 Mae'r cyfnod a'r cyfnod yn y cyd-diwethaf. Mae'r cyfnod yn mynd. Mae'r cyfnod yn y cyd-diwethaf. A'r cyfnod yw'r cyfnod. A'r cyfnod yn y Llywodraeth, Llywodraeth, ac yn y gweithio yn ei wneud yma. Mae'r cyfnod yn y gweithio. Yn y last y ddau, y catechlydiannol ar gyfer oedol yn y cyd-fynol oedd y cyd-fynol yng Ngwyllt yn y rhai i'r oedol yn y ymddechrau, i bwysig i'r ysgol, i bwysig i'r ysgol, Ond o'r cyflau ei safio! Rydych yn cyflau cyfry, gan fynd i'r ysbyty ysbeth cyfrannu teulu, mae'r gyflau gyda geology ac mae'r fwyfразу καu tympu clywedd, yn cael tympu clywedd yn y ffordd ac mae'r tympu clywedd yn cael pywys ac yn y gydwcii gwneud. Felly, roedd y dda, ac mae'r llwyddoedd yn ymddiadau cyfnod o'r plwydau tectonol, sy'n gweithio'r ffysionomiaeth a'r llwyddoedd. Ac mae'n ddim yn ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr. Ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr. Cameron yn ysgolwyr. Ysgolwyr ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr. Ysgolwyr yn gweithio'r ffysionomiaeth a'r llwyddoedd yn ysgolwyr. Ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr. Ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr yn ysgolwyr. Dwi'n dweud fynd i gweithio'r ffysionomiaeth a'r llwyddoedd yn ysgolwyr. A wneud, a wneud. Mae'n ffordd o ysgolwyr yn ynnydd. Mae'n ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd. ac mae'n cael ei hwag o'r cyflwytaeth – ac mae'n cyd-dweud o'r cyd-dweud o'r phrase. Fy hwnnw yn y lleiwyr yw'r cyflwytaeth, ond mae'r lleio'r cyflwytaeth yn y Llywodraeth, y bancers, y capitalist, y bwysig. Yn Europae, mae'n gofyn ar gyfer o'r teulu, y teulu a'r face a'r face yw'r teulu. We can't believe what's happening before their very eyes. But you see, to go back to the earlier analogy, shifts in the tectonic plates do not take place by accident or overnight. Oh no. What happens is that there's a gradual, slow process of movement taking place in the bowels of the earth peroeth to the earth beneath our feet The human eye is quite invisible to people which gradually build up and build up and build up small changes. Until finally those changes reach a critical point in which they produce explosives. The most explosive there was the cataclysmic events known to nature. Now there is a precise analogy between that and between human society. It explains actually the process of revolution, if you'd like to know. And Trotsky, the great Russian Marxist, summed this up very neatly, very profoundly, in a marvellous phrase he referred to the molecular process of socialist revolution. Take note, the molecular process of socialist revolution. ac mae'n rhan o'ch bod yn cyfnod i gyddoedd yn ystod o'i gwneud o'r cynnig fwy o ran ffyrwyr o'r cyfrifiad y 2008, ac mae hyn o'r ffordd mae'r ffordd. Mae'r cyfrifiad o'r cyfrifiad yn y gyfrifiad y 2008. Ac mae'r cyfrifiad o'r cyfrifiad, yw'r holl ddechrau Aberchlyniad, ond mae'r cyfrifiad yw'r Cyfrifiad. Mae'r reall o'r reall o'r cyfrifiad yn y reall o'r cyfrifiad? Mae'r cyfnod y gallwn y cwestiynau yn dynnu'r ffordd a'r cyfnod ac'r cyfnod y gallu'n ddweud. Arlaiwn y marxau ond ond maen nhw'n mynd i gyfnodau o'r gŵelau hynny, mae'r cyfnod thataidd y wych yn diolch yn gweld. Mae'r cyfnod thataidd y bydd yn ymgyrchu'n cael ei gŵelau, mae'n hynny'n cyfnod a'n cyfnod, rydyn ni'n ganddo'r cyfnod o'r gŵelau. Mae'r reiduniynau yn ychydig? Mae'n ffordd.osaeth yn unig ac pethau. A wneudio i allan gweithgafawr o'r galwyswyr, fe ffeolio'r reidun, i'r mirwnt, i'r unionbol ac i'r ffordd. Rwy'n gweithio i'r gweithwyr yn gweithio, ac mae'n arig sy'n cael ei ffordd beth i fibre widera, sy'n cael eu cynnig. Angen i'ch cynnig. Does not exist any more of this. That's what a revolution is. Consciousness always lags behind defence, yes, but at a certain point, very well-defined point, consensus is brought up to reality, if you like, with a bang. That's precisely what a revolution is as a matter of fact. And that's what we are seeing unfolding in a peculiar manner, it is true. yn y dyfodol, y dyfodol yn y dŵr yn y clas, os ydych yn gweld. Ond ydw i'n hynny yw – i fynd i fynd i'w gweld – i fynd i fynd i'w gweld, yn y dyfodol, sydd wedi'u ffaint. Yn ystod y ffaintfyrdd yma, dyfodol a'r ffaintfyrdd yma, a nid yw ydy'r yma'r unig. Yn ystod y ffaintfyrdd yma, yw'r bod yn ystod y maes, ac mae yna hawr yw ddweud yn cael y rhanig o'r arbennig, o'r angur, o'r rhag, o'r frustrasion, oherwydd mae'n frustrasion fyddai wneud yma, ac mae'n rhanig o'r rhanig o'r cynghwyl yn y ffobl yn ddechrau yn y twyaf o'r ffobl yn yr unig, o'r llun yn ei ffordd, yr ystod. Yn mynd, mae'n rhanig o'r ffordd. Mae'n rhanig o'r ffordd. Galleleo Gallelei efallai yn gwneud ar gyfer y trofodol gyda'r hynny ystod am ychydigau'r ysgolion yma ymlaen i ddweud ymlaen na'r gallu ddechrau maen nhw'n ddim yn ystod i'r ddweud A mae'r ddweud ei ddweud yn mynd i ddim yn gweithio E'w pwysu mwaf ac mae'r gweithio rydyn ni'n ystod yn yw hefyd? Rhaidd yn ddod, ac mae'n byw, rwy'n mynd i ni fel ydych chi'n iawn'r caneau. Rhywethaf fy ffordd nyw, ac yn i gweithio hefyd, bach uch yn gwaith. Felly yma'r pwysig y mae'n iawn ei fi. Felly chi'n i gweithio hefyd. Rhaid i ni'n gweithio hefyd. Rwy'n gweithio hefyd, rwy'n gweithio hefyd, rwy'n gweithio hefyd a'r Hwne. Rwy'n gweithio hefyd, rwy'n gweithio hefyd. Felly mae'n cael ei fod bob gael ac mae'n grwyntiau. Chwil hyn oedd mae'n rhoi geisio'r rydyn i gael y glas gyffredin. Rydyn ni'n ystodd, mae'r ateb rhagfodol yn heb yn y pr�io'r pethau yng Nghymru, ond mae'n cael rhaeg yn nefys. A ddodd yn fwyaf i ddweud yw'r ddylch yn ysgolol, oherwydd mae'n cael ei ddweud o'i ddweud o'u ddweud o'u ddweud. Mae'n ddweud o'u ddweud. Mae'n siŵr o'i ddweud o'i ddweud o'u ddweud o'u ddweud. Ac ydw i'n fwyaf i'n bwysig o'r ganddiau, ym mwyaf, ymrwyf yn cyngor. Y pwy fyrdd o'r ymdweud o'i ddweud o'u ganddiau, rhaid, o'r unig o'r Unigol. ac mae eich gweithio ar gweithio y gweithio'r Unedig ysgolwyr, sy'n gweithio'r 300 ysgolwyr. Ac mae'n ardal yn y gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'r