 the politics in order that's certainly changing, you know, which in fact now leading the main opposition. I suppose, and this time last year in the UK, the British electorate were going to the polls or they just gone to the polls and we saw the crashing down essentially of the red wall in the north and you've talked a little bit earlier on about the double edge of the economic issues from Covid and from Brexit and about the ambition that Boris Johnson sort of set out that did win him those seats. How would you assess, obviously the pandemic is completely trying everything over in the air, but how would you assess his first year in office in number 10? Well in some ways this was the worst possible year that Boris Johnson could have had because it confronted him with precisely the sorts of crisis that in many ways he's least equipped to deal with. It's a crisis that required sensible consistent evidence-based policy for which he's never been all that famous and, you know, you see throughout the pandemic where his almost his character got in the way, you can see it from the start, you know, he's always wanted to be upbeat so every message about lockdown has ended with whether it will be done by Christmas or the summer plans are coming only to disappoint down the line. We saw it right at the start when he boasted about having shaken hands with loads of people in hospital where loads of people had Covid. You know on the very day that his scientific advisors were saying we need to be socially distanced, he struggled with being consistent and coherent. It strikes me that it's too early to say that one of the problems with the way we've approached Covid in this country has been a very sort of yo-yo-ish approach which has been we lock down, we open up and as we're opening up the Prime Minister talks about us being free and encourages to go to Pret as many times as possible. So it's been a difficult crisis, a difficult year for him, I think, because this isn't what he wanted the job to be able to do. I think all of, I'm amazed by the number of people who are saying, you know, he'll be out of office soon because I don't necessarily see that. I think the public, well let me say two things, I think on the first place the public has a degree of sympathy for national leaders during a time of pandemic and his polling is holding up remarkably well, he's still polling at 40%, he's still sort of neck and neck if not slightly ahead of the Labour Party which is remarkable even though his personal ratings have plummeted. But the second thing, and I can't stress this enough, is politics is going to change fundamentally next year because as we emerge from the public health crisis we are going to enter the post-Covid economic crisis and economists are talking about two to three million people unemployed. That's a game changer and ultimately whatever's happened this year, ultimately the fate of the government I suspect is going to hinge on how effectively it is seen to have tackled that problem because that's what's going to be in people's minds in three years time. And as at the moment I'm not convinced the government has anything approaching a plan to deal with that unemployment crisis. We talked a lot about short-term measures whether it's eat out to help out or you know the furlough scheme all those sorts of things and actually the Treasury acted very very quickly and rather well at the first lockdown, less well thereafter I have to say. But there's been precious little talk so far of what the government intends to do to address the employment crisis we have about to hit us and the other thing I would say about this government and again this perhaps reflects the temperament of the Prime Minister is long-term strategy for them involves sort of what are we going to do before Friday. It's a very very short-term reactive government at the moment and maybe that's inherent in the nature of the pandemic and will change next year as things settle down to something more approaching normal but I can't shake the feeling that this is a government that you know lives by the seat of its pants and is not going to prove particularly good when it comes to looking at the medium to long-term. I suppose it's very different Tom to what's happened in the UK in terms of Boris Johnson's government's handling of COVID-19 and then he is the one who's sort of in power and has to deal with all the fallouts from that whereas Trump is very different you know his mishandling of the pandemic now needs to be picked up and cleaned by the incoming Biden administration. How did you sort of assess his I mean obviously it's well documented some of the failings both the level of failing how did you sort of assess that living there living through it. Yeah you know I mean you're you're totally right I mean Biden is going to come into office with sort of an unprecedented you know crisis obviously there was a big crisis the last time a Democrat took office and the financial crisis but in the run up to that there was a lot of cooperation between the Bush team and the Biden the Obama team there's been virtually no cooperation you know on the pandemic between the two. The Biden team can't even really get information on how the vaccine is going to be distributed and they're able to talk to officials now as of a few weeks ago but the information flow is still very limited and you know he's going to take office on January 20th and by some estimates the number of fatalities every day could be close to 4,000 people and that will continue throughout February so you know that that is leaked by any sort of