 Time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, brought to you every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. A presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor of the American Mercury, and Mr. Henry Haslett, contributing editor of Newsweek Magazine. Our distinguished guest for this evening is the honorable John S. Fine, governor of Pennsylvania. The opinions expressed are necessarily those of the speakers. Governor Fine, now that the conventions are over, do you think Governor Stevenson's going to be a difficult man for the Republicans to beat? Well, I don't think he's going to be difficult in a sense which your question implies. I think he'll be a worthy opponent, but I'm certain the Democrats are going to be defeated quite handily. Well, what do you think Governor Stevenson's chief strengths and weaknesses are as a candidate? Well, I think his main weakness is that he has a terrific burden to bear in the brand of trumanism. I am sure that he cannot get away from that label which is impressed upon him. I am sure that he tried to do it by being a reluctant candidate but wasn't able to succeed in that respect in as much as he was again adopted very thoroughly by Mr. Truman at the convention. Is that your understanding of why he appeared so reluctant, sir? It was his effort to get away from the Truman label? I don't think there's any question about it. And do you think that in the future now and that his strategy will be to try to avoid being connected with the President's administration as much as possible? I think so. I don't think there's any question about that with Truman trying to get away from trumanism and self at the convention. He didn't insist upon the Civil Rights Plank in the platform containing a condemnation of Cloycher, a filibuster. The Plank doesn't even mention FEPCs. Now Truman could have insisted on that. He got his candidate in Stevenson. He could have gotten his platform in its completeness. But do you think Governor that the Civil Rights issue will be a very strong issue in this campaign? I think it's going to play a part in this campaign. I think some of the Northern liberals are going to insist on Sparkman, the Vice Presidential candidate, talking about civil rights. And I'm sure that many of the Northern minorities are disappointed in the Plank and the Democratic platform. Well, there isn't a great difference in the platform of the two parties on that issue, is there? No. I think there was considerable evasion and equivocation and compromise by both parties on that subject. However, the Democratic Party in the past has depended upon its appeal to the minorities to keep them in power. I think that they have endeavored probably just a little too strenuously to get the South in a good mood. And in so doing, I think they're going to lose a considerable segment of the Northern vote. Now, as a political tactician, sir, you are, and I'm interested in that particular tactic. Now, here to four, as you pointed out, the Democratic Party has been successful by pretty generally doing what young Franklin Roosevelt and Senator Lehman have wanted it to do this time, hasn't it? Yes. I mean, by a rather blatant appeal to the minority groups. And this time, even though President Truman indicated that he wanted to follow the same policies, when they got down to the convention, there was a retreat from that, wasn't there? A disgraceful retreat, I would say, and I like the use of the word blatant. They did go out there to Chicago. They made considerable noise. They forced through the convention a loyalty rule, and then after they got it, they decided they didn't want it in full, and they began to retreat, and they attached to that loyalty rule a proviso, which gave some of those Southern delegations an out. But the Southern delegations didn't take the out. They insisted on sticking firm to the course with a result that, well, they had to call Truman in, and Truman helped through Sam Rayburn to have that rule practically abrogated. Well, do you think some of these young Turks, as they were called, have been completely consistent about a loyalty oath or a loyalty pledge? They have not been consistent. They retreated in confusion, and it was a most tragic disarray of retreating troops that one could ever visualize. Some of those same people object to a loyalty oath, don't they, in the schools and outside? They were insisting on a loyalty pledge within the Democratic Party. It is strange that the ADA and the young Turks, and most of the young Turks, are ADAers. They insisted on the Southern delegations taking a loyalty affirmation that they would support a nominee who was not yet selected, and that they would have compliance with a platform which was not yet formulated. Yet although they insisted on such action, they themselves object to loyalty bills being passed by legislatures which insist on public employees taking an oath to their local state governments and the United States government. And of course, the United States government is a century and three quarters years old, and we know what its ideals and traditions are, and we know what the platform of America is, liberty, justice, and equality. Yet they objected to that. They just don't make sense half the time. Well, coming back to the future issues, do you think that Governor Stevenson will emphasize the prosperity issue very heavily? Well, I think that that's the issue which they are going to emphasize probably to the exclusion of most other issues. Well, what would be the Republican answer to that? Well, the Republican answer to that, of course, is that the prosperity of the country is more or less synthetic, it's fictitious, it's based on a continuing war economy. Today, the dollar is worth about one half of what it should be worth. That affects your insurance policies, it affects the man with a fixed income, it affects government bonds, and it affects pensions, particularly our elderly people, you see. And I think that the Republican Party has to meet that issue head on. Coming back to the convention, sir, I believe that a great deal was said about steam rollers during the Republican convention. Did you see any evidence of steam rollers or bossism in the Democratic convention? Well, I think that the Democratic convention was the most bossed convention that we've had in the last generation or two. It was entirely bossed. The bosses were in complete control from all the way through, you believe. Oh, no question about that. Through the first night, the young Turks were in control the first night apparently, but after that they lost control, and that was due to the combination of the big city bosses in Chicago, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Detroit, and many other cities, and they, in conjunction with the president, just controlled that convention and manipulated the way they wanted to. What was the chief evidence that it was a bossed convention, as you see it, Governor? Well, the chief evidence was that Speaker Rayburn, who was the permanent chairman, spent almost an entire night working diligently and laboriously trying to overrule his ruling against... His own ruling? ...his own ruling against the Virginia delegation. I never saw such a pathetic and tragic thing in my life. Now coming back to that tactic that you referred to, whereby Senator Sparkman was made by his presidential nominee, you're an expert, of course, on Pennsylvania. Do you think that Sparkman's being on the Democratic ticket will make it easier to carry for the Republicans to carry Pennsylvania this year? Unquestionably. You think that General Eisenhower will carry Pennsylvania, do you? I feel most certain about that. Do you think that the minorities, that this middle-of-the-road tactic and the tactic of putting Senator Sparkman on the ticket will help? I do. I don't think people generally like to have a compromise with principles. Do you think there's any serious prospect, Governor, of General Eisenhower carrying the South? No. Or any part of the South, any important state in the South? I never considered that the Republicans would have much chance of carrying any of the Southern states if the Democrats had a good candidate. And I think they have a good candidate in Stevenson, one who will appeal to the South, at least sufficiently to prevent the Republicans from carrying any of the Southern states. As a final question, Governor Fein, you, of course, got a lot of publicity as a man who sat on the fence for some time and then you jumped for General Eisenhower. Has anything happened since then to make you regret that action? Do you still think that Eisenhower is the strong man and that he will, can win the election? Nothing has happened to make me change my mind. I can say emphatically no to that. I think that Eisenhower is going to make a splendid candidate and he ought to win. Well, I'm sure that our audience very much appreciates your views tonight, sir, and thank you for being with us. The editorial board for this edition of the Longeen Chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Henry Haslett. Our distinguished guest was the Honorable John S. Fein, Governor of Pennsylvania. 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Longeen, the world's most honored watch, premier product of the Longeen Witner Watch Company, since 1866, maker of Watches of the highest character. We invite you to join us every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday evening at this same time for the Longeen Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, broadcast on behalf of Longeen, the world's most honored watch, and Witner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Longeen. This is Frank Knight reminding you that Longeen and Witner Watches are sold and serviced from coast to coast by more than 4,000 leading jurors who proudly display this emblem. Agency for Longeen Witner Watches. Arthur Godfrey and his friends on the CBS Television Network.