mwylau, Nickola Gwlydd, mae'n gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'n gweithio'r Llyfrgell ym Mhwyafol, yn y gyfnod yma, ac yn ystod yn fwy rhaid i gyd yn ymgyrch. Mae'n oed yn y cyfnod, ac mae'n oed yn y cyfnod. Mae'n oed yn y fawr. Mae'n oed yn ysgolwyr yn y lluniau. Yn ystod y prospech i gael, nid o'n ddysgu'n ddifor sy'n eu hwn o'r ysgol yng Nghymru yn 40% o brydysgol yn ysgol yn ysgol i eu Llyfrgell. Yn ymgyrch, mae'n cael amwyth. Mae rhai o'n ddau, ond mae'n ddiddordeb yn ymdweithio. Yn ymdweith, mae'n ddiddordeb yn mynd i ddweud o'r iawn, mae'n ddiddordeb yn mynd i ddiddordeb. Mae'n ddiddordeb yn mynd i ddiddordeb yn ysgol, yn ymryd i'r gwir, ond mae'n gwneud. Nid yn ddiddio'n ffordd byddai yn llwyrir ychydig. yng Nghymru flynyddu'r drwdd fel am rстранiaeth, dyna hefyd yn llwyr i'r gwir, a fydda i'r ddaf. Dyna fydd camryn. Dyna'r fydda ar y ddeineb. Mae ddaf yn llwyr, ac mae'n ddaf. Mae'r ddaf yn cyfion i'r ganfodol, ac mae'n gondol! ac mae gwelwch gyda'r ddim yn nhw'n charlyw'n ddechrau, dyna'r cwestiynau chi gynninte ar hynny ac byddwch yn awdurdol. Dyna dwi'n rhoi'n gweld bod gwelwch, mae griffioach ac mae'n gweld fel ddim yn gweld bod gyda'r ddechrau gyda'r gion ymyfyrdd anhyfodol, nafnod dyfoddd y ffridd, yr ddechrau'r cyfreithio bryddon? Dyna'r ddechrau dechrau yw'r ddechrau bryddon yn boblio ddechrau y gallwch ar gyfer y gweithio economi, mae'r unig yn oed o'r eu ddweud, mae'n ddim yn ei ddweud o'r llwyffyr. Rwy'n gweithio, mae'n ddweud yn ymlaen. Ond mae'n ddweud, mae'n ddweud, mae'n ddweud, mae'n ddweud, ac mae'n ddweud, mae'n ddweud, yn angen. Rwyf yn ystod o'r ffigurau, ystod o'r ffigurau. Yn y ddweud, ymlaen, 2 trillion doles wedi'n ddweud y cyfnod o'r ffordd o'r wrthoedd ymuno'n gyfarfod. Felly hanes y gallu'r ymuno, y ffordd o'r ffordd o'r 3 triliwn mae'n gyffredig. Felly weithio bod yn ffocu yn wych. Mae'r ffordd o'r ffordd, ond mae'n gwneud. Felly rwy'n credu yw y gallu. Mae hwnna'n credu. Mae'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd. Felly mae'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd o'r ffordd. felly, rwy'n dechrau i swydd eirhau fel hyfelfon, ond mae gennych chi'n ei ddw i'ch gair, ond ydych chi'n rwy'n adegwyd y fath o ran y gwneud y cyfrifabeidau a mynd i'r ffordd oeson. A felly, mae'r fath o ffais serio'rwyfffer. Glowso BOE'r cyfrifob ar yr hyn o'r arfer o'r gwrs yn ymarfer ar y darparu tyfu. Rydych chi'n ddweithio y mae'r fath o'r fath o'r gwerth. Ond gwestiwn'n— See, we were warned about this, where we not. You've had this endless campaign that took place over the recent months in which the Remain crowd, they tried to frighten the British people. By pointing out there would be a serious crisis, this, that, and the other. But all of those warnings, you know them? You remember the slogan? We're better off in Europe, you remember that? Europe means prosperity for all. Let's look at the facts. Put your shoes for one moment. Put your feet in the shoes for one moment of an unemployed person in Gateshead in the north-east. He's been unemployed for years. Living in a council house in a run-down area. He's told by these well-dressed ladies and gentlemen from London, both from the Conservative Party and the so-called Labour members of Parliament who are identical to the Tories, and you saw that in the campaign. You couldn't put a sheet of paper between them. They accuse poor old Corbyn that he's not sufficiently enthusiastic. Well, of course, they're very enthusiastic about capitalism, about the banks, about the city of London, and of course about the marvellous European Union. People ignore the warning. The question is, why? How come 17 million people voted? I believe they voted for different reasons. You couldn't point to one reason. But one very powerful reason is this. All the talk about prosperity and better off in Europe and so on, to a person that's been unemployed for years in the north where industry's been destroyed, where the mines have been closed, where who communities have been murdered in effect ever since the Thatcher period, these arguments sound like as if they're coming from another planet and they are coming from another planet, which is called Westminster. And therefore, there is, I repeat, and it's been building up for this, the general poverty, unemployment, depression and so on, and the feeling of helplessness, this so-called democracy, there's people in Westminster, the feeling has grown, and it is growing, these people do not represent me. These parties and these politicians don't represent us, and by God it is true. They don't represent them. They don't speak the same language. So there's this mood of anger that's been building up for quite a long time, the poverty, the unemployment and so on. Of course, aggravated subsequently by the crisis of 2008 with constant austerity, constant attacks, which of course, as you know my friends, are absolutely necessary to save who, the British people, know my friends, to save the banks. And yet again you see this individual from the Bank of England comes along to reassure the stock markets, which are in a frightful condition. No, no, no, the Bank of England will do everything in our power to save the banks to use another promise, promising further billions, actually, to pump into the private banks. Of course, there's no money for the national health, isn't there? Anyway, I see the Brexit crowd have already ratted on that false promise. 