description so his first challenge would really be to try to reset everything to do with COVID to build sort of a national consensus and he you know he has limited power because a lot of it lies in the state so you have to try to use the bully puppet to do that and then to all the stuff an analyst talking about in terms of the next phase next year that's where they'll have quite a bit of agency but you know I think Trump's performance to me is different and qualitatively worse than the prime ministers if only because you know as the year progressed he just lost all interest in even pretending you know to want to deal with it and so it was allowed to sort of just accumulate and to run amok you know there are of course you know there's a very legitimate feeling in all countries you know worry about lockdowns and a desire to get back to normal life and he sort of tapped into that and that's a very legitimate sort of natural visceral instinct but even if you do that I think you also have an obligation you know to give awkward public health advice and to to really try to do your best to protect the country and all of that was completely failing and the other point that I just make in closing is that you know I'm writing this book with a co-authoring this book the moment of COVID and the international response and we've done a lot of research into sort of the US case and it sort of surprised me that there was a lot of people on Trump's team from a very early stage that sort of said the right things internally warned about it you know brought it to him very early you know this wasn't really an institutional failure right it was really an individual failure and I know that can sound sort of overly simplistic because we're always looking for sort of structural explanations but I think it's very hard to exaggerate his sort of personal impact on this in a negative way yeah well I mean fascinating to to read that book because that's I mean that's that's sort of what we were hearing about it that you know the warning signals were there and likewise in the UK you know there was obviously some media reports of of of prime minister Johnson not attending you know very high level meetings that he perhaps should have been and so on so that's it's very interesting how at the very top that can have a detrimental impact and Shayna just ask you about I mean you heard and I'm there talking about some of the economic consequences that may lie down the line in terms of the unemployment levels and how how would you assess sort of you know looking first at Ireland and how we responded as how the Irish government responded and to economic and social challenges of COVID internationally compared with the UK and even the US sorry Shayna that was to you apologies all right my connection went out thank you no do you mind do you mind just repeating the first part yeah yeah yeah just just on and and mentioned that's you know we could see two to three million unemployed in the UK and I just wanted to get your view on on the Irish government's you know initial economic and social response and how that might compare with what we've seen in the UK and the US thanks I think the government did a good job initially I think they did the right things and I have to commend them for that and I would still probably would use a similar argument to what Anon said earlier in that they they did the right cuts at the right time and they've so they were not in a weak position they were in a strong position financially going into the pandemic it's an economic consequences my concern is going forward if the there's some structural problems in the Irish economy there is a this too large of a low wage economy in Ireland you compared to other small economies there's the it's a segregated economy where you have the multinationals and an elite workforce that's drawn from all over Europe or all over the world and then you have hospitality and tourism and some farming and fishing and other industries that rely on low wages and probably a lot of informal labor like let's say the Brazilian community in Ireland and that like if you look at just the meat processing industry as an example of what's going wrong you have a low wage not very well protected workforce that's been a spreader for for the virus because they have poor living conditions and poor working conditions and my concern is going forward that that question will be pushed aside and we'll go back to the same problems but it's not going to go away with Brexit because I mean that's the Brexit's going to hit those industries it's the multi-nationals will be fine but agriculture and hospitality and small businesses that are struggling and pay sometimes really low wages like pay the minimum wage and you don't have job security they're going to be affected by Brexit so I'm hoping that the government is going to be thinking about the structural aspects of of the crisis as well as just short term I'm related now Shane as opposed to I can put this to you as well you mentioned some of the structural issues and some of the short term fixes have have you know served a purpose but you know we need longer time taking to address those structural fixes and political editor of the Irish Times Pat Leahy in a recent column named Jack Taske and he referred to as a left-wing economic tank and he referred to the findings of one of your reports around rising inequality and how Ireland didn't conform to international trends and can you briefly tell us why Ireland doesn't conform to those international trends and do you think that the people of Ireland will be