 Rhaid i chi, rwyfaf i'n bwysig. Fy enw i'n Crisina Cullwc. Rhywbeth yng Nghar Teng y Burgyn Genedlai Arddangos yn Nghar Teng. Yn Ysgol Llywodraeth, ac yw'n golygu yng Nghar Teng yw'n... ...fawr o'r eich cyflawn, rwy'n cyffredigau'r bwysig... ...y ddiolch iawn i cyflorau. Yn y ddataeth, cyflorau, y platform sy'n gweithio... ...y'n gynyddu i ddangos i'r cyflorau gyffredig... yn gweithio'r ddataeth o'r gwaith materiol ymdweithio ar y Charting ac mae'r ddaeth gweithio'r ddaeth yn gweithio'r ddataeth o'r gweithio'r ddweithio'r ddweithio. Ond dwi'n rwy'n meddwl, y Charting City region yw y ddweithio yma sy'n golygu'r gwahanol. Felly mae'r cyfnod yma harteng a'r bywysa wneud, ac mae'r bywysa tiesion yng Nghymru yn yw hefyd, fel y byddi'r cyfnod yn weithio, mae'r cyfnod eithaf yn felly y bydd y bydd, ac yn ymlaen i'r bydd hynny er mwyn harteng, beth mae eu hansberg, y Bethaweru, y Corillenei yn y Rhaid i Gweithiau, yn y bydd y ch65, y bydd y bydd hyn sy'n cerddol yn ei, ar y cyfnod o'r bydd y byddi'r whely. A dyna'r unig i'r rhain, y harteig sydd y regen i'r ymddangos i'r rhan o'r ardeigwyd ac yn ei ddweud, ond rydyn ni wedi'u gweld eich bod y rhaid i'r ysgrifennu gweld eich rhaid i'r harteig. Y GCRO mae'r Rhaglenu Fesedd yw Gwneud ym Mhwylwyr yn Ychydig Haneysberg, ond mae'r ffocws yn y harteig sydd y regen i'r ysgrifennu felly rydyn ni wedi'i gwen ifanc ar y llwyddon ynghylch, y Unedig, y Unedig ychydig a'r Gweithgaredd yn Charteng. Rydyn ni'n gweithio'r gweithio ar y llwyddon, ac mae gennym ni'n gweithio'r gweithgaredd yn Charteng. Mae'n ddechrau i gyd yn ddechrau'i gweithio'r gweithgaredd yn y gweithgaredd yng nghylch ar gyfer y gweithgaredd oherwydd mae'n gweithgaredd yn ddechrau'r gweithgaredd yn gweithgaredd yn y gweithgaredd. Ond oherwydd allan o'r ddweud i ddwy i gweithgaredd yn dweud i ddweudio'r gweithgaredd yn ddechrau. I fe ddiweddio, wrth gwrs, yn gweithio allan o ffordd o'r gweithgaredd yn gweithgaredd ar amgylchedd o'r ddweud i ddechrau i gweithgaredd. Ond, ychydig gorfodd ar y gweithgaredd yn ddweudio'r gweithgaredd, ond ond yn ddweudio'r gweithgaredd yn ddweudio'r gweithgaredd. alguns y gwaith sounds that are just accessible to a range of people and not just the academic audience. The little bit of research that we do spans, Wide see the broad range of things from governance to economics to spatial change and social issues. One of the key themes that we do spent quite a bit of time I will focus on our sustainability research and essentially the broader theme of research that we conduct under this theme really is based on the principle that cities can't continue to build in a way that takes no consideration to the fact that we have limited resources a'r cerddwyd ni'n meddylu o'r cysylltu'r mewn cwestiynau ymddangos ar y gwahodau'r yma. Felly, mae'r ddiwrnod o'r ddweud o ddynnu'r ddweud ar y cyflogurau erbyn mewn ddweud o'r cyflogurau a'r cyflogurau, ychydig o phobl ymlawr, yma yw'r ysbryd yma ar y cwestiynau'r cyflogurau, rwy'n meddyl yn gyflawni ddynnu'r cyflogurau a'r cyflogurau ar y cyflogurau than any other area in the country, and what implication does that have on resources, our existing resource-based, but also the resources that we import and then produce outside. So we've got a number of projects that look at different aspects of this, looking at green assets in infrastructure that's linked to the ecological infrastructure type work, dimensions of green economy, metabolic flows in infrastructure transitions, just sustainability transitions, and essentially what each of these projects tries to do is try to build a logic and an argument for government and people within Haughteng to start shifting, not just a particular understanding, but systemic-wide understanding of how do we shift into a more sustainable trajectory. But zooming into our metabolic flows and infrastructure transitions project, the idea behind this project is very clearly tied to the focus of this workshop here, and the aim of this project is to examine the prospects of reducing resource consumption and waste flows through the transformation of infrastructure within Haughteng. The idea was to track the different flows of water, energy, materials, waste, biomass through Haughteng as Paul's been discussing, and everyone has been discussing today. Really the intention of it was to be a way for people in Haughteng to rethink how the city functions, taking a look at what ways, what opportunities there are to shift from our current trajectory into a more sustainable one. So the project was initiated in 2011-2012, and we set out to conduct an economy-wide material flow analysis. We had really big expectations, real big hopes for being able to do this, and we spent a number of years gathering as much data as we could on waste flows, energy, water, food and a number of other types of materials. The data collection was done both by internal GCRO staff as well as commissioned experts within particular fields. Over those few years we were able to gather an incredible amount of data, and I think this really does speak to the luxurious space in some ways that we have spoken about in Cape Town. Haughteng was also able to gather an incredible amount