350 million was it? Was going to go into the national health? Don't make me laugh. The figure was false to begin with as the crowd was quick to point out. And now they said, oh no, no, no, no, there's no such thing, there's no money. Of course there's no money because the money will have to go into a black hole in the public finances now immediately. That's what's going to go. So the recipe is more austerity, more cuts under this wonderful Brexit paradise. But if it is staying behind, you'd have had three quarters of the same in any case. So therefore, as far as we were concerned, there wasn't much in it. That was one element. It was a revolt against authority, a revolt against Westminster, a revolt against the status quo, a revolt against the establishment. By the way, the Labour right wing is seen as part of the establishment. It's not because of Jeremy Corbyn that Labour's lost support in these areas. It's precisely due to this gang, smartly dressed, middle class, carpet baggers and careerists, the Blairites that are conspiring to overthrow Jeremy Corbyn. They're the ones that's responsible for Labour's unpopularity and for the feeling that these people no longer represent my class. That's perfectly true, by the way. That's one element. In fact, the times that are of the FT, compared to... I think he used the expression, the pitchfork moment. You know what that means? You know what a pitchfork is? I think most of you do. It's what a peasant uses to shift the wheat, the corn. It's also what the peasant uses to stick into rich people that he doesn't like. And that was drawing a parallel by that historical parallel. So the peasant revolt which took place in this country. Oh yes, we have a revolutionary tradition too. It was a bit of a long time ago, 1381, when the peasants came from Kent and Essex and other way they came into London, they took the Tower of London, they chopped off the head of the Archbishop of Canterbury in a few other undesirables. Particularly lawyers looking at the Parliamentary Labour Party one has certain sympathy with that inclination. They burned all the records because the property records. That's the analogy that I'm serious, that the Financial Times has been drawing. That's one element, but there are other elements of course. There are other rather less pleasant elements which were played upon because if you analyse, I can for the life of me understand why supposedly left organisations in Britain, some of them having the audacity to call themselves Marxist actually supported the Brexit campaign using all kinds of clever, smart arguments. But the question is this. From a Marxist point of, if you're a Marxist it's a very simple question. What's our attitude? Well it's very simple. That is progressive which serves to raise the class consciousness of the working class. That is a reactionary which serves to retard the class consciousness of the working class. This Brexit campaign, did that do anything to raise the consciousness of the masses in Britain? We'll look at the consequences. You've got your Brexit now, here it is, served on a plate. Has that been encouraged to the left? Has that led to an outbreak of revolution or one of these clowns actually but one of these groups shall remain nameless? I said oh this will cause a general strike, wonderful, where's the general strike? I can't see any general strike. I can't see an outbreak of racist and xenophobic attacks and poor immigrants, not only Polish people but coloured people and Muslims and so on, were frankly terrified. They terrified. These are the forces which have been unleashed. What's progressive about that? In Europe, or the left wing in Europe, dancing and organising demonstrations to support Brexit. I don't think so. The people that are celebrated in a popping campaign last Friday were Marie Le Pen and the National Front, which is demanding a referendum in France because they've got the same sovereignist position and the alternatives for Deutschland and Gea Wilders in Holland, those ultra-reactionary elements. That's the people that have supported this. No, no, no, we can't have anything to do with that. If you had to look at the breakdown, I haven't got time to deal with it, it was quite interesting. You couldn't say that it was a clear class division, you couldn't say that because they work in class people on both sides. And as I say, many of those, you can't blame the guys up north for feeling the way they do about London and Brussels and so on and they've got a point, there's no two ways about that. I can analyse it a little bit closer, what you'll find. I've seen the statistics, there's been a study done. The people in work voted, both full-time workers and part-time workers, voted to remain. The people out of work, pensioners and unemployed people mainly voted to go out. 75, it's also an age question. If you take away the over 65s, they would have lost. 75% of the young people and the youth of the future that will have to take the consequences of this, voted to remain. Not that I'm supporting the remain vote, but that also wouldn't have solved anything and does not solve anything from the start point of the workplace. The blacks and the Asians voted overwhelmingly to remain. That should tell you something about the nature of this campaign and its real content. Now, the vote succeeded. Partly because of this revolt against, which you can understand and sympathise with this revolt against the establishment and Westminster and so on. Partly for other less satisfactory reasons. But it has consequences. The ruling class was stunned because apart from just losing their main market the pound is collapsing by the way. Cameron understood nothing and gambled away the fortunes of the British ruling class but the Brexit crowd understood less. I think they were even more stunned by this result than Cameron. They weren't expecting it, at least of all Boris the Barbarian. They weren't expecting it. Boris was hoping to participate in this campaign. It would be defeated. Remain would win, which is what he's in favour of as a matter of fact. And then he'd further his career in the Tory party. Now his calculations are upset. And the question is, they've asked the question. What are your plans now? What are we to do? You've got your Brexit. What's your plan? Answer. A deafening silence. They don't have any plan. And this, of course, is causing serious alarm. I'll quote in a moment to prove the point. But you see, there are other consequences as I mentioned earlier. It's once again put the unity of the United Kingdom has been