surprised to learn that? Ireland is does a really good job of redistributing income through its tax system I mean it's it's not as progressive as the government the successive governments may have said it is but it does a good job of redistributing income and so I don't think in some ways people will be surprised because they know about the tax system here and in general like wages have been going up and that was Seamus Coffey's made that argument repeatedly over the the economist over the past couple months and he's also sort of addressing tasks but the problem is that income inequality has limited explanatory power you also need to think about what that income purchases and Ireland has a really high cost of living and housing is out of reach for younger generations I think in addition to income inequality we're going to have to increasingly think about intergenerational inequality and we're also going to have to think about what that income purchases in terms of not just housing but also the fact that Ireland doesn't have universal primary care so anecdotally I know lots of particularly young people who won't go to the doctor because you can't afford it that initial 60 euro visit you know are I find even with my own income which is the top 10% you know I'm thinking do I really want to do this because I know I have to pay for it I came from the NHS in the UK where for all of its problems it's a it's a magnificent institution because you just walk in you don't pay for it and and you know and you get really good health care at least for the you know for right now so I think it's a limited story and to fixate on income inequality to describe what's going on in Ireland is um it's going to have very limited impact on policy making policymakers need to think about the whole picture which includes access to health and access to housing thank you very much Shayna and there's a couple of questions coming in and any attendees watching in please continue to send your questions and if I just wanted to turn to you on the issue of Brexit and sorry you were sort of jumping from issue to issue but you're a dairy native and what have you made of Northern Ireland sort of being at the centre of of Brexit over the last number of years and and and how have you seen it from from sort of a Northern Ireland perspective yeah so I think like most people in Northern Ireland um we can kind of laugh about how we seem to be a pain in the side of the British government and a pain in the side for the Irish government um I think you know in Brexit and it was made very clear to people on the island of Ireland what Brexit would mean for the north and you know for the republic and I think you know anyone would agree that the lack of knowledge from the British government side of what the impact of Brexit would have on the north was quite stark I think there was a lot of debate at the time avoided but it became incredibly clear that the politicians either had very short memories or did not know enough about Northern Ireland to be advocating for a Brexit that they didn't know how it would affect the north so yeah I think you know the Irish government um success of Irish governments now deserve credit in the way that they've handled Brexit you know and the EU I don't think anyone could have said they really expected as much EU solidarity as we got you know it became very clear that the EU was behind Ireland all the way and you know and behind the peace process all the way I think that was really really heartening I don't think anyone expected any different but you know we'd heard a lot in the you know the Daily Express and the Telegraph about how you know the EU we're going to lean on for Adger and lean on Covenay and that just never happened there never seemed to be any falter there but it didn't surprise people in Northern Ireland because we are we often save at other states whether it be the Republic or Britain don't really understand the north that well and I think the border issue was such like a really emotional issue for people on both sides of it and as someone who lives on the border in my da works in Donegal so he crosses the border six eight times a day um you know it became very personal and people became very very afraid you know when there was talks of border posts and checkpoints and you know I grew up there were still border posts and checkpoints around when I was growing up so and I'm not that old so I think yeah it became um quite clear from the British side especially that there was not enough knowledge about Northern Ireland about how Northern Ireland trades about how Northern Ireland works and about the communities there and I think a lot of people were very let down by Brexit especially because Northern Ireland obviously voted to stay and I think that vote was very much based in the fact that people in Northern Ireland knew what was best for them and we knew that Brexit would have been bad for Northern Ireland in a state that already has a minor problems with poverty and inequality you know I am dreading any kind of recession common to the north because it's I can't imagine how bad it's going to get because in the last recession because of where the north is situated we kind of got both sides of it so you kind of feel after effects from both sides of the border on and recession and I feel like this is going to be the same so yeah I think a lack of understanding from both sides mostly from the British side I don't think many people were surprised thanks very much and a couple of questions coming in I'm just going to go to the audience questions now