnitude at Forum Giulium, but this was removed when the province of Nürburneensis was transferred to the Senate, 22 BC. These fleets were composed of the regular ships of war with three benches of ores, Tremes, and of the lighter Libernian Beremes. But the heavier and larger kind afterwards fell into disuse, and Liberna came to be the general word for a warship. Chapter 6, Section 1 of J. B. Buries, The Students' Roman Empire, Part 1. This is a LibriVox recording, or LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org Recording by J. B. Buries. The Students' Roman Empire, Part 1. By John Bagnell Burie. Chapter 6, Provincial Administration under Augustus, The Western Provinces, 27 BC, to 14 AD. Section 1, General Organization of the Provinces. When Augustus founded the empire, the dominion of Rome stretched from the Atlantic to the Euphrates, from the German Ocean to the borders of Ethiopia. The lands which made up this empire had by no means the same political status. Rome, the mother and mistress of the empire, stood by herself. She was a centre to which all the rest looked up. Next to her, sharing in many respects a privileged position was Italy. Outside this inner circle came the directly subject lands and communities, which were strictly under this way, in Diccione, of the Roman people. Outside these again came the lands and communities, which, while really under the sovereignty of Rome, preserved their independence and were not called subjects, but federate states and allies. And in each of these circles there were various kinds and subdivisions, according to the mode of their administration, or the limits imposed on their self-government. Thus the subjects of the Roman Empire were almost as heterogeneous in their political relations to their mistress as in race and language. It is to be observed that by Roman Empire, we mean more than a Roman's strict speech meant by Imperium Romanum. We mean not only the provinces, but the independent allied states and client kingdoms, in which the people were not the subject of the Roman people and the land was not the property of the Roman state. These federate and associated states were regarded legally as outside the Roman Fines, although the Foidis or Allians, really meant that they were under the sovereignty of Rome and the continuation of their autonomy depended solely on her will. There was no proper word in Latin to express the geographical circle which included both direct and the indirect subjects. Perhaps the nearest expression was Orbus Terarum, the world, which often seems equivalent to the Empire. For Roman law regarded all territory which was not either Roman or belonging to someone whose ownership Rome recognized as a property of no man, outside the world. The chief mark of distinction between the autonomous and not autonomous communities was that a former text themselves, whereas the letter were text by Rome. In both cases, there were exceptions, but this was the general rule, and the land of the provincial communities which were not autonomous belonged to Rome, whereas the land of the autonomous state was not Roman. Originally, after the conquest of her earliest provinces, Rome had not appropriated the land, but this was a theoretic mistake which he afterwards corrected when C. Grecus organized Asia. Henceforward, all provincial territory was regarded as in the ownership of the Roman people. The Roman people might let the land in you to the former possessors at a fixed rent, and in most cases, this was done. Thus, the principle was that the provincial subjects occupied as tenants the land which they or their ancestors once owned. This rent was called Trebutum, or Stipendium. A. The greater number of provincial communities in the time of Augustus were Gevitatis Stipendiarie. The legal condition of these subjects was that of peregrini di ridici, but they were not called by this name. They were under the control of the governor of the province to which they belonged. B. Throughout the provinces, there was a multitude of cities which possessed full Roman citizenship, and their number was continually increasing. But also, as far as personal rights were concerned, these cities were on a level with the cities of Attilae. They were worse off in two particulars. They were obliged to pay tribute. The reason of this anomaly was a theoretic principle that provincial territory could not be alienated by its owner, the Roman people. The ager pubicus pubili romani, beyond the sea, could not become ager privatus exiure quiritium. In other words, a prevention of Nabo, although a Roman citizen, could not be a greater possessor of land in the Nabanese territory. He could only hold land of the Roman people, and must therefore pay rent for it. In the case, however, of some favoured communities, this principle was departed from as early as the time of Augustus. The privilege took one of two forms, either a grant of immunity from Tribute, or the bestowal of Eus Italicum. The letter form, which was a more common, placed the territory of the community, which receded in the same position as the territory of Italy, and made it capable of curatory ownership. The provincial cities, which possessed Eus Italicum, marked as their position by the external sign of a statue of a naked Salinas, with a wine-skin on his shoulder, which was called Marcius. This custom was imitated from the Marcius, which stood in the Roman Forum, as a symbol of the capital city. Besides being drabutary, the provincial communities of Roman citizens were, like the peregrine communities, subject to the interference of the Roman governor. It is to be observed that these communities were either coloniae or monikipiae. In the course of Italian history, the word monikipium had completely changed its meaning. Originally, it was applied to a community possessing Eus Latinum, and also to the chividas sinisuvragio, and thus it was a term of contrast to desert communities which possessed full Roman citizenship. But