 It's time for the Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, a presentation of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, maker of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. Good evening. This is Frank Knight. May I introduce our co-editors for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope? Mr. William Bradford Huey, editor and analyst, and Mr. Hardy Burt, author and correspondent. Our distinguished guest for this evening is Lord Birdwood, one of Great Britain's most discerning writers on international affairs. Lord Birdwood, our viewers are tremendously interested in the Middle East today, and you, sir, I believe, have served at least something like 16 tours of duty over there during your adventurous lifetime, so I'm certain that we would like to have some of your expressions tonight, sir. First of all, it's true, isn't it, sir, that western prestige, that is, the influence of both Britain and America, has been deteriorating in the Middle East for some time now, hasn't it? Yes, I'm afraid that's probably true. I think it dates back to World War I, probably. In other words, since the end of the First War, why our prestige, our influence in the Middle East, has been progressively going down. Now, sir, recently, this week, we heard of this agreement that's just been reached between Britain and Egypt relating to the Sudan, and some Americans feel that maybe this means a reversal of that loss of prestige, and they regard this as a very hopeful thing. Now, first of all, can you tell our viewers just what the Sudan is? Well, yes, I welcome this chance, because I think probably the world regards our association with the Sudan as just another kind of imperial adventure. It has been a British colony, has it? No, it's been a condominium, a government of one country by two, ever since 1899. But by natural processes, the fact remains that Britain has taken a major share in the development of Sudan. Now, where is the Sudan? It's south of Egypt. The Sudan is an enormous tract of country about a million square miles. I don't know how that compares with ending in America. I don't know. I'd like to know how it compares, for instance, with Texas. It was even bigger than Texas. What is the importance of Sudan to the British in particular? Why is it important to them? First of all, there's a perfectly normal material interest. The Sudan depends upon a cotton economy. The cotton of the Sudan is its wealth, and that cotton, of course, is linked very closely to our Lancashire cotton industry. Well, now, I understand after about three years that Sudan will be given an opportunity to more or less declare its freedom from both Egypt and Britain. Does that mean that you're going to lose a great share of that cotton? What is it? Are you going to lose anything there? Well, it very much depends. I would answer that in these terms. After three years, as I see, the Sudan is going to give them a choice. It's going to be able to say whether it wants to continue in complete independence, or whether it wants some kind of association with Egypt, or, and this is not entirely clear, whether it wants to have an association with Great Britain. Well, were you pressured to get out of this Sudan with Egypt? Did you have to do it? What was the reason for getting out? Well, I think we would possibly... Mind you, all the time I would emphasize this, that I'm only expressing entirely my own view. It would be not quite fair to say that what I... The views I express are necessarily Her Majesty's government. I am expressing my own view. Now, we in Britain, as I see it, regarded the Sudan, although it is a condominium, as our most successful and magnificent experiment in colonialism, we started with a community from scratch, the semi-nomadic people, and we have raised them now to the level where they are able to choose their own destiny. The importance at the moment of the Sudan, sir, is this. Britain and Egypt have been disputing over it for many years, and now this week, apparently some agreement has been reached between the two countries. The important... The big, big thing now is agreement. Now, do you think that agreement will, will lead, perhaps, to an agreement on the Suez Canal area? I would say that if there has been real agreement, yes. Obviously, psychologically, it paves the way for a very happy background to further negotiation in regard to the defense... Well, you have about... You have about 50,000 troops now guarding the canal, and Egypt wants you to move them. Yes? Is the worldwide significance of this new policy and agreement in Sudan rarely mean that you will have better control of the Suez area now? Is that the real meaning of it from a worldwide standpoint? No, no, no. May I explain this, that the Egyptians have always, in the past, up till the advent of Nagin, been insistent that both the Sudan and the defense of the area, based on the canals, should be treated as one problem. Now, for the first time, Nagin has been prepared to recognize them as two separate problems, and therefore, if we have negotiated an agreement with Egypt over the Sudan, it quite obviously paves the way for presenting a favorable background to negotiation on the other issue. Well, now, do you want to... Does Britain want to continue to keep those 50,000 troops in the canal area, sir? Now, I'm speaking only for myself. When I say just this, the British taxpayer is paying 960s income tax in the pound. The canal is not a very salubrous kind of climate. It's not the kind of climate the British soldiers would choose if he had his choice. I would say that if the North Atlantic treated powers were prepared to recognize