some of them are directed at specific speakers but if you want to jump in please do and Anna the question for you comes in and it's how do you think or how difficult do you think it will be to rebuild sort of the Dublin-London relationship and has that been damaged throughout this Brexit process and they also throw in you know giving we're coming up to the centenary of Northern Ireland you know the establishment of the north will these relations be able to be sort of rebuilt over the coming months and years well I think it's obvious that relations between Dublin and London have been affected I mean you simply needed to listen to the tone of voice when the internal market bill was introduced European Parliament of people in Dublin to get that that was offensive apart from anything else can they be rebuilt yeah absolutely but it depends on lots of things it depends on how seriously the British government take their commitment to Northern Ireland and it depends on how well the Northern Ireland protocol works there are hopes among some people that if the Northern Ireland protocol can be made to work well Northern Ireland will enjoy the best of both worlds that is to say it'll have more or less unfettered access to the GB market and trade with the European Union as well in fact when it was being negotiated one of the interesting sort of pushbacks on the EU side was from for a short while there were some in some member states who resisted the Northern Ireland protocol because they feared that Northern Ireland will become a manufacturing hub enjoying investment from both sides now obviously the debate in the last few weeks and months hasn't been about that it's been about the constraints imposed on businesses in Northern Ireland but if if the UK government in particular plays this well you could end up with a pretty good outcome for Northern Ireland and that of course will help in terms of relations with between London and Dublin as well because what we all want is security stability and prosperity in both parts of the island and that would help so that is key to me in terms of relations going forward I think it's absolutely true that the people in GB in general don't understand Northern Ireland what is even sadder in a way is how the Brexit process has revealed that many people in GB don't really care about Northern Ireland either way you hear the reactions are some of the polling about possible border polls in GB and it really is quite depressing particularly when we have a government by a party that calls itself the Conservative and Unionist party though it seems quite often to forget the second bit these days absolutely do you want to respond to us or any thoughts on that yeah totally I mean I think you know the DVP for one thing they're going to are are struggling and going to struggle with their voters and I think and they feel very let down by Boris and you know that old saying from John Hume about how you can't eat a flag I don't think I there's been any other time other than the peace process where that was more apt and I think you know this notion of a border down the Irish sea is incredibly disappointing for certain communities in Northern Ireland but the other issue was during Brexit this was all flagged at the time and the DUP put a lot of stock and a lot of faith in Boris Johnson like we all remember the scenes of him arriving at the DUP convention the cheers and singing and stuff and it was I think anyone who studied Boris Johnson would know that you're not supposed to put a lot of stock into promises that Boris Johnson makes to you and I think the DUP have learned that the hard way I mean not just arriving but arriving and swearing blind that he wouldn't do what he did yeah absolutely and Tom a couple of questions coming in for you on the foreign policy side of things and one is from a colleague at the Institute Ross Patrick and Obama with Biden on the side I was saw intervention Libya and disastrous involvement in Yemen occupation Afghanistan support for Q and Honduras and more as he continues to fill his cabinet with many of the same advisors and what reason is there to believe that US foreign policy under Biden will be different to that of and Obama was there second one as well you wanted me to yes I'll turn on him as well and it's very similar and how do you think Biden's foreign policy will differ from Obama's will he be more assertive or continue to be a police orderly caretaker of America's decline right yeah no great questions so on on the first one you know I think I mean to me I think there's been a pretty big shift on interventionism in that the Biden team I think is very skeptical of large-scale or really any sort of major military interventions and does not want that to define their foreign policy I think they're looking for ways to withdraw from Afghanistan if you look at what Biden has said about Saudi Arabia you know it consistently over time has been a lot more negative than many others and he's been very critical of Muhammad bin Salman and for many Democrats they're sort of unfinished business there with the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and a number of other provocations by Riyadh so I you know I think there would be a coolness there which will be definitely reflected I would guess in the Yemen war you know I think on the other side of it there's always this sort of you know just being totally honest like I think there's this back and forth in terms of you know the ISIS dimension right so Obama left Iraq and then ISIS came back and then they had to go back in so if there is a debate