when in the course of time the chividas sinisuvragio received political rights, and the Roman states received full Roman citizenship, and thus the monikipium proper disappeared from Italy, the word was still applied to desert communities of Roman citizens, which had originally been Eus Latin, monikipiae, or independent federal states. And it also, of course, continued to be applied to cities outside Italy, which possessed Eus Latinum. It is clear that originally monikipium and colonia were not incompatible ideas, for a colony founded with Eus Latinum was both a monikipium and a colonia. But a certain opposition arose between them, and became stronger when monikipium came to be used in a new sense. Unikipium is only used of communities which existed as independent states before they received Roman citizenship, whether by the deduction of a colony or not. Colonia is generally confined to desert communities, which were settled for the first time as Roman cities, and were never states before. Thus monikipium involves a reference to previous autonomy. C. Besides Roman cities, there are also Latin cities in the provinces. Originally, there were two kinds of Eus Latinum, one better and the other inferior. The old Latin colonies possessed the better kind. The inferior kind was known as Eus of Aruminum, and it alone was extended to provincial communities. When Italy received Roman citizenship after the social war, the better kind of Eus Latinum vanished forever, and the lesser kind only existed outside Italy. The most important privilege, which distinguished the Latin from peregrine communities, was that a member of a Latin city had the prospect of obtaining full Roman citizenship by holding magistracies in his own community. The Latin communities are, of course, autonomous, and are not controlled by the provincial governor. But like Roman communities, they have to pay tribute for their land, which is the property of the Roman people, unless they possess immunity or Eus Italicum, as well as Eus Latinum. D. Outside Roman territory, and formerly independent allies of Rome, there really, her subjects, are the three states, Gividades liberae, whether single republics, like Assens or a league of cities, like Lycia. Constitutionally, they fall into two classes. One, Gividades liberae at Foderatae, or simply Foderatae. Two, Gividades sinifoidere liberae at Immunes. States of the first class were connected with Rome by Efoidus, which guaranteed some perpetual autonomy. In the case of the second class, no such foidus existed, and their autonomy, which was granted by Lex or Sinato's consultum, could at any moment be recalled. Otherwise, the position of the two classes did not differ. The sovereign right of these three states were limited in the following ways by their relation to Rome. They were not permitted to have subject allies standing to themselves in the same relation in which they stood to Rome. They could not declare war on their own account, whereas every declaration of war and every treaty of peace made by Rome was valid for them also, without even a formal expression of consent on their part. Some of the three states, such as Assens, Sparta, Massilia, seem to have been exempted by the treaty from the burden of furnishing military contingents, both under the republic and under the empire. Others, on the other hand, were bound by treaty to perform service of this kind. Thus, Rodes contributed a number of ships every year to his Roman fleet. It is probable that the communities which were established as Fedward, or Latin state under the Prinky Party, were subject to conscription. Theoretically, all the autonomous states should have been exempt from tribute, as the land was not Roman. They were exceptions to his rule, and some free cities, for example Byzantium, paid under the Prinky Party a yele tributum. E. The position of the client kingdoms was in some respects, like that of the three autonomous states, but in other respects different. Both were allied with Rome, but independent of Roman governors. Both the three peoples who managed their own affairs and the kings ruled their kingdoms were Suki of the Roman people, and the land of both was outside the boundaries of Roman territory. But whereas in the case of the Givitati's Fodorati, the Roman people entered into a permanent relation with the permanent community, in the case of kingdoms, the relation was only a personal treaty with the king, and came to an end at his death. Thus, when a client king died, Rome might either renew the same relation with his successor, or else without any formal violation of a treaty, convert the kingdom into a province. This last policy was constantly adopted under the Prinky Party, so that by degrees all the chief client principalities disappeared, and the provincial territory increased in corresponding measure. Even under the Republic, the dependent princes paid fixed annual tributes to Rome. F. The treatment of Egypt by Augustus formed a new departure in the organization of the subject land of Rome. It was, as we have seen, united with the Roman Empire by a sort of personal union, like that by which Luxembourg was still recently united with Holland. The sovereign of the Roman state was also sovereign of Egypt. He did not indeed designate himself as king of Egypt any more than as king of Rome, but practically he was a successor of the Ptolemies. This principle was applied to dependent kingdoms which were afterwards annexed to the empire, such as Noricum and Judea. Such provinces were governed by knights, instead of senators, as in the provinces proper, and these knights, who were entitled prefects or procurators, represented the emperor personally. It is clear that this form of government was not possible until the Republic had become a monarchy, and there was one man to represent the state. G. To make the picture of the many-fold mode in which Rome governed her subjects complete, there must still be mentioned the unimportant class of