 Book 5. CHAPTER I. OF HISTORY OF FLORENCE by Machiavelli Volume 2. Book 5. CHAPTER I. The vicissitudes of empires—the state of Italy—the military factions of Sforza and Braccio—Braccheschi and Sforeschi attack this pope, who is expelled by the Romans—war between the pope and the Duke of Milan—the Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope—peace between the pope and the Duke of Milan—Tyranny, practised by the party, favourable to the Medici. It may be observed that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they are subject pass from order into confusion, and afterwards recur to a state of order again. For the nature of mundane affairs not allowing them to continue in an even course, when they have arrived at their greatest perfection, they soon begin to decline. In the same manner, having been reduced by disorder and sunk to their utmost state of depression, unable to descend lower, they of necessity reassend, and thus from good they gradually decline to evil, and from evil again return to good. The reason is that valor produces peace, peace repose, repose, disorder, disorder, ruin. So from disorder, order springs, from order virtue, and from this glory and good fortune. Hence wise men have observed that the age of literary excellence is subsequent to that of distinction in arms, and that in cities and provinces great warriors are produced before philosophers. Arms having secured victory, and victory peace, the buoyant vigor of the martial mind cannot be enfeebled by a more excusable indulgence than that of letters, nor can indolence, with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well-regulated community. Cater was aware of this when the philosophers Theogenes and Carniades were sent ambassadors to the senate by the Athenians. For perceiving with what earnest admiration the Roman youth began to follow them, and knowing the evils that might result to his country from this specious idleness, he enacted that no philosopher should be allowed to enter Rome. Provinces by this means sink to ruin, from which, men's sufferings having made them wiser, they again recur to order, if they be not overwhelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, by turns happy and unhappy, and although nothing has subsequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at all corresponding to her ancient greatness, which under a well-organised monarchy might have been gloriously affected, still there was so much bravery and intelligence in some of the new cities and governments that afterwards sprang up, that although none ever acquired dominion over the rest, they were, nevertheless, so balanced and regulated among themselves, as to enable them to live in freedom and defend their country from the barbarians. Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed a small extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power and authority, for being situated in the middle of Italy, wealthy and prepared for action, they either defended themselves against such as thought proper to assail them, or decided victory in favour of those to whom they became allies. From the valour, therefore, of these new governments, if no season occurred of long-continued peace, neither were any exposed to the calamities of war, for that cannot be called peace in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor can those be considered wars in which no men are slain, cities plundered, or sovereignties overthrown. For the practice of arms fell into such a state of decay, that wars were commenced without fear, continued without danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military energy, which is in other countries exhausted by a long peace, was wasted in Italy by the contemptible manner in which hostilities were carried on, as will be clearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from which it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into Italy, and she once again sunk under subjection to them. Although the transactions of our princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with admiration of their virtue and greatness like those of the ancients, perhaps they may on other accounts be regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses of high-spirited people were kept in restraints by such weak and disorderly forces, and if, in detailing the events which took place in this wasted world, we shall not have to record the bravery of the soldier, the prudence of the general, or the patriotism of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice, deceit, and cunning princes, warriors, and leaders of republics conducted themselves to support a reputation they never deserved. This perhaps will not be less useful than the knowledge of ancient history, for if the latter excites the liberal mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be avoided and decried. Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers that, when by consent of her prince's peace was restored, it was soon disturbed by those who retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war nor reposed by peace. Thus when the League and the Duke of Milan agreed to lay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war, directed their efforts against the church. There were at this time two factions or armed parties in Italy, the Sforzesca and the Bracesca. The leader of the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of the latter, Nicola Picconino and Nicola Porte Braccio. Under the banner of one or other of these parties, almost all the forces of Italy were assembled. Of the two, this Sforzesca was in greatest repute, as well as from the bravery of the Count himself, as well from the bravery of the Count himself, as from the promise which the Duke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter, Madonna Bianca, the prospect of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence. After the peace of Lombardy, these forces from various causes attacked Pope Eugenius. Nicola Porte Braccio was instigated by the ancient enmity which Braccio had always entertained against the church, the Count was induced by ambition, so that Nicola assailed Rome, and the Count took possession of La Marca. The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from their city, and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, where seeing the immediate danger of his situation being abandoned by the princes, for they were unwilling again to take up arms in his cause after having been so anxious to lay them aside, he came to terms with the Count and ceded to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to the injury of having occupied it, he had added insult, for in signing the place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said in Latin, according to the Latin custom, Exca Falco Nostro Fermiano, in Vito Petro et Porlo. Neither was he satisfied with this concession, but insisted upon being appointed gonfalonier of the church, which was also granted. So much more was Eugenius alarmed at the prospect of dangerous war than of an ignominious peace. The Count, having thus been reconciled to the Pontiff, attacked Nicola Forte Brattio, and during many months various encounters took place between them, from all which greater injury resulted to the Pope and his subjects than to either of the belligerents, at length, by the intervention of the Duke of Milan, an arrangement by way of a truce was made, by which both became princes in the territories of the church. The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled in Romania by Baptista di Canetto, who, at Bologna, slew