 I'll be brief so that there will be ample time for discussion with you. Let me say just a few words about France's economic situation as part of the euro area and then about the euro area itself. This by the way, I truly believe, is a rather artificial distinction. The economy requires action at both national and European levels. The government, I represent, makes use of both levels in an economic strategy designed to support a growth agenda. But still, although it is artificial, I will talk about those two dimensions. First national dimension. As you said, France is facing impressive challenges and the government is trying to advocate and to face these challenges. France aims to maintain its position as the world's fifth largest economy. It is often assumed that France is a hard time reforming. We discussed that at lunch a few minutes ago. Well, that's only partly true, and in fact, I think it's untrue. What is true is that when France undertakes reforms, it takes care, and especially with governments such as ours, to preserve its traditional source of strengths and character, which is a social model that cushions the impact of unexpected hardship on people's personal and working lives, a model to say the word which emphasises solidarity. And I'm glad it does. It does not make things simpler, but I think it's the right way to do it. That being said, our government, which has been in charge since last May, just right now, not two days ago, eight months only, is forward-looking. We have taken first major steps in order to consolidate public finances. With a debt which is over 1.7 billion euros, debt service at the biggest spending item in our budget, and a deficit that would have neared or even be over 5% of GDP in 2012 if we had not taken corrective measures, France was clearly on an unsustainable path, and we needed to correct that. In six months, alongside with the ministry working with me, Mr. Kaizak, Mr. Budget, we have passed six budget acts to get our finances back on a, I would say, more virtuous path. The budget for 2012 has brought the deficit down to 4.5% of GDP, and the one for 2013 has targeted a 3% deficit, and an historical reduction equal to two points of GDP. The debt curve is expected to reverse in 2014, and the country should achieve a balanced budget by the end of the current term of office, which is in our country, 2017. Some people abroad seem to like to depict France as a high-tax country, which is not always false. In fact, however, throughout our mandate, our fiscal consolidation drive will rely more on spending cuts, 60 billion, than on tax increases. I would say something like 50 billion, and we made a good way. This return to a balanced budget derives further credence from a constitutional bylaw that is in line with the Treaty on Stability Coordination and Governance, which we ratified after the election. We have also led the foundations for France's lasting return to competitive strengths, with what we call a national pact for growth, competitiveness, and employment, which was unveiled in November, exactly on the 6th of November. The pact encompasses 35 measures for enhancing price and non-price competitiveness, cost and non-cost competitiveness. It calls for a 20 billion euros reduction in labor costs that was passed at the end of 2012, and which should enable our companies to achieve the margins they need to start hiring and investing, because that's what it is all about. In return, we have asked the companies to make changes with respect to employee representation. We spoke about social dialogue a few minutes ago, executive pay, among other issues. The pact includes also a major section on financing the economy with the banking sector reform, which I will have to present in our parliament in a few days from now, exactly one month, 15th of February, and also the establishment of a public investment bank in order to help our small and medium-sized firms to find the financing for their investment. In 2013, I will be devoting as a finance minister a substantial amount of my time to implementing this pact, and I'm conscious that, well, this task is important. 2013, I spoke about it just one minute ago, will also be a year of major structural reforms in France. To mention just one of them, the one we discussed a few minutes ago, we will reform the labor market. A few months ago, President François Hollande and Prime Minister Jean-Marc Héro gave labor and management representatives the task of negotiating an agreement in this area. The negotiations were brought to a conclusion last Friday. After months of discussion, that put industrial relations on a new footing. The resulting agreement is both highly important and balanced, as it creates job security and also extends new rights to employees, while at the same time giving companies greater legal certainty and the flexibility they need to adjust when they face a crisis. We will sign it into law by the end of May, and the will of the government and president is that the parliament will accept to have just a transposition of the agreement into a law. So as you said, we accomplished all this in just eight months, which is an extremely short, incredibly intense period. As you can see, France has embraced reform and is fighting for growth, for employment, while maintaining its stronger social policy orientation. And high up on this gross agenda stands Europe, above all the euro area. France will be unable to return to growth unless the euro area pulls out of the recession. And I consider Europe first and foremost as a vehicle for stimulating the French economy. Two things are linked with a very narrow way. So let's come to euro and to Europe. I defend a stabilized euro area with sound integrity, which can once more stand as a vehicle for economic and social progress for its citizens and for a factor for stability of the world, economy as a whole. When I discussed with Michael Noonan, Brandon Haunling this morning, I was struck by the fact that we share this European ambition. Europe is not only a collection of countries with their own national interest. It's also a construction which brings up values, democracy, peace, the capacity to have as well economic efficiency and social justice. And if it's not seen and perceived by the people that way, then it deceives. We are in this very difficult situation with slow growth. And this is why growth is linked to the reconstruction of the European image. Precisely, what is the euro area situation beginning of this year, 2013, and at the start to this high-risk presidency? I believe that we have reasons to be reasonably satisfied. Things are looking up for the euro area. I was never one of those who thought that when a new president comes into office or a new government, we move immediately from the shadow to the light. That was Mr. Jacqueline on the Mitterrand presidency. But still, I think there was a change in the air, a change in the mood. And that helped to take a new direction, a new orientation