attributed places. This was a technical name for small peoples of places which counted as knight-estates, nor districts, pagi, and were placed under or attributed to a neighbouring community. Only federal towns or towns possessing either Roman citizenship or used latinum had attributed places. This attribution was especially employed in the Alpine districts, small mountain tribes being placed under the control of cities like Turgesti or Brixia. The inhabitants of the attributed places often possessed used latinum, and as they had no magistrate of the Rome, they were permitted to be candidates for magistracies in the state to which they were attributed. They could thus become Roman citizens. It is to be carefully observed that while the subject of Rome fell into the two general classes of autonomous and not autonomous, the not-autonomous communities possessed municipal self-government. The provinces, like Italy, were organised on the principle of local self-government, and those lands, where the town system was already developed, the Roman conqueror gladly left to the cities their constitutions, and allowed them to manage their local affairs just as of old, only taking care that they should govern themselves on aristocratic principles. Rome even went further and based her administration everywhere on the system of self-governing communities, introducing it in those provinces where it did not already exist, and founding towns on the Italian model. The local authorities in each provincial community had to levy the Texas and deliver them to the proper Roman officers. Representatives of each community mediate in a provincial conchilium. For judicial purposes, districts of communities existed in which the governor of the province dealt out justice. These districts were called conventus. It disappears, that as dipendry communities also enjoyed autonomy, a tolerated autonomy of a more limited kind, than that of the free and the federate communities. The Roman governors did not interfere in the affairs of any community and their provinces, where merely municipal matters not affecting imperial interests were concerned. It also appears that those not anonymous communities which had obtained exemption from tribute practically approximated to the autonomous, whereas of those normally independent states in which tribute was nevertheless levied, approximated to the dependent. Here we touch upon one of the great tenancies which marked the policy of Augustus and the administration of the empire. This was a gradual abolition of that variety which at the end of the republic existed in the relations between Rome and her subjects. There was, one, the great distinction between Italy and the provinces, and there were, two, the various distinctions between the provincial communities themselves. From the time of the first brinqueps onward, we can trace the gradual wiping out of these distinctions until the whole empire becomes uniform. One, the provinces received favors which raised them towards the level of Italy, while Italy's privileges are diminished, and she is depressed towards the level of the provinces. But this change takes place more gradually than, two, the working out of uniformity among the other parts of the empire which can be traced even under Augustus who promoted this end by, a, limiting the autonomy of free and federate states, b, increasing the autonomy of the directly subject states, c, extending Roman citizenship, g, converting client principalities into provincial territory. But perhaps the act of Augustus which most effectually promoted this tenancy was its reorganization of the army which has been described in the foregoing chapter. While Hitherto the legions were recruited from Roman citizens only, and the provinces were exempt from ordinary military service, although they were liable to be called upon in cases of necessity, Augustus made all the subject of the empire, whether Roman citizens or not, whether Italians or provincials, liable to regular military service. The legions were recruited not from Italy only, but from all the cities of the empire, whether Roman, Latin, or Perigrini. And the recruit, as soon as he entered the legion, became a Roman citizen. The auxilia were recruited from those subject communities which were not formed to cities and no Roman citizens belonged to these corps. Such communities now occupied some of the same position as the Italic peoples had formerly occupied in relation to Roman citizens. It will be readily seen that a new organization of the legions, by largely increasing the number of Roman citizens, and by raising the importance of the provinces, tended in the direction of uniformity. It has already been stated that in a provincial administration, as in other matters, a division was made by Augustus between the emperor and the senate. Henceforward there are senatorial provinces and imperial provinces. The provinces which fell to the share of the senate were chiefly those which were peaceable and settled, and were not likely to require the constant presence of military forces. The emperor took charge of those which were likely to be troublesome, and might often demand the intervention of the emperador and his soldiers. Thus, 27 BC, Augustus received as his pro-councillor province, Syria, Gaul, and Hiza, Spain. With Syria was connected the defense of the eastern frontier. Gaul, which as yet was a single province, he had to protect against the Germans beyond the Rhine, and Hispania Quiderior, or Daragonensis, laid on him the conduct of the Cantabrian War. To the senate were left Sicily, Africa, Crete, and Sarene, Asia, Bithynia, Illyricum, Macedonia, Acaya, Sardinia, and further Spain, Baitica. In this division there was an attempt to establish a balance between the dominion of the emperor, who had also Egypt, so not his province, and the senate. With the balance soon wavered in favour of the emperor and the imperial provinces, soon outweighed the senatorial in number as well