some of the family of the griffoni, and expelled from the city the governor who resided there for the Pope, along with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain the government, he applied for assistance to Filippo, and the Pope, to avenge himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Renaissance and Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very soon two large armies were on foot in Romania. Nicolo Piccinino commanded for the Duke, Gattamalata and Nicolo Dattolentino for the Renaissance and Florentines. They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the Florentines and the Renaissance were routed, and Nicolo Dattolentino was sent prisoner to Milan where, either through grief of his loss or by some unfair means, he died in a few days. The Duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, or thinking the league after their defeat would not be in haste to resume hostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the Pope and his colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore appointed the Count Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive Nicolo Porto Braccio from the territories of the church, and thus terminate the war which had been commenced in favour of the Pontiff. The Romans, finding the Pope supported by so large an army, sought a reconciliation with him, and, being successful, admitted his commissary into the city. Among the places possessed by Nicolo Porto Braccio were Tavoli, Montefiasconi, Sita di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of which, not being able to keep the field, he fled, and the Count besieged him there. Nicolo's brave defence making it probable that the war would be a considerable duration, the Duke deemed it necessary to prevent the league from obtaining the victory, and said that if this were not affected he would very soon have to look at the defence of his own territories. Resolving to divert the Count from the siege, he commanded Nicolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of Romagna, and the league, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany than to occupy Ascesi, ordered the Count to prevent the passage of Nicolo who was already with his army at Perli. The Count accordingly moved with his forces, and came to Casino, having left the wall of La Marca, and the care of his own territories to his brother Lyoni, and while Nicolo Piccinino was endeavouring to pass by, and the Count to prevent him, Porto Braccio atat Lyoni with great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces, and pursuing the advantage of his victory at once possessed himself of many places in La Marca. The circumstance greatly perplexed the Count, who thought he had lost all his territories, so, leaving part of his force to check Piccinino with the remainder he pursued Porto Braccio, whom he attacked and conquered. Porto Braccio was taken prisoner in battle, and soon after died of his wounds. This victory restored to the Pontiff all the places that had been taken from him by Porto Braccio, and compelled the Duke of Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the intercession of Nicolo da Esther, Marquis of Verara. The Duke restoring to the church the places he had taken from her, and his forces retiring into Lombardy. Battista d'Arcanetto, as in the case with all who retain authority only by the consent and forces of another, when the Dukes people had quitted Romagna, enabled with his own power to keep possession of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bento Voli, the head of the opposite party, returned to his country. All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return, those who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by the opposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of the government. And the scenery for the months of November and December, not content with what their predecessors had done in favour of their party, extended the term and changed the residences of several who were banished, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to these evils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed on account of their wealth, their family connections, or private animosities, than for the sake of the party to which they adhered. So that if these prescriptions had been accompanied with bloodshed, they would have resembled those of Octavius and Scylla, though in reality they were not without some stains. For Antonio di Bernardo Guardagni was beheaded, and four other citizens, among whom were Zannobri del Belfertelli and Cosmo Barberdori, passing the confines to which they were limited, proceeded to Venice, where the Venetians, valuing the friendship of Cosmo De Medici, more than their own honour, sent them prisoners to him, and they were basically put to death. This circumstance greatly increased the influence of that party, and struck their enemies with terror, finding that such a powerful republic would so humble itself to the Florentines. This, however, was supposed to have been done not so much out of kindness to Cosmo as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by means of bloodshed make greater certainty of division among the citizens, for the Venetians knew there was no other obstacle to their ambition so great as the union of her people. The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of the state, those in possession of the government now began to strengthen their party by conferring benefits upon them such as were in a condition to serve them, and the family of the Alberti, with all who had been banished by the former government, were recalled. All the nobility, with few exceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and the possessions of the exiles were divided among themselves upon each paying a small acknowledgment. They then fortified themselves with new laws and provisors, made new scrutiny with drawing the names of their adversaries from the purses, and filling them with those of their friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they considered that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere chance of drawing did not afford the government sufficient security. They therefore resolved that the magistrates possessing the power of life and death should always be chosen from among the leaders of their own party, and therefore that the acopiatore, or person selected for the embossation of the new scrutiny with the senority who had to retire from office, should make the new appointments. They gave to each of the guard authority to proceed capitalally, and provided that the exiles, when their term of punishment was complete, should not be allowed to return unless from the senority and colleagues which were thirty-seven in number, the consent of thirty-four was obtained. It was made unlawful to write or to receive letters from them. Every word, sign or action that gave offence to the ruling party was punished with the utmost rigor, and if there was still influence any suspected person whom these regulations did not reach, he was oppressed with taxes imposed for the occasion. Thus, in a short time, having expelled or impoverished the whole of the adverse party, they established themselves firmly in the government. Not to be destitute of external assistance, and to deprive others of it, who might use it against themselves, they entered into a league offensive and defensive with the Pope, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan. End of Book 5, Chapter 1 Translated by an unknown translator Death of Giovanni II Alfonso is routed and taken by the Genoese. Alfonso, being