and intervention I think it will be on sort of that question about how do you sort of prevent conditions from emerging you know whereby overnight Congress and both parties would basically be advocating for the US to go back in if there was an attack on the US around its allies from ISIS so but I think for the most part I think you will see the debate really shift to be much more skeptical of intervention and focus and other issues particularly the global economy in China and that brings me on to the second question from Keen there which I think is a really important one because you know we sort of know how Biden will be really different to Trump but we don't really know how he'd be different from Obama and that's sort of interesting just analytically you know I think there's sort of two groups within the Biden world there's a group that will be happy to continue sort of the worldview that President Obama had updated for events so pretty cautious little skeptical of the use of American power more balanced approach to China you know wanting to play this role in the Middle East probably pretty supportive of an open global economy and globalization and then you have sort of a second group and many of them are officials in the Obama administration who sort of question key assumptions or orthodoxies from that period particularly on China and the global economy and traditional free trade agreements and the like because they think the world has fundamentally changed and because they think it's important to address some of the root causes of you know citizens anxiety about the global economy and the world sort of as a whole and both those groups I think are represented in the administration now and and you could see Biden sort of going in either direction so I think that's something to watch I think it's a little premature to say it's definitely going to be one way or the other but my guess will be that it will be fairly different to Obama just because the world has you know changed pretty dramatically and I think you know that there's enough people there including the president-elect who sort of understand that the American people have to be convinced that the foreign policy of the country is actually you know reflecting their interests and and improving their livelihoods pretty directly. Shane have you anything to add on that in terms of what we might see as differences I know Thomas gets out there the sort of two camps that are emerging within the Biden administration that comes to the foreign policy have you any anything for that? I think domestic policy will actually be really interesting in how he differentiates himself from Obama if he does because I don't think he can go back to what Obama I think he will try to add or he'll try to alter health policy to try to make it more progressive if he's committed to that and I think he will do that in light of the pandemic but I think he will be far more ambitious in terms of climate change because we haven't really talked about that but beyond brexit or beyond covid the next 10 years will be all about climate change and so I think that for me Biden might orient his foreign policy as well as his domestic policy and with that sort of economic investment in the sagging economy and creating jobs in fighting climate change and I think he'll try to position the US as a leader in that area he'll have some resistance and if he doesn't have a senate it might be a bit difficult but I don't know how difficult because I think the republican dominated states are also going to need to create jobs considering the effect of covid in those states so that's where I would be most interested and I think that's where he will distinguish himself just because the world's moved on since Obama very good thank you and question here from Hannah and she asks to you for the start what do you think about the possible rise of the far right in Ireland and specifically around sort of anti-covid anti-maskers and you know do you think there's any sort of scope there in the medium to long term arising from covid yeah there is examiner actually doing an investigation about this over christmas so but um yeah I think it's something we should be wary of and Judy speak to the minister for equality this week and we know you know Roger Gorman the minister was also targeted by the far right along with um Fenton Warfede and other openly gay member of the iraptus so we've seen how terrifying I thought that rally against Roger Gorman was one of the most jarring things I've seen in a way and I think in covid we know how people get linked and the conspiracy theories you know it comes from a sense of vulnerability it comes from inequality it comes from recession these are all the instances where people become very vulnerable to conspiracy theories and in covid especially you know we've seen a lot of misinformation probably less so um than they have in america but for a small country you know we've all have a family member who shared some absolutely bizarre facebook post where it's like it tends to be your aunties and uncles but um aunts or uncles or you know family members sharing like the most bizarre stuff avoid masks about lockdown about 5g I think there is it is definitely something we need to be concerned about I think we could be doing more in terms of uh teaching especially at a younger age you know avoid equality in schools we have a massive issue with anti-traveler racism in this country and all kinds of racism we have issues within the country and I think more could be done at an earlier age I think the the downside to that is the