put on the table. The Scottish people are fuming quite understandably. Look, we voted overwhelmingly to remain. The rest of England is always voting to leave. We do not intend to be pulled out of the EU against our will when we voted to the contrary. And therefore, a referendum is on unless they do something quick. And they might do, that's the impression that some of us have, unless they pull off something pretty quick. So the Scots will hold a referendum with or without the permission of Westminster. They try to say, oh no, it's legal, they can't do that without the permission. You try and stop them. You try and stop them once they get the bit between their teeth. And vote to separate. So you'll have lo and behold, that's where English nationalism, British nationalism leads you. Instead of Great Britain, you'll have little England with little Wales tacked on, unfortunately, as an afterthought. It's a catastrophe, don't you understand? It's a complete catastrophe. And Northern Ireland, that's another point. The people of Northern Ireland voted by a majority to stay. Now look, in recent years, and say what you like about the European Union, but the board has been open for years. People can go back and forth and farmers can sell their cows, their cattle, their milk or whatever, their eggs, whatever they sell, without any electoral hindrance. What's going to happen? You're going to put a rec barrier on the border between the north and the south with armed police like you had before. That was going to happen. Blahorified. Sinn Fein, Jerry Adams, came on the TV and said, no, no, I think the time has come for a referendum on the unification of Ireland. I mean, for goodness sake. The danger seriously exists of reawakening all the old demons, but instead of something which is hard to credit. I wasn't sure that I was listening, but I did hear it correctly. A prominent union politician, you know the Irish, the Northern Ireland, the Ulster Unionists? Fanatical pro-British, pro-union. He says, oh, no, no, don't worry. We saw this problem of the border. We can all get Irish passports. It's astonishing. Coming from an Ulster unionist. But you see, that's a serious, it's not a joke, it's a serious matter. All the old troubles could start up again. In other words, the ruling class is faced, and the working class, of course, we get the worst of it, is faced with a catastrophe. Before I deal with anything else on that score, I mentioned earlier the fault lines that have been suddenly revealed. It's like big cracks opening up in the earth's surface. A fault line has opened up in the political parties. The Tory party, by the way, the irony of ironies. Mr Cameron was supposed to call this referendum with the intention of putting an end to the endless controversy that had gone on for years in the Tory party about the European Union. You're going to finish it. Finish it by God. It's a thousand times more acute now than what it ever was. The Tory party is in a terrible state. It opens, but Cameron had to resign. He's out of politics. Osborne has followed. Osborne, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, disappeared for 48 hours. He went down a rabbit hole somewhere. He disappeared. At the critical moment when everyone was asking, what plans have you got? What plans have Brexit got? What plans has Mr Johnson got? Nothing in particular. The government has got plans. Ask the government. So where's the government? There is no government. Where's the Prime Minister? There is no Prime Minister. Where's the Chancellor of the Exchequer? Can't contact him. He doesn't pick up the phone. 48, the Economist, in his latest edition, carried an article with the title, Anarchy in Great Britain or Great Britain in Anarchy. Technically speaking, that's correct. We are in a state of anarchy. You know what the word anarchy means in the Greek language? Without a government. We're in a state of anarchy. Aren't we? Nobody knows. They're complaining bitterly about this state of anarchy. This is a catastrophe. The Tory party is split. Now, of course, there will be a big fight and there will be a bloody fight. Who's going to take Mr Cameron's place? Poor old Mr Cameron is scented off to Berlin or Brussels or somewhere to have a rather unpleasant conversation with his erstwhile pals. I'd love to be a fly on the wall during these conversations. By the way, it won't be a very nice experience for him. The Brexit crowd was saying... Don't worry girls and boys, don't worry my friends. There'll be no problem, there'll be no economic crisis. There'll be no difficulties. Furthermore, we'll have access to the common market because Britain buys a lot of stuff off the continent. They can't do without us. They can't do without Great Britain. And they'll have to give us a deal. Which will allow us to do what? To control our borders, to control immigration. That was the main plank of this campaign, was it not? The main plank. Business was sovereignty and so was incidental. OK, so Boris Johnson, oh by the way yesterday he was on the TV, one o'clock I saw him on the one o'clock news. He said, what should it be? Oh, there's no crisis, it's all over now, it's all solved. Everything is hunky-dory, everything is fine, everything is fine. Yes, he says the project fear is dead, he says it's finished. There's no austerity budget. The pound is stable, the stock market is stable. This is the man that's going to be the future Prime Minister in Great Britain. He's got his head up a place where the sun doesn't shine. He doesn't know what's going on. The pound is collapsing for goodness sake. It's at its lowest level since 1985 and it hasn't stopped yet. It will continue to fall. So those of you going on holiday this year, you better change your money quick. It's collapsed. And the investment has collapsed. Somebody just told me, that Ferjus told me, that I think it was Branson, you know Richard Branson, the owner of Virgin Atlantic and so on. He said, look, I've just lost one-third of the