a prisoner of the Duke of Milan, obtains his friendship. The Genoese disgusted with the Duke of Milan. Divisions among the Genoese. The Genoese, by means of Francesco Spinola, expel the Duke's governor. League against the Duke of Milan Rinaldo Dele Albizzi advises the Duke to make war against the Florentines. His discourse to the Duke The Duke adopts measures injurious to the Florentines. Niccolo Piccinino appointed to command the Duke's forces. Preparations of the Florentines. Piccinino routed before Barga. The affairs of Florence being in this condition, Giovanna, Queen of Naples, died, and by her will appointed Renee of Anju to be her successor. Alfonso, King of Aragon, was at this time in Sicily, and having obtained the concurrence of many barons prepared to take possession of the kingdom. The Neapolitans, with whom a greater number of barons were also associated, favored Renee. The Pope was unwilling that either of them should obtain it, but desired the affairs of Naples to be administered by a governor of his own appointing. In the meantime Alfonso entered the kingdom and was received by the Duke of Cessa. He brought with him some princes whom he had engaged in his service, with the design already possessing Capua, which the Prince of Toronto held in his name, of subduing the Neapolitans, and sent his fleet to attack Gaeta, which had declared itself in their favour. They therefore demanded assistance of the Duke of Milan, who persuaded the Genoesey to undertake their defence, and they, to satisfy the Duke their sovereign, and protect the merchandise they possessed, both at Naples and Gaeta, armed a powerful fleet. Alfonso, hearing of this, augmented his own naval force, went in person to meet the Genoesey, and coming up with them near the island of Ponzio, an engagement ensued in which the Alganesey were defeated, and Alfonso, with many of the princes of his suite, made prisoners, and sent by the Genoesey to the Philippo. The victory terrified the princes of Italy, who, being jealous of the Duke's power, thought it would give him a great opportunity of being sovereign of the whole country. But so contrary are the views of men, that he took a directly opposite course. Alfonso was a man of great sagacity, and as soon as an opportunity presented itself of communicating with the Philippo, he proved to him how completely he contouring his own interests, by favouring René and opposing himself. For it would be the business of the former, on becoming King of Naples, to introduce the French into Milan, that in an emergency he might have assistance at hand without the necessity of having to solicit a passage for his friends. But he could not possibly secure this advantage without affecting the ruin of the Duke, and making his dominions a French province, and that the contrary of all this would result from himself becoming Lord of Naples. For having only the French to fear, he would be compelled to love and caress, even to obey those who had it in their power to open a passage for his enemies. That thus the title of the King of Naples would be with himself, Alfonso, but the power and authority with the Philippo, so that it was much more the Duke's business than his own to consider the danger of one course and the advantage of the other, unless he rather wished to gratify his private prejudices than to give security to his dominions. In the one case he would be a free prince. In the other, placed between two powerful sovereigns, he would either be robbed of his territories or live in constant fear and have to obey them like a slave. These arguments so greatly influenced the Duke that, changing his design, he set Alfonso at liberty, sent him honourably to Genoa and then to Naples. From thence the King went to Gator, which, as soon as his liberation had become known, was taken possession by some nobles of his party. The Genoese, seeing that the Duke, without the least regard for them, had liberated the King and gained credit to himself through the dangers and expense which they had incurred, that he enjoyed all the honour of the liberation, and they were themselves exposed to the odium of the capture, and the injuries consequent upon the King's defeat were greatly exasperated. In the city of Genoa, while in the enjoyment of her liberty, a magistrate is consented with the consent of the people, whom they call the doge. Not that he is absolutely a prince, or that he alone has the power of determining matters of government, but that, as the head of state, he proposes those questions or subjects which have to be considered and determined by the magistrates and the councils. In that city are many noble families so powerful that they are with great difficulty induced to submit to the authority of the law. Of these the most powerful are the Fragosa and the Adona, from whom arise the dissensions of the city, and the impotence of her civil regulations. For the possession of this high office being contested by means inadmissible in well-regulated communities, and most commonly with arms in their hands, it always occurs that one party is oppressed and the other triumphant, and sometimes those who fail in the pursuit have recourse to the arms of strangers, and the country they are not allowed to rule they subject to foreign authority. Hence it happens that those who govern in Lombardy most commonly command in Genoa, as occurred at the time Alfonso of Aragon was made prisoner. Among the leading Genoese who had been instrumental in subjecting the Republic to Filippo was Francesco Spinola, who, soon after he had reduced his country to bondage, as always happens in such cases, became suspected by the Duke. Indignant at this he withdrew to a sort of voluntary exile at Gator, and being there when the naval expedition was in preparation, and having conducted himself with great bravery in the action, he thought he had again merited so much of the Duke's confidence as would obtain for him permission to remain undisturbed at Genoa. But the Duke still retained his suspicions, for he could not believe that a vacillating defender of his own country's liberty would be faithful to himself, and Francesco Spinola resolved again to try his fortune and, if possible, restore freedom to his country, and honourable safety for himself. For he was, there was, no probability of regaining the forfeited affection of his fellow citizens, but by resolving at his own peril to remedy the misfortunes which he had been so instrumental in producing. Finding the indignation against the Duke universal on account of the liberation of the King, he thought the moment propitious for the execution of his design. He communicated his ideas to some whom he knew to be similarly inclined, and his arguments ensured their co-operation. The great festival of St John the Baptist being come, when Arasmeno, the new governor sent by the Duke, was to enter Genoa, and he being already arrived, accompanied by Opocino, the former governor, and many generaise of citizens. Francesco Spinola thought further to delay improper, and issuing from his house with those acquainted with his design, all armed, they raised the cry of liberty. It was wonderful to see how eagerly the citizens and people assembled at the word, so that those who for any reason might be favourable to Filippo, not only had no time to arm, but scarcely to consider the means of escape. Arasmeno, with some generaise, fled to the fortress which was held for the Duke, Opocino, thinking that if he could reach the palace, where two thousand men were in arms, and at his own command, he might be able either to affect his own safety, or induce