as importance. When new provinces were added to the empire, they were made imperial. After the division of 27 BC, several changes took place during the reign of Augustus, but before we consider the provinces separately, it is necessary to speak of the general differences between the senatorial and the imperial government. The Roman provinces were at first governed by Preetas, but Sala made a new arrangement by which the governors should be no longer Preetas in office, but men who had been Preetas, and the title of Preetas. This change introduced a new principle into the provincial government. Henceforward, the governors are pro-consuls and Preetas. Under the empire of those governors who are not subordinate to a magistrate with higher authority than their own, are pro-consuls. Those who have a higher magistrate above them are Preetas. The governors of the senatorial provinces were all pro-consuls, as they were, under the control of no superior magistrate, whereas the governors of the imperial provinces were under the pro-consul authority of the emperor, and were therefore only Preetas. The distinction between governors pro-consuli and governors pro-pridore must not be confused with the distinction between consular, Preetorian provinces. A proprietor might be either of Preetorian or of consular rank, and a pro-consul might be either of consular or of Preetorian rank. In the case of the senatorial provinces, a definite line was drawn between consular and Preetorian provinces. It was finally arranged that only consulors were appointed to Asia and Africa, only Preetorians, to his arrest. In the imperial provinces, the line does not seem to have been so strict, as rules of Preetorian governor commanded only one legion, the consular more than one. The pro-consuls, or governors of the provinces which the senate administered, were elected, as of old, by lot, and only held office for a year. They were assisted in their duties by legati and queesters, who possessed an independent pro-Preetorian imperium. The pro-consul of consular rank, attended by twelve lictors, had three legati appointed by himself, and one queester at his side, he of Preetorian rank, attended by six lictors, had one legatus, and one queester. The governors of the imperial provinces were entitled legati augusti propradori. They were appointed by the emperor, and their constitutional position was of that emperor delegated to them his imperium, but only consulors or Preetorians, and therefore only senators, could be appointed. Their term of governorship was not necessarily limited to a year, like that of pro-consuls, but depended on the will of the emperor. The financial affairs of the imperial provinces were managed by procuratoris, generally of equestrian rank, but sometimes freed men. They were also for jurisdiction legati augusti juridiki of senatorial rank, but it is not certain whether they were instituted under Augustus. But while the senate had no part empty administration of the imperial provinces, except in so far as the governors were chosen from among senators, the emperor had powers of interfering in the affairs of the senatorial provinces by virtue of the imperium mayus, which he possessed over other pro-consuls. Moreover, he could levy troops in the provinces of the senate, and exercise control over taxation. Thus, the supply of corn from Africa, a senatorial province, went to his emperor, not to the senate. In both kinds of provinces alike, the governors combined supreme civil and military authority, but the pro-consuls had rarely, except in the case of Africa, military forces of any importance at their disposition. Thus there were two sets of provincial governors, those who represented the senate, and those who represented the emperor. It might be thought at first sight that the senatorial governors would be jellers of the imperial, who had legions under them and the longer tenure of office. But this danger was obviated by the important circumstance, that the legality were chosen from the same clars as the pro-consuls, and thus the same man who was one year pro-consul of Asia, might the next year be appointed as legators of Syria. In reviewing the provinces of the Roman Empire, we may begin with the western and proceed eastward, with the exception of Africa and Sardinia, there were no subject lands which Augustus did not visit as Caesar, if not as Augustus. In 27 B.C. he went to Gaul, and thence to Spain, where he remained until 24 B.C., conducting the Cantabrian War. Two years later he visited Sicily, once he proceeded to the east, Samus, Asia, and Bessinia, settled the parts in question, and returned to Rome in 19 B.C. In 16 B.C. he made a second visit to Gaul, in the company of Tiberias, and stayed in the Gallic provinces for three years. In 10 B.C. he visited Gaul again, and in 8 B.C. for the fourth time. Henceforward he did not leave Italy but deputed the work of provincial organization to those whom he marked out to be his successors. End of Chapter 6, Section 1. Chapter 6, sections 2 through 4 of J.B. Bury's The Student's Roman Empire, Part 1. This is a LibriBox recording. All LibriBox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriBox.org. The Student's Roman Empire, Part 1, by John B.B. Bury. Chapter 6, Provincial Administration under Augustus, the Western provinces, 27 B.C. to 14 A.D., sections 2 through 4. Section 2, Gaul. Augustus divided Gaglia into four provinces, Narbonensis, Aquitania, Lugudinensis, and Belgica. In 22 B.C. he assigned Narbonensis to the Senate, while the others remained under Imperial Legati. Narbonensis had become a Roman province in 121 B.C. United with the rest of Gaul after the conquests of Julius Caesar, it was now restored to its separate being. Through the Civil Wars it became far more than the territory of Narbo. For the Federate Greek State of Massilia, which possessed most of the coastline, was reduced to the condition of a provincial town, and thereby Narbonensis extended from the Pyrenees