value of the shares of my companies, it's gone. EasyJets in a mess. The banks are in a mess. And if they think, the city of London think, that the banks are still going to have easy access to the European finance market, they've got another thing coming. There was a German banker on the TV last year, on Channel 4 News grinning from ear to ear and saying, yes, well, all sorts of British banks that they wish to set up in Berlin, which is a very nice clean city, better cleaner than London, cheaper than London, they're welcome to come and so on. And by God they will come. It's clear, they're going to be in serious, they're already in serious difficulty. So that's the position that exists. And politically, there's the Cameron wing, which is shattered. Osborne was going to be the next leader of the Tory party. Now the man is so unpopular, they said on Channel 4 News, he dipped his toe into the water to see what the temperature was like and it was freezing cold. So not only will he not be a candidate in the leadership campaign, the other candidates will refuse to have him as their guarantor. Nobody wants to know Mr Osborne, he's finished. Of course he and Cameron will find nice jobs in the city, don't shed any tears over them. But politically they're dead in the water. An open struggle now opens up. Who's going to win? Well Boris the Barberian of course is the bookie's favourite. If I was to recommend you to take a bet, I wouldn't bet on Boris. He is deeply unpopular in the parliamentary Conservative party. The ones that support it remain hate him because he's a traitor that's sold out and betrayed David Cameron. And the Brexit crowd also don't trust him and they're quite right not to trust him because he never believed in that crap in the first place. He only went along in order to gain some popularity. But he's not, he's got no idea. Now, what have you got here? Just hang on a second while I have a look. I must quote this with your permission, you know. The pound has tumbled, this is the economist, the latest edition. This is quite lengthy, bear with me, it's worth waiting till the end, till the punchline please so don't go to sleep yet. The pound has tumbled, investment decisions have been suspended, already firms are talking of moving operations overseas, Britain's EU commissioner has resigned, sensitive political acts like the chill pot report, publication decisions on the new London airport runway and renewal of Britain's nuclear deterrent are looming. European leaders are suffering about the continent meeting and discussing what to do next. Those most sympathetic to Britain are looking for signs from London of how they can usefully influence discussions, that's interesting. At home, mounting evidence exists of a spike in racist and xenopobic attacks on immigrants. Scotland is heading for another independence referendum, shall I go on? Scotland is heading for another independence referendum. Northern Ireland's peace settlement may hang by a thread. But at the top of British politics, a vacuum yawns wide. The phones are ringing but no one is picking up. It's an absolutely devastating condemnation of the position. At the last line, I quote the lot but I can't. Cameron said when he resigned his comments to his aides were as follows, you didn't hear this on the news, I'll bet. Why should I do all the hard shit? He doesn't want to negotiate anything with the Brexit because he was against it. He finishes up by saying, the country is sailing into a storm and no one is at the wheel. Ain't that great? What a mess, it reminds me of the words of Stan Lauren. You see that, Lauren Hardy films, you're too young. At the end of every Lauren Hardy film, the fat one turns to the skinny one, it says, here's another fine mess you've got me into. I think that's an appropriate one for British companies. Anyway, turn to the Labour Party. At this moment the Labour Party could of course be making colossal gains. The Tory Party's in such a mess, all of them are discredited. It's a marvellous opportunity and what do we get? We get of course, instead of uniting to attack the Tories, the Labour Blair rights scoundrels, are uniting to attack the real enemy, which of course is Jeremy Corbyn. As you know, they've resigned on block. Now if anyone thinks that that's not a put up job, that he wasn't carefully planned and choreographed in advance, they must be living in Cloud Cooleland of course. It's an attempted coup d'etat, they want to get rid of Corbyn. The ruling class is desperate to get rid of Jeremy Corbyn. Why? What's he done to them? What's all this fuss about Jeremy Corbyn? They even ask, you know, this is the financial times. Today's actually, this is the 27th day, isn't it? Yesterday, how time flies. Here it is, look. Labour must now act to remove Jeremy Corbyn. This is the big business giving the orders to Labour. Labour must now act to remove Jeremy Corbyn. Without change it continues. The UK Centre Left Party faces an apocalyptic future. Yes, very nice. And it starts off with a marvellous, very clear sentence. Jeremy Corbyn must go. OK, I could read more. It's not a very long article, but I must. Just to give you the sheer viciousness of these people. Of course they blame him for the result of the referendum, which is a complete lie. 63% of Labour voted to support the Remain campaign, and Jeremy Corbyn did his best. He refused to speak on the same platform as the Thories, which is a correct thing to do, but there you are. But just one, the last paragraph, which is brief, I will read to you. Watching Mr Corbyn as leader has been a dismal experience from start to finish, from their point of view. Yes, I agree, not from mine. What is now at stake is not the political survival of a single individual, but the fate of one of the two main parties that has dominated British politics for the past century. Think of those words. Whatever happens in the next few days, a challenge should be mounted. This is the instructions of the ruling class, which the Blairites