of data. So I'm going to show you a little bit of some of the initial results that we have managed to get. The next few glass, a lot of them linked up. So here the red line, perhaps it should be blue, but the red line relates to water abstraction. So just a little bit of context to Haughteng. We are a very highly populated province, but we do not have a major water source. So we import and pipe water hundreds of kilometres from another country, from Lesotho, all the way to Haughteng, and that is mainly stored in the Val River system, and then we pump that out, and then it gets distributed to Haughteng to everyone, and also I think a little bit beyond the border of the province as well. But essentially what this graph shows you is over time how much water we have drawn from the dam in order to serve the province's needs. And you can see the grey line is GDP. So that's, you can see that the growth in GDP is semi-linked to how much water we abstract and use in the city region, or Haughteng. I think this is strictly for Haughteng, the province. So that's 2001 or 2002, 2011. You can see a small decoupling towards the end. We're also able to take a look at the different energy sources. So this is just focusing on City of Chwane, one of the major metros in Haughteng. For 2004 you can see the various industries and sectors of the economy that use different proportions of energy with industry and construction transport similarly to Cape Town, taking a dominant role in energy. And that's also partly because of the sprawling nature of Chwane and Haughteng itself and how dominant the transport sector is. Housing also takes about 20% and then commercial agriculture minor inquiry. Liquid fuel consumption, again you can see what's really interesting if you take a look at the graph heading up and then takes a really strong dip in 2008, linking straight up with the global financial crisis. And I'm sure there are a number of other factors that I'm not considering there. But again, to an extent linking up with GDP growth. This one is domestic scale sales of cement. And this is a really interesting flow, so the purple again is a cement. You'll notice that we have really good data from 2001 all the way up to 2008. And then it stops quite abruptly and I'll get back to this. But again, really interesting to be able to see how a boom in the building sector is really quite clearly shown by this data. Really clearly identifying how the material that's being translated into those building stocks is quite clear through the cement sales. Now although we had some really great successes in those graphs show at quite a high level that we were able to gather some types of sense. So certainly we didn't manage to get to the point of doing a full flow of different sectors through the province for a number of reasons. But what I'm going to focus in now is a little bit of our reflection on some of the challenges with data that Paul has mentioned up until now. And I'll focus on three different types of data challenges that we had. Firstly, data availability challenges, boundary issues, and then data anomalies. So in terms of data availability I'm going to zoom back to this particular graph here. So in some cases we had really great access to data. In some cases it was a lot harder to find data. Now the reason why I'm going back to this data is the cement data is because up until 2008 there was a really fantastic set of accessible data on cement. It was gathered, collected, stored in an open format that really gave a fantastic rich source of data. In 2008 there was a competition commission finding that this data set was the source of collusion and the data source was shut down. So the different industry players were using this data for collusion purposes so the data stopped. They were not allowed to collect any data. It's not openly accessible anymore. You cannot find this data anywhere. So we have really great data up until 2008 and then nothing at all. We've mentioned and spoken quite a bit about boundary issues. As Paul was saying, any city is going to have boundary issues. In Khautang we have boundary issues on steroids. We have not just one city, we have three of the country's major municipalities on each other's borders. We have municipalities that are really close by, functionally connected to the city region. Economies that are functionally connected but do not fit within the administrative boundaries. Different municipalities collect data in different ways. Different custodians deal with them in very different ways and gathering a full sense of what happens in a functional city region is incredibly, incredibly difficult and that's something that we found increasingly as a challenge when you're trying to look at this city region that wasn't a single city. Then shifting on to some data anomalies. So the graphs up until this point have been showing have been the broad level, Khautang level results or city level results and mostly they look pretty credible. So this one is a new graph. This one is looking at municipal solid waste per year from 2001 to 2011. So that's the blue line. Again the grey line is GDP growth. So here this one is a little bit