to the Maritime Alps. The elder Caesar did much towards Romanizing this province. To him Narbo owed its strength and prosperity, and he founded new cities possessing Roman citizenship, chief among them Aralate, which as a commercial town soon took the place of her older Greek neighbor. The canton system of the Celts was gradually superseded in Narbonensis by the Italian system of city communities, and this development was zealously furthered by Augustus. In one interesting case we can see the process. The canton of the Volcae is first organized on the Italian principal under Praetors, Praetor Volicarum. The next step is that the canton of the Volcae is replaced by the Latin city Namausis, which is now Nîmes. The disappearance of the canton system distinguishes the southern province from the rest of Gaul, and is part of its conspicuously Roman character. This different degree of Romanization had probably a good deal to do with the marked differences between the lands of the Longue doc and those of the Lengue d'Huit. Yet the Celts of Narbonensis did not forget their national gods. The religion of the country survived long in the south as well as in the north. Trace Gaulier. The three imperial provinces were often grouped together as the three Gauls. This threefold division corresponded in general outline to the ethnical division, which Caesar marks at the beginning of his Gallic War. But it does not correspond wholly. The province of the southwest contains Iberian Aquitania, but with a Celtic addition. The Celtic land between the Lyser and the Garumna is taken from Celtica and annexed to Aquitania. The province Lugudinensis answers to Caesar's Celtica, but it no longer includes all the Celts. It has lost some on the south side to Aquitania and others on the north to the third division, Belgica. Thus Belgica is no longer entirely Teutonic, but partly Teutonic and partly Celtic. These three districts seem at first to have been placed under the single control of a military governor, who commanded the legions stationed on the Rhine and had a legatus in each province. Drusus held this position from 13 to 9 BC, and Tiberius succeeded him 9 to 7 BC. Again, from 13 to 17 AD, we find Germanicus holding the same position. It is possible that in the intervening years, this military control was suspended, and that the Lugadi of the three provinces were independent of any superior but the emperor, as they certainly were after 17 AD. In imperial Gaul, the Roman government allowed the Cantons to remain and ordered their administration accordingly. The city system was not introduced in these provinces as in Narbonensis, and the progress of Romanization was much slower. There was a strong national spirit, the religion of the Druids was firmly rooted, and it was long felt by Roman rulers that the presence of armies on the Rhine was as needful to prevent a rebellion in Gaul as to ward off a German invasion. But no serious attempt was made by the Celts to throw off the yoke of their Roman lords. An Iberian rebellion in Aquitania was easily suppressed by Masala Corvinus about 27 BC, and perhaps belongs as much to the history of Spain as to that of Gaul. The Iberians north of the Pyrenees were probably in communication with their brethren of the south. The success of Masala was rewarded by a triumph. The four visits of Augustus to Gaul, which have been mentioned above, and that of Agrippa in 19 BC, show how much the thoughts of the Emperor were filled with the task of organizing the country which his father had conquered and had not time to shape. On the occasion of his first visit he held a census of Gaul, the first Roman census ever held there, in order to regulate the taxes. It is remarkable that the policy adopted by Rome was not to obliterate but to preserve a national spirit. Not only was the Canton organization preserved, but all the cantons of the three provinces were yoked together by a national constitution, quite distinct from the imperial administration, though under imperial patronage. It was in the consulship of M. Masala Barbitus and P. Corinius, 12 BC, on the first day of August, that Drusus dedicated an altar to Rome and the genius of Augustus beneath the hill of Lagudanum, where the priest of the three Gauls should hence-forward sacrifice yearly on the same day to those deities. The priest was to be elected annually by those whom the cantons of the three provinces chose to represent them in a national concilium held at Lagudanum. Among the rites of this assembly were that of determining the distribution of the taxes and that of lodging complaints against the acts of imperial officials. The city which was thus chosen to be the meeting place of the Gallic peoples under Roman auspices, Lagudanum, stood above and apart from the other communities of imperial Gaul. She gave her name to one of the three provinces, and the governor of Lagudanensis dwelt within her walls, but she was far more than a provincial residence, singular by her privileged position as the one city in the three Gauls which enjoyed the rites of Roman citizenship, she may be regarded as the capital of all three, yet not belonging to any. Her exalted position resembles that of Rome in Italy, rather than that of Alexandria in Egypt. It has also been compared with that of Washington in the United States. She and Carthage were the only cities in the western subject lands, in which, as in Rome itself, a garrison was stationed. She had the right of coining imperial gold, and we cannot assert this of any other western city. Her position, rising at the meeting of the Rome from the east, and the Arar sound from the north, was advantageous from the point of view either of a merchant or of a soldier. She was the center of the road system of Gaul which was worked out by Agrippa, and whenever an emperor visited his Gallic provinces, Lagudanum was naturally his headquarters. The difference in development between the three Gauls and Narbonensis, the land of cantons