are following to the letter. The last sentence is particularly nice. Having unleashed the dagger, Labour MPs cannot now draw back. That's the language of what, my friends? That is the language of class war. Open, crude, blatant, undisguised class war. These are this gang in the parliament. They determined to get rid of Corbyn. For what reason? Well, the reason is this. There is a profound political crisis in Britain. That's ABC. Anyone can see that. Anyone can understand it. Yes, and where is it leading? Well, the most likely outcome sooner rather than later will be a general election. Ever since Corbyn has been elected, these scoundrels who have the backing of the mass media, the capitalist mass media, there is no freedom of the press in Britain. What are you talking about? Where is the genuine left press? Or genuine Labour press in Britain? It does not exist. It's all controlled by big business, by the city, by the fat cats. And it's directed against the working class. And against anyone, any leader that even half tries to defend the interests of the working class. They argued, one of the main arguments for months and months was this. Oh, yeah, Corbyn is a nice man, but he's unelectable. Is he now? Is he really and truly? Do they really believe it? I don't think they do believe it. Their problem is not that Jeremy Corbyn is unelectable. Their problem is the opposite. Given the present crisis and the government will go for... Just imagine, whoever enters number 10 will have to carry out a policy of deep cuts in living standards, attacks on wages, on conditions, on housing, on the NHS, you name it, on pensions. And therefore the Labour Party under Jeremy Corbyn can win the next election. That's the problem they've got. And the idea of a Labour government with Jeremy Corbyn as Prime Minister, they don't like it. One teeny little bit for different reasons. Partly because of the forces which it can unleash. And therefore they're desperate to get rid of him. They've tried this parliamentary coup. A real vicious thing, but the viciousness of these people knows no one. And they got the cheek then to say, oh no, we've been attacked. You watch now, they'll complain now that they're receiving angry letters from their constituents. It's already started by the way. This creature, Angela Eagle. Last Friday her local party in the AGM passed a resolution 40 votes to four that she must support Jeremy Corbyn. What does she do? The opposite of course. She's a Democrat. So she does the opposite of what people have democratically agreed on. Now the same party is demanding that she comes before them to give explanations of her conduct. Same thing happened to this other creature. What's his name? Ben Bradshaw. He's also received, and others have also received letters from the constituents. The petition supporting Corbyn, I think, got how many? 200,000 more than that now. 217.000. And you had the demonstration of course last, when was it yesterday? How time flies, I've lost it. It takes your breath away. There's quite a sizeable dimension. There'll be bigger movements and bigger demonstrations and that because I believe that these gangsters, that's what they are. These Tory infiltrators, that's what they are. Nothing in common with the working class or a bunch of the worst kind of careerist, middle class carpet baggers, only interested in feather in their own nest. Indistinguishable from the Tories, indistinguishable from Cameron and Co. They've gone too far. Jeremy, to give the man credit, because they must be making his life absolute hell at the moment, he stood his ground quite courageously and said, I'm not going to resign. I was elected by 60% of the votes of the real Labour Party and I'm not resigning. So what are they going to do? Force a leadership election, but he will stand. And if he stands, rest assured he will win, probably with an even bigger majority in spite of everything. And therefore, what is the only option left to the ruling class in relation to the Labour Party? To split the party. And these creatures, you wait. They'll cross the floor like that. Nothing to stop them. Once things get a bit hot for them, which they should get hot for them. One of the biggest mistakes of Jeremy Corbyn is that he's too nice. And one of the biggest mistakes of momentum is that they've not taken the step that they should have taken long ago. Which we've advocated from the beginning that the only answer is to systematically organise the deselections of these renegade MPs in the local constituency parties, which constituency parties have got every democratic right to do. And I hope now that they get down to the business, I think that they will. And therefore, look at the scenario from the standpoint of the ruling class. This, where is this quote, this wonderful quote? It's gone. I can't find it. I'm lost. I must find it. I must find it. I must find it and I can't find it. Where the hell is it gone? You must forgive me. I'm lost. I blame Ben entirely. But what it says in so many words, this game of so-called changing, you know, with Labour and Tory, Tory and Labour, not much difference anyway, Tweedledam and Tweedledeaf for 100 years is now under threat. It can break up and I believe it can. By the way, let's go back to the general picture. The ruling class in Britain is in such a mess that they've got to do something. What can they do? Is there a solution? Well, I think probably there is and probably they can. You see, the ruling class, if they want to, they've got all kinds of tricks that they can pull. Never mind about democracy, never mind about the will of the electorate, never mind about referendums. They can pull, for example, it's now no longer in the hands of the electorate, it's in the hands of the members of parliament. The majority of whom do not want to leave Europe. An Angela Merkel, I noticed Angela Merkel. Of course, you can imagine that the European leaders are furious with Britain, furious with the people of Britain, particularly furious