of an erratic graph but at a broad level looks like it might be feasible. It doesn't look actually fundamentally different to perhaps the graph that we saw that scatterplot earlier today from some of the surge. So I know that very different things but there's fluctuation of the years that maybe could be plausible. However what we realized is that at the broad scale these fluctuations actually were resulting from data availability from the different cities. In some years some cities had data available and in other years they didn't have data available. So where you have drops in this graph it's actually related to the fact that some cities weren't reporting that yet. So makes this broad level data very difficult to actually use at all or feel like we've got any real sense of understanding what the trend over time actually is. Then when we started looking at a year where we did have a full set of data we can see that graph that looks at the different municipalities. So Chwane on the far left, Johannesburg, Echoroleni and then the two district municipalities, Citibang and West Rang all together equalling that final total on the right hand side. Now also again broad level you'd think oh maybe that's plausible. Anyone who understands and knows Khating will know that Chwane is a much smaller city in terms of population than Johannesburg. Not only that it is also much less economically active. So the likelihood of Chwane producing more solid waste than Johannesburg is virtually inconceivable. So we then started looking at that saying okay well why are we getting results for Johannesburg. These are the official results that the cities are gathering for themselves. How is it that Chwane is gathering data that is so much higher than what Johannesburg is. So this is when we started doing a little bit more qualitative analysis based on these findings. And started finding that there seemed to be some type of issue at the way bridges. At the point at which the data is being collected. So what happens is the trucks go into the landfill, they get weighed. The private ones depending on what weight of load they're carrying that relates to how much they need to pay. Now you can very quickly realise that there's a disincentive to bring not only firstly come to the legal landfills because you're going to have to pay the required amount to dump your waste in an appropriate way. So one side of things is people and you see this quite a lot particularly in formal settlement areas that someone will say okay well if you give me 100 rand you can dump your stuff here. So that's completely bypassing the formal system. But what we were finding at the way bridges is that in some cases the people in charge of the way bridges were getting bribed to weigh at a lower level or to reflect that what they were weighing was much less so that the charges on that truck load was less than what it should be. You also find a lot of way bridges then not only just weighing less but actually just not working and there was no incentive for the people reporting there to report that these way bridges were not actually working. So when you start digging down into the actual data at a high level they might have seen plausible looking deeper down we said we've actually got some functional problems with actually understanding our waste flows completely. But does this mean that the data collection process was a waste? Absolutely not. What we found is that these are just a couple of examples but we've got a number of streams of research that have been initiated an ethnographic investigation into the water department in the city of Joabig to try and understand data of water and a range of other avenues of research that this initial data gathering has flagged as we actually don't understand why is this data looking like this, why can we not get the data. And starting to ask some of the sociological and anthropological questions around understanding are there some incentives not just from a data gathering perspective but in terms of shifting towards a more sustainable trajectory. So we are convinced that not only is it important to continue doing this type of analysis, the material flow analysis but it's important I think and I think this is some of the work that Paul at the back that side has been working on is looking at how do we combine not just the high level data but combine it with neighbourhood and bottom up survey in household and neighbourhood level data, how do you punctuate that high level data. Important to understand what the political ecology, the sociology equations, what are the governance structures in place that are maybe not facilitating gathering of the data but also as I mentioned the shift, the sustainable shift. And I think just to close off what has to be and I think that Paul was mentioning this, this type of analysis, these type of research projects are only useful if they're helping us as cities understand the space better to be able to move in a more sustainable trajectory. They have to be usable, applicable and functional for the governments and the entities who are working to understand our cities and move into a more sustainable way. Thank you.