and the land of cities, is well illustrated by the town names of France. In Narbonensis the local names superseded forever the tribal names, Aralate, Vienna, Volentia, survive in Arles, Vienne, Volens. But in imperial Gaul, the rule is that the local names fell into disuse, and the towns are called at the present day by the names of the old Gallic tribes. Lutetia, the city of the Parasai, is Paris. Durocatorum, the city of the Remy, is Rheims. A Veracum, the city of the Bittouragé, is Bourgé. The conqueror of Gaul had shown the way to the conquest of Britain, but this work was reserved for another than his son. One of the objects of Augustus in visiting Gaul in 27 BC was to feel his way towards an invasion of the Northern Island, but the project was abandoned. The legions of Augustus however, though they did not cross the channel, crossed the Rhine. But the story of the making of the true and original province of Germany beyond the Rhine and its brief duration, and of the forming of the spurious Germanes on the left bank of the river, will be told in another chapter. Section 3, Spain. Spain, the land of the far west in the old world, was safe through its geographical position from the invasion of Afoe. Almost enclosed by the sea, it had no frontier exposed to the menace of a foreign power, and it was the only province in such a situation that required the constant presence of a military force. For though the romanizing of the southern and eastern parts had advanced with wonderful rapidity, the intractable peoples of the northwestern regions refused to accept the yoke of the conqueror, and held out in the mountain fastnesses from which they descended to plunder their southern neighbors. The Cantabrians and the Asturians were the most important of these warlike races, and when Augustus founded the empire, their territories could hardly be considered as yet really under the sway of Rome. Since the death of Caesar, arms had never been laid down in Spain. Commanders were ever winning triumphs there, and ever having to begin anew. Augustus found it needful to keep no less than three legions in the country, one in Cantabria, two in Asturia, and the memory of the Asturian army still abides in the name León, the place where the Legio VII Gemina was stationed. Before Augustus, the province of Hispania Alteria took in the land of the Tagus and the Durias, as well as the region of the Batis. This division was now altered. First of all, Galicia, the northwestern corner, was transferred from the further to the hither province, so that all the fighting in the disturbed districts of the north and northwest might devolve upon the same commander. The next step was the separation of Lucitania and its organization as a distinct imperial province, while the rest of further Spain, Betica, as it came to be called, was placed under the control of the Senate. Another change made by Augustus was the removal of the seat of government in hither Spain from New Carthage to more northern and more central Taraco, whence from this time forth the province was called Teraconensis. Taraco became in this province what Lugudinum was in Gal, the chief seat of the worship of Rome and Augustus, and the meeting place of the provincial concilium. Thus, under the new order of things, Spain consists of three provinces, Betica, Senatorial, Teraconensis and Lucitania, Imperial. This arrangement was probably not completed until the end of the Contabrian War, which lasted with few interruptions from 29 to 25 BC, only, however, to break out again a year or two later. A rebellion of Contabria and Asturia was suppressed by Statilius Taurus in 29 BC, but in 27 BC disturbances were renewed and the emperor himself hastened from Gal to quality insurrection. But a serious illness at Taraco forced him to leave the conduct of the war to his legati, probably under the general direction of Agrippa. A fleet on the north coast supported the operations by land, and by degrees the fastnesses of the Contabrians fell into the hands of the Romans. At the same time P. Carcisius subdued the Asturians. It was a more difficult task to secure a lasting pacification. Augustus endeavored to induce the mountain peoples to settle in the plains, wherein the neighborhood of Roman colonies they might be tamed and civilized. Such centers of Roman life in the northwest were Augusta Asturica, Bracara Augusta, Lucas Agusti, memorials of the Spanish visit of Augustus, and still surviving under their old names as Astorga, Braga and Lugo. The chief inland town of eastern Terracanensis was the work of the same statesman, Saragosa on the Ebro still preserves the name of the colony of Caesar Augustus. But the emperor had not left Spain long, 24 BC, when new disturbances broke out. They were promptly put down, but in 22 BC another rebellion of the Contabrians and Asturians called for the joint action of the governors of Terracanensis and Lusitania. The last war, and perhaps the most serious of all, was waged two years later, and demanded the leadership of Marcus Agrippa himself, 20-19 BC. The difficulty was at first aggravated by the mutiny of the soldiers, who detested the weary and doubtful warfare in the mountains. And it required all the military experience of the general to restore their discipline and zeal. After many losses, the war was successfully ended, 19 BC, and the hitherto untameable Contabrian people reduced to insignificance. A few disturbances occurred four years later, but were easily dealt with. Yet it was still felt to be needful to keep a strong military force in northern Spain. Roman civilization had soon taken a firm hold in the south of Spain. The contrast of Nero Bonensis with the rest of Gaul is like the contrast of Betica and the eastern side of the Hither Province with the rest of Spain. But Roman policy was very different in the two countries, and this was due to the circumstance that Spain was conquered and organized at an earlier period. The Latinizing of Spain had been