his friends to defend themselves. Took that direction, that before he arrived at the piazza he was slain, his body divided into many pieces and scattered about the city. The generaise having placed the government in the hands of free magistrates, in a few days recovered the castle, and the other stronghold possessed by the Duke, and delivered themselves entirely from his yoke. These transactions, though at first they had alarmed the princes of Italy and the apprehension that the Duke would become too powerful, now gave them hope, seeing the turn they had taken, of being able to restrain him, and, notwithstanding the recent league, the Florentines and Venetians entered into an alliance with the generaise. Vinaldo deli Alvizi and the other leading Florentine exiles, observing the altered aspect of affairs, conceived hopes of being able to induce the Duke to make war against Florence, and having arrived at Milan, Vinaldo addressed him in the following manner. If we, who were once your enemies, come now confidently to supplicate your assistance to enable us to return to our country, neither you nor anyone who considers the course and vicissitudes of human affairs can be at all surprised, for of our past conduct toward yourself and our present intentions toward our country, we can't adduce palpable and abundant reasons. No good man will ever reproach another who endeavours to defend his country, whatever be his mode of doing so. Neither have we had any design of injuring you, but only to preserve our country from detriment, and we appeal to yourself whether, during the greatest victories of our league, when you were really desirous of peace, we were not even more anxious for it than yourself, so that we do not think we have done ought to make us despair altogether of favour from you. Nor can our country itself complain that we now exhort you to use those arms against her from which we have so pertinaciously defended her, for that state alone merits the love of all her citizens which cares with equal affection for all, not one that favours a few and casts from her the great mass of her children. Nor are the arms that men use against their country to be universally condemned for communities, although composed of many, resemble individual bodies, and as in these many infirmities arise which cannot be cured without the application of fire or steel. So in the former there often occur such numerous and great evils that a good and merciful citizen, when there is a necessity for the sword, would be much more to blame in leaving her uncured than by using this remedy for her preservation. What greater disease can afflict a republic than slavery? And what remedy is more desirable for adoption than the one by which alone it can be effectively removed? No wars are just, but those that are necessary and force is merciful when it presents the only hope of relief. I know not what necessity can be greater than ours or what compassion can exceed that which rescues our country from slavery. Our cause is therefore just and our purpose merciful as both yourself and we may be easily convinced. The amplest justice is on your side for the Florentines have not hesitated after a peace concluded with so much solemnity to enter into league with those who have rebelled against you so that if our cause is insufficient to excite you against them let your own just indignation do so and the more so seeing the facility of the undertaking. You need be under no apprehension from the memory of the past in which you may have observed the power of that people and their pertinacity in self-defense though these might reasonably excite fear if they were still animated by the valor of former times. But now all is entirely the reverse for what power can be expected in a city that has recently expelled the greatest part of her wealth and industry? What indomitable resolution need be apprehended from the people whom so many in such recent enmities have disunited? The disunion which still prevails will prevent wealthy citizens advancing money as they used to do on former occasions for though men willingly contribute according to their means when they see their own credit, glory and private advantage dependent upon it or when there is a hope of regaining in peace what has been spent in war but not when equally oppressed under all circumstances when in war they suffer the injuries of the enemy and in peace the insolence of those who govern them. Besides this the people feel more deeply the avarice of their rulers than the rapacity of the enemy for there is hope of being ultimately relieved from the latter evil but none from the former. Thus in the last war you had to contend with the whole city but now with only a small portion. You attempted to take the government from many good citizens but now you oppose only a few bad ones. You then endeavour to defy the city of a liberty now you come to restore it. As it is unreasonable to suppose that under such disparity of circumstances the result should be the same you have now every reason to anticipate an easy victory and how much it will strengthen your own government you may easily judge having Tuscany friendly and bound by so powerful an obligation in your enterprises she will be even of more service to you than Milan and although on former occasions such an acquisition might be look upon as ambitious and unwontable it will now be considered merciful and just then do not let this opportunity escape and be assured that although your attempts against the city have been attended with difficulty, expense and disgrace this will with facility procure you incalculable advantage and an honourable renown. Many words were not requisite to induce the duke to hostilities against the Florentines for he was incited to it by hereditary hatred and blind ambition and still more by the fresh injuries which the league with the Genoese involved yet his past expenses, the dangerous measures necessary the remembrance of his recent losses and the vain hopes of the exiles alarmed him as soon as he had learned the revolt of Genoa he ordered Nicola Picconino to proceed dither with all his cavalry and whatever infantry he could raise for the purpose of recovering her before the citizens had time to become settled and established a government for he trusted greatly in the fortress within the city which was held for him and although Nicola drove the Genoese from the mountains took from them the valley of Posaveri where they had entrenched themselves and obliged them to seek refuge within the walls of the city he still found such an insurmountable obstacle in the resolute defence of the citizens that he was compelled to withdraw on this, at the suggestion of the Florentine exiles he commanded Nicola to attack them on the eastern side upon the confines of Pisa in the Genoese territory and to push the war with his utmost vigor thinking this plan would manifest and develop the course best to be adopted Nicola therefore besieged and took Serizana and having committed great ravages by way of further alarming the Florentines he proceeded to looker spreading a report that it was his intention to go to Naples to render assistance to the king of Aragon upon these new events Pope Eugenius left Florence and proceeded to Bologna where he endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement between the League and the Duke intimating to the latter that if he would not consent to some treaty the pontiff must send Francesco Sporza to assist the League for the latter was now his confederate and served in his pay although the Pope greatly exerted himself in this affair his