people we see now sharing the anti-mask conspiracies and stuff like that tend to be older there's a digital literacy problem there um I've read quite a lot about it on the last couple of weeks about how older people are using facebook and twitter you know they're not as honest as we are all the time so then they're not picking up things that we would pick up on so we could say that's not true that's fake news and I think what I find incredibly strange I don't know if ironic's the right word but people often say to me in a kind of rude way like I don't believe anything that I read in the papers but then they'll say something to me and I'll say that's not true where did you hear that and they'll say I read it on facebook so we have a long way to go in terms of like rebuild and trust in media and I think it when we come on to your recession now in Ireland we're headed for one I think we need to be incredibly alert to how insidious these things are we were lucky in a way in the last recession that targeting of different immigrant groups didn't really take hold as it did in other countries when they were under recession but we're not going to be lucky every time I think there's gonna have to be a lot done in the meantime and I don't think we have done enough I know there are different websites and newspapers that have done fact checking and that's like essential when it comes to COVID but I think yeah I think the far right is something that we should be worried about and as we head on to another recession with a lot of youth unemployment I think it is something that we would need to be concerned about yeah and look I'm conscious we're coming towards the end of the discussion I don't want to spend the last couple of minutes talking about the potential rise of the far right in Ireland and after what's been a pretty difficult year already but Shaina and Tom and even Alan from your studying of Europe and Ireland the sort of book the trend in terms of you know Western democracies not having a sort of big foothold of the far right and you know we did experience a really severe recession post 2008 financial crisis and what would you put that down to Shaina how did we not succumb to that and you know I don't want to spend the last five minutes talking on this but I mean do you have any sort of ideas why why we we didn't go down that route I think the last recession you had immigration as an outlet keep people could leave and it was an it's an accepted way of dealing with economic depression here in Ireland and then I also think that Ireland's history is unique because it's other countries are becoming more conservative Ireland is becoming more liberal so I think that that's helps and finally you do have a nationalist populist party but they're left leaning and that's that they're not there's no equivalent to Sinn Féin in other countries Tom any thoughts on that you know having sort of lived through Trump and and watching sort of the far right movements pop up in in Europe yeah look I agree with what Shaina said they're actually those three points that I think also you know as a small sort of open country that sort of relies or has relied for you know many decades now on sort of interconnection with the rest of the world and has this history of of immigration as well I think that's hugely sort of culturally significant in terms of how people look out now look it's not as if people aren't you know dissatisfied with the political status quo but I think you you both have sort of Sinn Féin is not there for that to some extent and then also all of these independence which are really you know a function of you know the Irish electoral system I mean in a country like Germany you need to meet a five percent threshold of votes in the country as a whole so whereas whereas in the Irish system you know people can vote for that local sort of candidate who's wanting to express their sort of dissatisfaction with how things are going so I think all of that has sort of helped but we you know not to be complacent and I think the next couple of years you know will be sort of a challenge just for the whole world really and just recovering from COVID and doing so in a way that you know that is seen as sort of fair and equitable and also you know really dealing with that once in a century sort of economic crisis that has come from a once in a century pandemic and Alan just to to bring you in on this point and we'll finish up on on the sort of the far right and there has been you know sort of backlash to the the Black Lives Matter movement in the UK we've seen only in the last couple of weeks and you know football players taking the knee and being booed as the fans have come back in the stadiums and you know how worried should we be of that trend and not in the UK but more broadly well for a moment I thought you were planning to humiliate me by asking about Irish politics in front of a Irish audience I was going to pretend my single had gone at that point I don't know I mean I think a lot depends on what the government does one of the interesting things about politics in the UK at the moment is it's turned on its axis so actually we no longer have politics that's structured by the left right divide if you think that 82 percent I think of conservative voters last December were leaf supporters what you have now is a sort of identity divide that structures our politics you have sort of social liberals who vote for the Labour Party social conservatives who vote for the Conservative Party the danger I think particularly given the economic problems that are going to confront