with David Cameron for London, David Cameron for London in this awful mess. And therefore, he goes to negotiate. You think he's been met with smiles and handshakes and hugs and kisses, I very much doubt it. Furthermore, on the contrary, there's a spirit of revenge. Take our revenge. We'll teach these Brits a few lessons, we'll teach them to mess us around. But even if they wanted to make concessions, even if they were nice, even if they wished to do something, they can't. They cannot. Why? Because if they were to give Britain an easy ride, what would happen with the other countries? Le Pen is demanding a referendum, what happens? If Britain gets an easy ride, they'll turn away. Look, we can do the same as the Brits, nothing happens. We go out, we leave, we get our sovereignty back. What's the phrase that people are saying? Oh yes, we got our country back. What? We got our country back, isn't it pathetic? My friend, you never had your country to start with. What are you talking about, got your country back? The bankers and capitalists have always controlled this country. They still control this country. And they will continue to control it, whether Britain is in or out of the European Union doesn't make a fundamental difference in that respect. So, what tricks can they pull? Well, I notice. Lo and behold, Boris the Barbarian that wants to take us out. So he says, oh no, no, no, there's no hurry, there's no hurry. Let's wait, let's wait, at least two years. Why? Don't you want to leave? And the other gangsters are saying this. They say, go over and all the others. Oh no, we can wait, we got time as well. Some of the hardliners on the continent are saying, no, no, no, let's get these people out. With the boot up their ass as quick as possible, that's what they say. But Merkel, who's got a little bit of sense, is no, no, hang on a sec. Why not give them time? Let them think about this and by God they are thinking about it. So when Cameron finally gets the negotiations, he's not negotiating already. I note that Frau Merkel says, oh, there'll be no unofficial discussions or negotiations until they apply the trigger clause 50 or whatever they call it. Really. If she says that there are no informal discussions, you can bet your bottom dollar that there are informal discussions. And I'd be interested to know what the content of these discussions are. I think the amount is this, hey, look, be a good girl, cut us some slack, look, we've got a problem here, look, we want to come back, we want to find some way out of this mess and can't you make some concessions about maybe movement of labour, something, something, give us something for Christchurch that we can take back? And Merkel, I mean look from their point of view, the exit of Britain threatens to break up the whole of the EU, they don't want that and therefore it is entirely possible, I put money on this, that there in the process of cooking up some kind of a deal, I don't know what, I don't know how, I don't know when, I don't know where, but there in the process of cooking up something. I note that Mr Farage, Nigel Farage, that outstanding progressive man we all know and love, our comrade in Brexit, you know, how the hell you could have Marxist in the same movement as Farage, I'm not quite sure, but one of these smart answers perhaps can explain it to me sometime when I've got time to waste. But in any case, let's go back, Farage, yesterday you know where he was, he was in Westminster, no, he was touring the battlefields of the First World War of the Somme, you know, wearing his union jacket on his chest and he was wandering around. A Channel 4 interviewed him and said, by the way Mr Farage, don't you feel a little bit uneasy about some of the comments made by your former comrades about Boris Johnson and so on in relation to that they might accept certain things, they want to be in the common market, and the answer was, yes, I am worried about it. And he pushed it a bit further, don't you think there's a whiff of betrayal in the air? And the answer was, yes, I do, and he's not wrong. Something is being cooked up, they're not going to get what they want, that's for sure. They're desperate to get into the common market, European market, but these conditions are the first conditions, they've got to accept the free movement of labour in one form or another. So therefore my prediction is, don't hold your breath, but just look carefully in the next few weeks to see what they're, they set up a special commission, now you see that Ben? They set up a special committee to look into this and work out a plan because they don't have a plan. None of them. The faintest knows what they're doing, it's staggering if you come to think about it. Therefore they're working something out, and the something they'll work out I think will very much not be to the taste of Mr Farage or many people who voted for, with a simplistic idea they were going to get out. I'll finish because I lack a time. What's the essence of this? There are many secondary features, many interesting avenues one could explore, but let's deal with the essence of it, the essence of the problem is that first of all it's a decisive break in history. It's a decisive break, political, social, economic, diplomatic, even military and psychologically it's a break and it'll have effects on a global scale. Furthermore it's not isolated to Britain, it's not a British thing. This mood which I described earlier, that beneath the surface of apparent tranquility there's a seething mass of discontent is an international phenomenon. It's led to the shattering of parties that have existed in the past like in Greece, as you know George. Pesach was smashed on the other rise of Syriza from nowhere. In Spain it's just elections last Sunday where Podemos has emerged now as a major political force from nothing it emerged from nowhere. It's challenging the socialist party now as the second party. Even in Ireland you had the referendum which was the most catholic