endeavours were unavailing for the Duke would not listen to any proposal that did not leave him the possession of Genoa and the League had resolved that she should remain free and therefore each party having no other recourse prepared to continue the war in the meantime Nicola Picconino arrived at Looker and the Florentines being doubtful what course to adopt ordered Neri de Geno to lead their forces into the Pisa territory induced the pontiff to allow Count Francesco to join him and with their forces they halted at San Gonda Picconino then demanded admission into the kingdom of Naples and this being refused he threatened to force a passage the armies were equal both in regard of numbers and the capacity of their leaders and unwilling to tempt fortune during the bad weather it being the month of December they remained several days without attacking each other the first movement was made by Nicola Picconino who being informed that if he attacked Vico Pissano by night he could easily take possession of the palace made the attempt and having failed ravaged the surrounding country and then burned and plundered the town of San Giovanni alla Venna this enterprise though of little consequence excited him to make further attempts them also from being assured that the Count and Neri were yet in their quarters and he attacked Santa Maria in Castello and Filetto both which places he took still the Florentine forces would not stir not that the Count entertained any fear but because out of regard to the Pope who still laboured to affect an accommodation the government of Florence had deferred giving their final consent to the war this course which the Florentines adopted from Prudence was considered by the enemy to be only the result of timidity and with increased boldness they led their forces up to Barga which they resolved to besiege this new attack made the Florentines set aside all other considerations and resolved not only to relieve Barga but to invade the Luccheese territory accordingly the Count proceeded in pursuit of Nicolo and coming up with him before Barga an engagement took place in which Picconino was overcome and compelled to raise the siege the Venetians considering the Duke to have broken the peace sent to Giovanni Francesco da Gonzaga their captain Tokiava Dada who by severely wasting the Duke's territories induced him to recall Nicola Picconino from Tuscany this circumstance together with the victory obtained over Nicolo emboldened the Florentines to attempt the recovery of Lucca since the Duke whom alone they feared was engaged with Venetians and the Luccheese having received the enemy into their city and allowed him to attack them would have no ground of complaint History of Florence and the Affairs of Italy by Nicolo Machiavelli Volume 2 translated by an unknown translator Book 5, Chapter 3 The Florentines go to war with Lucca discourse of a citizen of Lucca to animate the plebeians against the Florentines the Luccheese resolved to defend themselves they are assisted by the Duke of Milan treaty between the Florentines and the Venetians Francesco Sforza captain of the league refuses to cross the Poe in the service of the Venetians and returns to Tuscany the bad faith of the Venetians towards the Florentines Cosmo di Medici at Venice peace between the Florentines and the Luccheese the Florentines affect a reconciliation between the Pope and the Count di Popi the Pope consecrates the Church of Santa Reparata the Council of Florence the Count commenced operations against Lucca in April 1437 and the Florentines desirous of recovering what they had themselves lost before they attacked others retook Santa Maria in Castello and all the places which Puccini had occupied then entering the Luccheese territory they besiege Camiore the inhabitants of which although faithful to their rulers being influenced more by immediate danger and by attachment to their distant friends surrendered in the same manner they obtained Massa and Serenzana towards the end of May they proceeded in the direction of Lucca burning the towns destroying the growing crops grains, trees and vines driving away cattle and leaving nothing undone to injure the enemy the Luccheese finding themselves abandoned by the Duke and hopeless of defending the open country forsook it entrenched and fortified the city which they doubted not being well garrisoned they would be able to defend for a time and that in the interim some event would occur for their relief as had been the case during the former wars which the Florentines had carried on against them their only apprehension arose from the fickle minds of the plebeians who becoming weary of the siege would have more consideration of their own danger than of others liberty and would thus compel them to submit to some disgraceful in order to animate them to defense they were assembled in the public piazza and some of the eldest and most esteemed of the citizens addressed them in the following terms you are doubtless aware that what is done from necessity involves neither censure nor applause therefore if you should accuse us of having caused the present war by receiving the ducal forces into the city and allowing them to commit hostilities against the Florentines you are greatly mistaken you are well acquainted with the ancient enmity of the Florentines against you which is not occasioned by any injuries you have done them or by fear on their part but by our weakness and their own ambition for the one gives them hope of being able to oppress us and the other incites them to attempt it it is then vain to imagine that any merit of yours can extinguish that desire in them or that any offense you can commit can provoke them to greater animosity they endeavor to deprive you of your liberty you must resolve to defend it and whatever they may undertake against us for that purpose although we may lament, we need not wonder we may well grieve therefore that they attack us take possession of our towns, burn our houses and waste our country but who is so simple as to be surprised at it for were it in our power we should do just the same to them even worse they declare war against us now they say for having received Nikolo but if we had not received him they would have done the same and assigned some other ground for it and if the evil had been delayed it would most probably have been greater therefore you must not imagine it to be occasioned by his arrival but rather by your own ill fortune and their ambition for we could not have refused admission of the Duke's forces and, being come, we could not prevent their aggressions you know that without the aid of some powerful ally we are incapable of self-defense and that none can render us this service more powerfully or faithfully than the Duke he restored our liberty it is reasonable to expect he will defend it he has always been the greatest foe of our inveterate enemies if, therefore, to avoid incensing the Florentines we had excited his anger we should have lost our best friend and rendered our enemy more powerful and more disposed to oppress us so that it is far preferable to have this war upon our hands and enjoy the favor of the Duke than to be in peace without it besides, we are justified in expecting that he will rescue us from the dangers into which we are brought on his account if we only do not abandon our own cause you all know how fiercely the Florentines have frequently assailed us and with what glory we have maintained our defense we have often been deprived of every hope accepting God and the casualties which time might produce and both have proved our friends and as