us and the divisions within the Conservative party over economic solutions to those problems is that the government resorts to the language of identity that is to say that the government thinks how do you hold together a values coalition with very different economic interests you don't talk about economics you talk about values to date despite the comparisons made between him and Donald Trump Boris Johnson has been relatively restrained on this he was quite quiet on the statues thing in the Black Lives Matters protest he could have played on that a lot more he's actually liberalized some aspects of our immigration policy it's gone largely unnoticed but this point space system gives opportunities to people from outside the EU and you know the British people have become more liberal about immigration since 2016 so for me the ultimate danger is a government that plays culture politics if the conservatives decide because of their own internal divisions that's a way to keep their voters together then we're in for problems I think if they don't if Boris Johnson and we don't know what sort of Boris Johnson we'll get next year if he is more of the sort of liberal mayor of London Boris Johnson and led at the less of the head of Vote Leave Boris Johnson then actually I'm relatively relaxed for the moment okay okay thanks very much and to wrap up just just one question to everybody was there anything at all worth celebrating in 2020 and that's a question that's come in was there was there anything worth celebrating and if there wasn't do you have any hopes for next year and he can't say back same because I think we all hope for that one and Tom let's start with you was there anything worth celebrating and if not what are your hopes for next year yeah well apart from the obvious about the election as I was talking about earlier which I think was a very non 2020 way to end 2020 so that that was a huge relief over here but I think setting aside politics you know a difficult year I think for everyone but really great to be you know I think we've all learned how to connect with each other you know online for events like this you know a year ago you never would have and we never at Brookings would have basically had a a partially virtual event where speakers have come in from around the world so I think that you know has been a really positive change and will hopefully sort of continue but I guess otherwise you know I'm just really looking forward to getting back to our the next year I think it's been the longest ever time that I haven't been back for for a whole year and to be a year and a half so that's what I'm looking forward to in 2020 brilliant Eva come to you anything worth celebrating and what are you looking forward to next year well I was supposed to be at Mario this year so hopefully I'll get Mario next year um the only thing I don't know if it's worth celebrating but I am intrigued by the working from home issue now and how prevalent it becomes and just in Ireland we know the issue of the housing crisis and the issues are only doubling in the kind of study centers and you know these long commutes and the housing crisis and the rent prices keep going up and I would like to think that as we come out of this pandemic people will be more inclined to stay where they live and still be able to have good paying jobs that might be the multinational whatever that might be based in Dublin but they get to work from home I just hope it gives people more options I think it would be essential for rural Ireland that we can get people staying in Toines and villages and I think if nothing else comes from COVID if we just take that away that not everyone has to move to Dublin or Cork or Galway to get a job and just people have more options and then that goes for child care and you know cost to live in and a million different things but I would like to see you know if we get anything out of it that if we could just let people have more options when it comes to work I think that would be a good thing for us and a good friend for the environment so that's all I'm taking from 2020. Brilliant, Shaina come to you. I think the vaccine gave me hope that actually people can coordinate around the world and you know there's government and private sector partnerships because again just to go back to climate change I think we're going to need that kind of cooperation and that initiative and the other side of that was everybody cooperating to protect each other I mean not all we've heard about anti-vaxxers and protests against masks and certainly in the US that's prevalent but I think a lot of people did sort of change their behavior and I think that's going to be necessary for climate action so that gave me hope. Brilliant the last word Anand, to you anything we're celebrating and we're looking forward to? Well at the risk of lowering the tone and this is purely personal I mean leads are back in the Premier League it's made my year. It cheers me up so much I'm slightly embarrassed but that's been the best thing about my year so far. When will you get to go in and see them? Well April the 4th is Leeds Man United so we have it in the diary and we're hoping and praying that they'll let us back in by then. Brilliant thanks very much to everybody for joining us thanks for the questions that were coming in throughout the noise and really thank you all for your time this evening. I'm giving up an hour I know everyone's very busy and really really appreciate it so thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Have a good Christmas. Thank you, Santa everybody. Bye bye.