country in Europe, the referendum on same-sex marriages which was a kick in the teeth for the church, massive vote. People were coming from America and Australia and Canada to cast their vote in this. And the Irish general election showed the same trend and above all in Britain. Commons know that I like to quote the Bible. I'm an atheist but I'm a Protestant atheist and therefore I've read the Bible. You know, eyes have they but they do not see matia erhawn al aden le pewn. Is that right? In Greek that is. Eyes have they but they do not see. Look at what happened in Scotland. An earthquake occurred in Scotland. Why? Because people in Scotland were fed up to here with the same old politics, same old party, the Blairite right wing is in particular were despised and hated in Scotland. And therefore you get this massive movement. Now it's shifted in the direction of independence. What's our attitude? Well frankly put it this way. First of all the people responsible for that is the ruling class, the capitalist system and the right wing Labour politicians that betrayed the Scottish workers for decades and now they receive the price. And if the Scottish people democratically desire independence that is their democratic right which we have no right whatsoever to oppose. We would have to support that while defending of course a principal socialist and a Marxist position. But you see what happened in Scotland should have been a warning. Now we have a similar process of revolt taking place in Britain and not only in Britain and in Europe but across the pond in the United States. Just look at the situation. The rise of Trump, everyone builds up Trump who is very pleased to see that Britain has voted for its independence. He wants America to do the same thing it seems. There we are, no counting for taste. But the Trump phenomenon is interesting. Of course he's a raving reactionary, it's true. But he's a skillful demagogue who uses the language of the common man, the common people and so on which is a bit of a joke because he's a billionaire himself but never the rest. He stirs things up and this has an echo. It has an echo because people are fed up in the United States as they are fed up in Britain and fed up anyway with the old politics the old politicians and so on. It isn't just Trump but there's also the phenomenon of Sanders who it's too he was defeated. Unfortunately I think he's come out now that he's going to vote for Clinton which is a bad mistake. The final I hope he doesn't. But the interesting thing is look, put it this way. 18 months ago nobody had ever heard of Sanders. Nobody. Everybody heard of Hillary Clinton and yet this man stood as a socialist as a democratic socialist speaking at mass meetings and there were mass meetings even in Texas thousands and thousands and tens of thousands of people putting forward what the idea of a political revolution against the billionaire class I think he said. I mean this is an incendiary talk the content of it well you can argue about but it doesn't matter about that. The very fact, I think it's 67% of young people in the States now say they would vote for a socialist president and one newspaper reports and well it's alright don't worry because only 34% of those above 65% would vote for a socialist president. Good God that's even more astounding after decades and generations of demonising socialism and communism 34% of people above 65 years of age in America would vote for a socialist president that's a fundamental change and the same fundamental change I would argue is taking place everywhere. Incidentally just one point I'll have to draw my remarks too close because we must I worry how you've used but this is one point which is central to the whole argument why is it that the American establishment and the Republican Party establishment is so hostile to Trump he's a right-winger of course he's a right-winger they don't want him because he represents a threat to the consensus politics the two party system it is put very well by the great American writer to go of it out if you haven't read his works you should do so who said the following he said our republic USA our republic has one party the property party with two right-wings the democrats and the republicans and that's the fact the same nonsense as in Britain Labour and Tories, democrats and republicans same stuff, consensus not much different therefore people didn't bother to vote why vote? no difference but you see this is a threat to what? it threatens to break up the centre and in Britain the FT and the economists at the same point this is a threat to the centre there was a centre-right party the Tories, there was a centre-left party so-called Labour it will break up and under these conditions of capitalist crisis that will provoke what? a polarization to the left and to the right that's what's going to occur a class polarization something that wasn't supposed to exist that's the real perspective that's the real perspective of course the ruling class looks with dread to the future we Marxists, we look to the future with optimism with hope, with enthusiasm and with confidence, why? because this is a finished recipe for the development of the class struggle in every country in Europe, I would argue in every country in the world which allows our tendency the Marxist tendency to get more of an echo for our ideas for revolutionary ideas than what has ever been possible in any period in the past that I can remember I'll just finish on this note our ideas the internationalist socialist ideas of Marxism have never been more relevant than what they are today and I can never remember a time when people in general and young people in particular were more open to these ideas completely open I will go further they are looking for these ideas people are looking for these ideas looking for an alternative which only I would argue this tendency the Marxist tendency can offer the working class as a way out of this terrible nightmare of capitalism