what we would say would be the creation of a strategic vacuum in this very important area, Britain would find it very difficult to be able to wish to continue to keep troops there. Does that mean, sir, that you'd like for us to send some troops over there to help you police that area? I think we would. I think we regard this issue of the defense of the Middle East as an international, more particularly a North Atlantic treaty responsibility. As Premier Naguib of Egypt, my understanding is that he's very sympathetic to the British cause and as much as keeping British troops in the Suez area. Is that correct? I wouldn't say that. I wouldn't say that because, after all... More sympathetic than the previous governments. Oh, it's undoubtedly much more logical and rational to deal with. And, of course, he's a soldier and presumably therefore understands the problem, the defense of the area as a soldier. Well, hoping, sir, that we are making some progress in Egypt, let's move on to that other emotional issue, the problem of Israel. Now, first of all, sir, how do you interpret the new anti-Semitic tactic of the Russian government? Is it going to be effective and difficult for us to combat in that area? Well, now, Mr. Hewitt, let's first of all get clear our ideas about the motive behind it. I personally don't believe that there's a kind of studied, extremely skillful process of winning over the Arab world as a priority objective. I think it's obvious that Israel and Zionism and Jewry all over the world represents that one remaining bridge between the Iron Curtain and the West. I think that that being so, the Soviets would wish to close that bridge. And what more reasonable than their point of view, therefore, that they should turn to a policy of anti-Semitism, completely closing any possibility of communication one way or one way or the other. Now, I'd add to that, of course, in doing so, they're perfectly prepared to cash in on the obvious attractions that that kind of policy has for the Arab world. Now, sir, is the feeling in Britain, would you say, Lord Birdwood, that the Arabs are right and Israel is wrong in their disputes? I think the feeling in Britain is that the Arabs have had an unfair deal. I know from my studies of past history that Arab confidence has been lost in international negotiation. That dates back to World War One from the time of broken prejudice to the Arabs. And I'm very unfortunate that kind of situation has been inherited by the United Nations. And obviously, siding with, against Israel and with the Arabs, do you think that the Soviet Union has any long-range plan in the Middle East? Well, now, if I could answer that, I might probably be foreign secretary. But I would say this. It was expressed to me in terms of men who knows more about the oil in the Middle East than probably most. He would say this, that oil is a wasting asset in America. Oil is an increasing asset in the Middle East. The Soviets are short of oil. The last published figures they gave were 52 million tons. Well, 52 million tons isn't very quite enough for their objectives. It's not very much more than what the Aramco Company is turning out in its own. Well, therefore, about 300 miles away from the Soviet curtain, we have the richest prize in peace or war that any aggressor could wish for. Surely, perhaps the future of the Middle East is to be dictated by that kind of situation. Who is going to own that oil? Is it going to be by an aggressive process, either physical or political? Well, sir, I'm sure that our viewers have appreciated these expressions from you tonight, sir, and thank you for being with us. The opinions that you've heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Lawn Jean Chronoscope was Mr. William Bradford Huey and Mr. Hardy Burt. Our distinguished guest was Lord Birdwood of Great Britain. Over the years, there have been made, under the most difficult conditions, hundreds of practical tests of the durability and dependability of Lawn Jean watches. Now, one such test was the recent Paul and Neil Victor Arctic expedition of 1949-1950, on which we've just received a detailed report. Thirty-four members wore Lawn Jean watches continuously, including two months on the great polar ice cap, in temperatures ranging from 44 degrees above to 60 degrees below zero. One watch stopped momentarily at 68 degrees below, but started again when warmed in the hands. Now, the accuracy of the 34 Lawn Jean watches throughout the expedition can only be described as remarkable. A few of the Lawn Jean watches which you see here will be called upon to withstand the life so rugged, but all Lawn Jean watches, regardless of type, are made with such meticulous care that under all ordinary circumstances, they will deliver in full measure the greater accuracy, the unfailing dependability, and the long years of service, which are built into them. And the satisfaction that comes from owning a Lawn Jean watch is priceless. Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, the world's most honored gift. Premier product of the Lawn Jean Wittner Watch Company, since 1866, maker of watches of the highest character. We invite you to join us at Lawn Jean Chronoscope, a television journal of the important issues of the hour, broadcast on behalf of Lawn Jean, the world's most honored watch, and Wittner, distinguished companion to the world-honored Lawn Jean. This is Frank Knight, reminding you that Lawn Jean and Wittner watches are sold and serviced from coast to coast by more than 4,000 leading jewelers who proudly display this emblem. Agency for Lawn Jean Wittner Challenging Entertainment, omnibus, on the CBS television network.