for Europe and the eurozone. So the eurozone in Europe is in a better shape. It is starting 2013 with new instruments and tools. Its stability and integrity are no longer in balance after we found an agreement on Greece or on banking supervision. Progresses have been made as well by the European institutions, the Eurogroup, the ECOFIN, the European Central Bank, under the very intelligent lead of Mr. Mario Draghi. And today, I can say that there are no doubts about the future existence of the euro. This is a considerable progress if we just look back only six months ago. I would like here to pay particular tribute to Ireland and its model implementation of the program, despite the toughness and the task facing the country. The Commission, the European Central Bank and the IMF have together conducted eight successive reviews, all with positive conclusions. Rates have fallen sharply and Ireland has been able to regain partial access to the medium-term markets in a particularly short space of time. Obviously, you talked about the challenges facing us, great challenges lie ahead for the Irish government and people. The budget deficit remains large, despite ongoing fiscal consolidation, and the banking sector is still fragile. The June European Council asked for ways to be sought to strengthen the country's banking system and public debt sustainability. These discussions are underway, but under the good way, that's what's more important. And at this stage, though, I feel I should say how important the Irish government and Irish people's determination is to date to the EU area stabilization process. And as I said in the press conference, I really trust that Ireland will be, by the end of this year, the first country under program by the IMF and the Euro to get out of these programs due to the efforts which has been made. And we feel very sympathetic about that. We have also reason, naturally, to be satisfied when we consider the financial assistance to expose member states and the consolidation of our instrument. Yet, this is just a start, the Euro area is stable now, but it needs to recover. And I believe this calls for fresh momentum in the Euro area, and I turn with hope to the Irish presidency, since I'm sure it will be good, why not a great presidency. This new momentum, which will necessarily call for closer Euro area integration, should, in the short and medium term, work on supporting as well business and growth. It could be based on four main strengths. First, restoring order in the banking and financial sector, which is already well underway with the agreement on integrating banking supervision. Although the trial should be converted into the first half of 2013, this relies on the Irish presidency. At the ceremony to mark the beginning of the Irish presidency, your t-shirt, the Irish Prime Minister quoted a gaelic proverb that I will not even attempt to pronounce. I know that I brought here French weather, but I cannot translate exactly or pronounce Irish proverbs, but which basically means, as I've been told, a good start is half the work. I share this point of view. The Irish presidency also has two major pieces of legislation to see through on protecting the savings deposit and on bank resolution, because banking union is not finished with banking supervision. This is clearly the first and major point that we have got to go through. Second, at the same time, we need to discuss the Euro areas economic and fiscal strategy and how to coordinate our economic policies more closely without losing speed with structural reforms. I know that the Irish government is well aware of this issue. The Euro areas economic recovery concerns us all, both deficit countries, which need to rapidly reduce their spending and consolidate their accounts, and surplus countries, which can use their room for maneuver to promote investment and support internal demand. It is our common interest. Look at the world around us. The U.S. found a solution between the government and the Congress in order to get out of the fiscal cliff. That gives room for growth. In Japan, a new government is now launching a program of relaunch for economy with 150 billion euros. It's important. In China, where it was a week ago, I can see that the priority will be on internal demand. So it's not acceptable that Europe is the only important economic area in the world without growth. We cannot accept that. Third, and in addition, we need to learn lessons from the crisis and examine the Euro areas robustness and capacity to handle an economic shock from within. The crisis starkly demonstrated that the Euro area did not have the tools it needed to deal with shocks. We have to consider how we are going to make good this shortcoming. I believe that the Euro area should, in the medium term, be underpinned by a real counter-cyclical fiscal strategy, which would finance such areas as social actions through the transfer, for example, of part of the employment benefit funds, and competitiveness too, and would act as an automatic stabilizer. We need that. Fourth, and lastly, we need a serious debate on stepping up democratic control over decisions made in the Euro area. Some countries have seen severe social unrest in recent months. Others are wondering how best to bring the Euro area closer to the citizens of its member states. A number of channels can be considered. They range from embodying Euro area governance in the shape of a Euro area finance minister, I favourable to that, to more immediate control by citizens. I believe, in particular, that Euro area citizens should be represented in an ad hoc formation in the European Parliament, I wouldn't say of the European Parliament, which should be able to act as a true joint legislator alongside your group, with a principle of no taxation without representation and vice versa, no representation without taxation. Such a formation in the European Parliament would also take a hand in the appointment of the Euro area executive. This goal probably lies a little further off on the horizon. It's not for tomorrow, it's not for 2014, but we've got to consider that when looking at the future. This goal probably lies a little further, as I said, but as yet would say, in dreams begins responsibility. Here, in a few words, ladies and gentlemen, how the priorities that France has established, both nationally and at the European level, for its own economic recovery and for the sake of the Euro area. And here are the ideas that we defend for the future of the Euro area. The Irish Prime Minister said at the beginning of January that stability, growth, employment, were the priorities of the country's presidency of the Council of the European Union. France fully shares these goals 100% and will stand by Ireland to help to achieve them. That was the sense of my visit today. It's also the sense of the brief speech I delivered and probably will be the sense of the answers I will give to your questions if there are signs. Thank you.