they have delivered us formerly why should they not continue to do so then we were forsaken by the whole of Italy now we have the Duke in our favor besides, we have a right to suppose that the Venetians will not hastily attack us for they will not willingly see the power of Florence increased on the former occasion the Florentines were more at liberty they had greater hope of assistance and were more powerful in themselves while we were in every respect weaker for then a tyrant governed us now we defend ourselves then the glory of our defense was another's now it is our own then they were in harmony now they are disunited all Italy being filled with their banished citizens but were we without the hope which these favorable circumstances present our extreme necessity should make us firmly resolved on our defense it is reasonable to fear every enemy for all seek their own glory and your ruin above all others you have to dread the Florentines for they would not be satisfied by submission and tribute or the dominion of our city they would possess our entire substance and persons that they might satiate their cruelty with our blood and their avarice with our property so that all ranks ought to dread them therefore do not be troubled at seeing our crops destroyed our towns burned our fortresses occupied for if we preserve the city the rest will be saved as a matter of course if we lose her all else would be of no advantage to us while retaining our liberty the enemy can hold only with the greatest difficulty while losing it they would be preserved in vain arm therefore and when in the fight remember that the reward of victory will be safety not only to your country but to your homes, your wives and your children the speakers last words were received with the utmost enthusiasm by the people who promised one and all to die rather than to abandon their cause or submit to any terms that could violate their liberty they then made arrangements for the defense of the city in the meantime the Florentine forces were not idle and after innumerable mischiefs done to the country took Monte Carlo by capitulation they then besieged Uzzano in order that the Lucchese being pressed on all sides might despair of assistance and be compelled to submission by Thammon the fortress was very strong and defended by a numerous garrison so that its capture would be by no means an easy undertaking the Lucchese as might be expected seeing the imminent peril of their situation had recourse to the Duke and employed prayers and remonstrances to induce him to render them aid they enlarged upon their own merits and the offenses of the Florentines and showed how greatly it would attach the Duke's friends to him to find they were defended and how much disaffection it would spread among them if they were left to be overwhelmed by the enemy that if they lost their liberties and their lives he would lose his honor and his friends and forfeit the confidence of all who from affection might be induced to incur dangers in his behalf and added tears to entreaties so that if he were unmoved by gratitude to them he might be induced to their defense by motives of compassion the Duke influenced by his inveterate hostility against the Florentines his new obligation to the Lucchese and above all by his desire to prevent so great an acquisition from falling into the hands of his ancient enemies determined either to send a strong force into Tuscany or vigorously to assail the Venetians so as to compel the Florentines to give up their enterprise and go to their relief it was soon known in Florence that the Duke was preparing to send forces into Tuscany this made the Florentines apprehensive for the success of their enterprise and in order to retain the Duke of Lombardy they requested the Venetians to press him with their utmost strength but they also were alarmed the Marquis of Mantua having abandoned them and gone over to the Duke and thus finding themselves almost defenseless they replied that instead of increasing their responsibilities they should be unable to perform their part in the war unless the Count Francesco were sent to them to take the command of the army and with the special understanding that he should engage to cross the Poe in person they declined to fulfill their former engagements unless he were bound to do so for they could not carry on the war without a leader or repose confidence in any except the Count and he himself would be useless to them unless he came under an obligation to carry on the war whenever they might think needful the Florentines thought the war ought to be pushed vigorously in Lombardy but they saw that if they lost the Count their enterprise against Luca was ruined and they knew well that the demand of the Venetians arose less from any need they had of the Count than from their desire to frustrate this expedition the Count on the other hand was ready to pass into Lombardy whenever the League might require him but would not alter the tenor of his engagement for he was unwilling to sacrifice the hope of the Alliance promised to him by the Duke the Florentines were thus embarrassed by two contrary impulses the wish to possess Luca and the dread of war with Milan as commonly happens fear was the most powerful and they consented after the capture of Uzzano that the Count should go into Lombardy there still remained another difficulty which depending on circumstances beyond the reach of their influence created more doubts and uneasiness than the former the Count would not consent to pass the Po and the Venetians refused to accept him on any other condition seeing no other method of arrangement than that each should make liberal concessions the Florentines induced the Count to cross the river by a letter addressed to the Signori of Florence intimating that this private promise did not invalidate any public engagement and that he might still refrain from crossing hence it resulted that the Venetians having commenced the war would be compelled to proceed and that the evil apprehended by the Florentines would be averted to the Venetians on the other hand they averted that this private letter was sufficiently binding and therefore they ought to be content for if they could save the Count from breaking with his father-in-law it was well to do so and that it could be of no advantage either to themselves or the Venetians to publish it without some manifest necessity it was thus determined that the Count should pass into Lombardy and having taken Uzzano and raised bastions about Luca to restrain in her inhabitants placed the management of the siege in the hands of the commissaries crossed the Aponinas and proceeded to Reggio where the Venetians alarmed at his progress and in order to discover his intentions insisted upon his immediately crossing the Po and joining the other forces the Count refused compliance and many mutual recriminations took place between him and Andrea Morochano their messenger on this occasion each charging the other with arrogance and treachery after many protestations the one of being under no obligation to perform that service and the other of not being bound to any payment they parted the Count to return to Tuscany the other to Venice the Florentines had sent the Count to encamp in the Pisan territory and were in hopes of inducing him to renew the war against the Lucchese but found him indisposed to do so for the Duke having been informed that out of regard to him he had refused to cross the Po thought that by this means he might also save the Lucchese and begged the Count to endeavor to effect an accommodation between the Florentines