carried far under the Republic. The Latinizing of Gaul had practically begun under the Empire. In Gaul, the tribal cannons were allowed to remain. This was the policy of the Caesar's father and son. In Spain, the tribal cantons were broken up in smaller divisions. This was the policy of the Republican Senate. In Gaul, excluding the southern province, there were no Roman cities except Lugudanum. In Spain, Roman colonies were laid here and there in all parts. The Gallic Fellows of Betic Gades, Corduba and Hispalas, of Lusitanian Emerita and Olispo, of Terracanese Carthage, Cesar Augusta and Bracara, must be sought altogether under the early empire in the smallest of the four provinces of Gaul. In Lusitania, Augustus founded Emerita Augusta, a colony of veterans on the river Anas, Guadiana, and made it the capital of the province. The other chief Roman towns of Lusitania were Olispo, once promoted to be the capital, Lisbon, of a modern kingdom, and Pax Julia, now represented by Beja. Spain was not a network of the Roman roads like Gaul. The only imperial road was the Via Augusta, which went from the north of Italy along the coast to Narbo, then across the pass of Cuiserta to Ilerda, and on by Taraco and Valentia to the mouth of the Betis. The other road, communication necessary in a fertile and prosperous country, was provided by the local communities. The Spanish peninsula was rich not only in metals, but in wine, oil, and corn. Gades, Cadiz, which now received the name of Augusta Julia, was one of the richest and most luxurious towns in the empire. Section 4 Africa, Sardinia, Sicily From Spain one naturally goes on to Africa. Augustus never visited either the African province or the African dependency, but before he left Taraco, 25 BC, he was called upon to deal with African affairs. In history, Spain and Africa have always been closely connected. Sometimes Spain has been the stepping stone to Africa, oftener as for the Phoenicians and the Arabs, Africa has been the stepping stone to Spain. The western half of Mauritania was really nearer to the European peninsula, which faced it, than to the rest of the African coast, and under the later empire this region went with Spain and Gal, not with Africa and Italy. There was no road between Tengas in western and Caesarea in eastern Mauritania. The communication was by sea, and so it was that the Moorish hordes, crossing to Betica in their boats, were more dangerous to Roman subjects in Spain than to those in Africa. A poet of Nero's time describes Betica as trusibus obnoxia maris. For though Spain, as has been already said, had no frontier exposed to a foreign power, her southern province had as close neighbor a land which, first as a dependency and then as a province, was inhabited by a rude and untamed population. The commands which Augustus issued from the capital of his Spanish province, especially regarded Mauritania, but we must call to mind what had taken place in Africa since the dictator Caesar ordered it anew. He had increased the Roman province by the addition of the kingdom of Numidia, and the river Amsaga was fixed as the western boundary between New Africa, as Numidia was sometimes called, and Mauritania. This latter country was at that time under two kings. Over the eastern realm of Eol, soon to be called by Caesar's name, ruled King Bacchus. Over the western realm of Tengas, ruled King Bogud. Both these potentates had taken Caesar's side in the first civil war, unlike King Juba, and they therefore kept their kingdoms after Caesar's victory. But in the next civil war, they did not both take the same side. Bacchus held to Caesar the son, as he had held to Caesar the father, but Bogud supported Antonius, while his own capital, Tengas, Tangier, embraced the other cause. In reward, Bacchus was promoted to kingship over the whole of Mauritania, and Tengas received the privilege of Roman citizenship. When Bacchus died, 33 BC, his kingdom was left kingless for a season, but the Roman government did not think that the time had yet come for a province of Mauritania. A son of the last king of Numidia, called Juba, like his father, had followed the dictator's triumph through the streets of Rome, and had been brought up under the care of Caesar and his successor. He served in the Roman army. He was an eager student of Greek and Roman literature, and wrote or compiled Greek books himself, on him Augustus fixed to take the place of King Bacchus. If it was out of the question to restore him to his paternal kingdom of Numidia, he should at least have the next thing to it, the kingdom of Mauritania. And as the descendant of King Massenissa, he would be welcomed to the natives. At the same time, 25 BC, Augustus gave Mauritania a queen. The daughter of Antonius and the Egyptian queen had followed his own triumph, as Juba had followed his father's. Named Cleopatra like her mother, she had been protected and educated by the noble kindness of Octavia, whom her parents had so deeply wronged. There had been a peculiar fitness, as has been well remarked, in the union of the Numidian prince and the Egyptian princess, whose fortunes were so like. This union brought about the strange circumstance that the last king of Mauritania, Juba's son, bore the name of Ptolemy. Thus Roman dominion in Africa, west of Egypt, consisted under Augustus of a province and a dependent kingdom, the river Emsaga, on which Sirta is built, forming the boundary. The southern boundaries of this dominion it would have been hard, perhaps, for Augustus himself to fix, in as much as there were no neighboring states. The real dominion passed insensibly into a sphere of influence among the native races, who were alternatively submissive and hostile, or as the Romans would have said, rebellious. Against these dangerous neighbors of the interior, Garamantes and invincible Gaetulians, trans-Taganensis and Musulami, it was necessary to keep a legion in Africa, which was thus distinguished as the only senatorial