and the Lucchese including himself in it if he were able, declaring at the same time the promised marriage should be solemnized whenever he thought proper the prospect of this connection had great influence with the Count for as the Duke had no sons it gave him hope of becoming sovereign of Milan for this reason he gradually abated his exertions in the war declared that he would not proceed unless the Venetians fulfilled their engagement as to the payment and also retained him in the command that the discharge of the debt would not alone be sufficient for desiring to live peaceably in his own dominions he needed some alliance other than that of the Florentines and that he must regard his own interests shrewdly hinting that if abandoned by the Venetians he would come to terms with the Duke these indirect and crafty methods of procedure were highly offensive to the Florentines for they found their expedition against Lucca frustrated and trembled for the safety of their own territories if ever the Count and the Duke should enter into a mutual alliance to induce the Venetians to retain the Count in the command Cosmo di Medici went to Venice hoping his influence would prevail with them and discuss the subject at great length before the Senate pointing out the condition of the Italian states the disposition of their armies and the great preponderance possessed by the Duke he concluded by saying that if the Count and the Duke were to unite their forces they the Venetians might return to the sea and the Florentines would have to fight for their liberty to this the Venetians replied that they were acquainted with their own strength and that of the Italians and thought themselves able at all events to provide for their own defense that it was not their custom to pay soldiers for serving others that as the Florentines had used the Count's services they must pay him themselves with respect to the security of their own states it was rather desirable to check the Count's pride than to pay him for the ambition of men is boundless and if he were now paid without serving he would soon make some other demand still more unreasonable and dangerous it therefore seemed necessary to curb his insolence and not allow it to increase till it became incorrigible and that if the Florentines from fear of any other motive wished to preserve his friendship they must pay him themselves without having affected any part of his object the Florentines used the wadiest arguments they could adopt to prevent the Count from quitting the service of the League a course he was himself reluctant to follow but his desire to conclude the marriage so embarrassed him that any trivial accent would have been sufficient to determine his course as indeed shortly happened the Count had left his territories in La Marca to the care of Il Foulano one of his principal Conditieri who was so far influenced by the Duke as to take command under him and quit the Count's service this circumstance caused the latter to lay aside every idea but that of his own safety and to come to agreement with the Duke among the terms of which compact was one that he should not be expected to interfere in the affairs of Romagna and Tuscany the Count then urged the Florentines to come to terms with the Lucchese and so convinced them of the necessity of this that seeing no better course to adopt they complied in April 1438 by which treaty the Lucchese retained their liberty and the Florentines Monte Carlo and a few other fortresses after this being full of exasperation they dispatched letters to every part of Italy overcharged with complaints affecting to show that since God and men were averse to the Lucchese coming under their dominion they had made peace with them and it seldom happens that any suffer so much for the loss of their own lawful property as they did because they could not obtain the possession of others though the Florentines had now so many affairs in hand they did not allow the proceedings of their neighbors to pass unnoticed or neglect the decoration of their city as before observed Niccolo Fortebraccio was dead he had married a daughter of the Count di Popi who at the disease of his son-in-law held the Borgos Sansepulcro and other fortresses of that district and while Niccolo lived governed them in his name claiming them as his daughter's portion he refused to give them up to the Pope who demanded them as property held of the church and who upon his refusal sent the patriarch with forces to take possession of them the Count finding himself unable to sustain the attack offered them to the Florentines who declined them but the Pope having returned to Florence they interceded with him in the Count's behalf difficulties arising the patriarch attacked the Cassantino took Prattovecchio and Romena and offered them also to the Florentines who refused them likewise unless the Pope would consent they should restore them to the Count to which after much hesitation he acceded on condition that the Florentines should prevail with the Count di Popi to restore the Borgos to him the Pope was thus satisfied and the Florentines having so far completed the building of their cathedral church of Santa Reparata which had been commenced long ago as to enable them to perform divine service in it requested his holiness to consecrate it to this the Pontiff willingly agreed and the Florentines to exhibit twelve of the city and the splendor of the edifice and do greater honor to the Pope erected a platform from Santa Maria Novella where he resided to the cathedral he was about to consecrate six feet in height and twelve feet wide covered with rich drapery for the accommodation of the Pontiff and his court upon which they proceeded to the building accompanied by those civic magistrates and other officers who were appointed to take part in the procession the usual ceremonies of consecration having been completed the Pope to show his affection for the city conferred the honor of knighthood upon Giuliano Davanzatti their gonfaleoneer of justice and the citizen of the highest reputation and the signori not to appear less gracious than the Pope granted to the new created knight the government of Pisa for one year there were at the time certain differences between the Roman and the Greek churches which prevented perfect conformity in divine service and at the last council of Baal the prelates of the western church having spoken at great length upon the subject it was resolved that effort should be made to bring the emperor and the Greek prelates to the council at Baal to endeavor to reconcile the Greek church with the Roman though this resolution was derogatory to the majesty of the Greek empire and offensive to its clergy yet being then oppressed by the Turks and fearing their inability for defense in order to have a better ground for requesting assistance they submitted and therefore the emperor, the patriarch and the other prelates and barons of Greece to comply with the resolution of the council assembled at Baal came to Venice but being terrified by the plague then prevailing it was resolved to terminate their differences at Florence the Roman and Greek prelates having held a conference during several days in which many long discussions took place the Greeks yielded and agreed to adopt the ritual of the church of Rome end of book 5 chapter 3 book 5 chapter 4 of history of Florence by Machiavelli volume 2 this is a LibriVox recording all LibriVox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit LibriVox.org recording by Dennis Sayers history of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Niccolò Machiavelli