province whose procouncil commanded an army. Two expeditions were made in the reign of Augustus against these enemies, the first under the procouncil El Cornelius Balbus, 19 BC, against the Garamantes, and the second under P. Sopisius Quirinius against the tribes of Marmaraca further east. Barbas performed his task ably and received a triumph, remarkable as the last granted to any private Roman citizen. In the organization of Gaul and Spain, Rome had no older civilization to build upon. It was otherwise in Sicily and Africa. The civilization of Sicily, when it became Roman, was chiefly Greek, but partly Phoenician. That of Africa, on the contrary, was chiefly Phoenician, but partly Greek. Accordingly, Rome built on Phoenician foundations in the lands which she won from Carthage, and accepted the constitution of the Phoenician town communities, just as she accepted the cantons in Gaul. But there was a remarkable likeness and organization between these communities and those of Italy, so that the transition from the one form to the other was soon and easily accomplished. Carthage, whose existence was blotted out by the short-sighted policy of the Republican Senate, had been revived by the generous councils of Caesar to become soon the capital of Roman as it had been of Punic, Africa. At first the Phoenician constitution was restored to her, but she soon received the form of a Roman colonia and grew to be one of the greatest and most luxurious cities of western Europe. Utica, jealous of the resurrection of her old rival, was made a Roman municipium. The growth of Roman life in Africa was also furthered by the settlement of colonies of veterans. In the original province may be mentioned Culpea and Hippodior Hidos, in Numidia, Sirtia, Constantine, and Sica. In Roman civilization, Maritania was far behind her eastern neighbors, but Augustus did much in establishing colonies chiefly on the coast. These Roman towns of Maritania owed no allegiance to the native king, but depended directly on the governor of the neighboring province. Besides the Phoenician towns and the towns on Italian model, whether municipia or colonies, there were also native Libyan communities, but these stood directly under the control of the Roman governors, for sometimes were placed under special Roman prefects. The language of the native Berbers was still spoken chiefly in the regions which the Romans least frequented. It was treated by the conquerors like the Iberian in Spain and the Celtic in Gaul. The language of communication throughout northern Africa was Phoenician, but Rome refused to recognize this Asiatic tongue as an official language, as she had recognized Greek in her eastern provinces. In their local affairs the communities might use Phoenician, but once they entered into imperial relations, Latin was prescribed. It might have been thought that Greek, which was better known in Africa than Latin when the Romans came, would have been adopted there as the imperial language, but the government decreed that Africa, like Sicily, was to belong to the Latin West. It is instructive to observe that, while the name of the Greek Queen of Mauritania appears on coins in Greek, that of her husband, who was regarded as an imperial official, is always in Latin. Africa was fertile in fruit, though her wine could not compete with the produce of Spain in Italy. In corn she was especially rich and shared with Egypt and Sicily the privilege of supplying Rome. The purple industry was still active, chiefly in the little island of Gerba, not destined indeed to become as famous as the island of Tyre. Juba introduced this industry on the western coast of his kingdom. The general well-being of the land has ample witnesses in the remains of splendid structures which have been found there in all parts, such as theaters, baths, and triumphal arches. From Africa we pass to another province in which Rome was the heiress of Carthage. Sardinia had ceased to look to her African ruler in 238 BC and had become, seven years later, a Roman province, the earliest except Sicily. In the division of the provinces in 27 BC, Sardinia and Corsica fell to the senate and Roman people, but the dissents of pirates forced Augustus to take the province into his own hands in 6 AD and commit it to the protection of soldiers. He did not place it, however, under a legatus of senatorial rank, but only under a procurator of equestrian rank. It was destined to pass again to the senate under Nero, but returned to the emperor finally in the reign of Vespasian. These islands, though placed in the midst of civilization, were always barbarous and remote. The rugged nature of Corsica, the pestilential air of its southern fellow, did not invite settlements or visitors. They were more suited to be places of exile and they were used as such. Augustus sent no colonies thither and did not visit them himself. The chief value of Sardinia lay in its large production and export of grain. Very different was the other great island of the Mediterranean, the oldest of all the provinces of Rome, the land whose conquest led to the further conquests of Sardinia and of Africa itself. It was in Sicily that the younger Caesar established his position in the west. His recovery of the land, on which Rome depended for her grain, first set his influence and popularity on a sure foundation. As Augustus, he visited it again, B.C. 22, and although it was a senatorial province, ordered its affairs by virtue of his Mayus Imperium at Syracuse. Perhaps it was in memory of this visit that he gave the name of Syracuse to a Roman his house, which he used as a retreat when he wished to suffer no interruption. Roman policy had decreed that Sicily was to belong to the Latin west, not to the Greek east, with which once she had been so constantly connected. And for centuries to come, embusomed in the center of the empire, she plays no part in history, such as she had played in the past, and was destined to play again in the distant future.