volume 2 translated by an unknown translator book 5 chapter 4 new wars in Italy Niccolò Piccinino in concert with the Duke of Milan deceives the Pope and takes many places in the church Niccolò attacks the Venetians fears and precautions of the Florentines the Venetians request assistance of the Florentines in of Sforza league against the Duke of Milan the Florentines resolve to send account to assist the Venetians Neri Diccino Caponi at Venice his discourse to the Senate extreme joy of the Venetians peace being restored between the Lucezi and Florentines and the Duke and the Count having become friends hopes were entertained that the arms of Italy would be laid aside although those in the Kingdom of Naples between Rene Evangel and Alfonso of Aragon could find repose only by the ruin of one party or the other and though the Pope was dissatisfied with the loss of so large a portion of his territories and the ambition of the Duke and the Venetians was obvious still it was thought that the Pontiff from necessity and the others from weariness would be advocates of peace however a different state of feeling prevailed for neither the Duke nor the Venetians were dissatisfied with their condition so that hostilities were resumed and Lombardy and Tuscany were again harassed by the horrors of war the proud mind of the Duke could not endure that the Venetians should possess Pergamot and Bressia and he was still further annoyed by hearing that they were constantly in arms and in the daily practice of annoying the portion of his territories he thought however that he should not only be able to restrain them but to recover the places he had lost if the Pope, the Florentines and the Count could be induced to forgo the Venetian alliance he therefore resolved to take Romagna from the Pontiff imagining that his holiness could not injure him and that the Florentines finding the integration so near, either for their own sake would refrain from interference or if they did not could not conveniently attack him the Duke was also aware of the resentment of the Florentines against the Venetians on account of the affair of Luca and he therefore judged that they would be the less eager to take arms against him on their behalf with regard to the Count Francesco he trusted that their new friendship and the hope of his alliance would keep him quiet to give as little color as possible for complaint and to allow suspicion, particularly because in consequence of his treaty with the Count the latter could not attack Romagna he ordered Nicolo Pizzinino as if instigated by his ambition to do so when the arrangement between the Duke and the Count was concluded Nicolo was in Romagna and in pursuance of his instructions from the Duke affected to be highly incensed that a connection had been established between him and the Count his inveterate enemy he therefore withdrew himself and his forces to Camarata a place between Ferli and Ravina which he fortified as if designing to remain there some time or until a new enterprise should present itself the report of his resentment being diffused Nicolo gave the Pope to understand how much the Duke was under obligation to him and how ungrateful he proved and he was persuaded that possessing nearly all the arms of Italy under the two principal generals he could render himself sole ruler but if his holiness pleased of the two principal generals whom he fancied he possessed one would become his enemy and the other be rendered useless for if money were provided him and he were kept in pay he would attack the territories held of the church by the Count who being compelled to look to his own interests could not subserve the ambition of Filippo the Pope giving entire credence to this representation on account of its apparent reasonableness sent Nicolo five thousand ducats and loaded him with promises of states for himself and his children and though many informed him of the deception he could not give credit to them nor would he endure the conversation of any who seemed to doubt the integrity of Nicolo's professions the city of Revena was held for the church by Otasio da Polenta Nicolo finding further delay would be detrimental since his son Francesco had to the Pope's great dishonor pillaged Spoleto determined to attack Revena either because he judged the enterprise easy or because he had a secret understanding with Otasio for in a few days after the attack the place capitulated he then took Bologna, Imola and Ferli and what is worthy of remark of twenty fortresses held in that country for the Pope not one escaped falling into his hands not satisfied with these injuries inflicted on the pontiff he resolved to banter him by his words as well as ridicule him by his needs and wrote that he had only done as his holiness deserved for having unblushingly attempted to divide two such attached friends as the Duke and himself and for having dispersed over Italy letters intimating that he had quitted the Duke to take part with the Venetians having taken possession of Romagna Nicolo left it under the charge of his son Francesco and with the greater part of his troops went into Lombardy where joining the remainder of the Duke's forces he attacked the country about Brescia and having soon completely conquered it besieged the city itself the Duke who desired the Venetians to be left defenseless excused himself to the Pope the Florentines and the Count saying that if the doings of Nicolo were contrary to the terms of the treaty they were equally contrary to his wishes and by secret messengers assured them that when an occasion presented itself he would give them a convincing proof that they had been performed in disobedience to his instructions neither the Count nor the Florentines believed him but thought, with reason that these enterprises had been carried on to keep them at bay till he had subdued the Venetians who, being full of pride and thinking themselves able alone to resist the Duke they would not deign to ask for any assistance but carried on the war under their captain Gattamelata Count Francesco would have wished with the consent of the Florentines to go to the assistance of King Rene if the events of Romagna and Lombardy had not hindered him and the Florentines would willingly have consented from their ancient friendship to the French dynasty but the Duke was entirely in favor of Alfonso each being engaged in wars near home refrained from distant undertakings the Florentines, finding Romagna occupied with the Duke's forces and the Venetians defeated as if foreseeing their own ruin and that of others and treated the Count to come to Tuscany whether they might consider what should be done to resist Filippo's power which was now greater than it had ever before been assuring him that if his insolence were not in some way curbed all the powers of Italy would soon have to submit to him the Count felt the force of the fears entertained by the Florentines but his desire to secure the Duke's alliance kept him in suspense and the Duke, aware of this desire gave him the greatest assurance that his hopes would be realized as shortly as possible if he abstained from hostilities against him as the lady was now of marriageable age the Duke had frequently made all suitable preparations for the celebration of the ceremony but on one pretext or another they had always been wholly set aside he now, to give the Count greater confidence added deeds to his words and sent him 30,000 Florentines which by the terms of the marriage contract he had engaged to pay still the war in Lombardy proceeded with greater vehemence than ever the Venetians constantly suffered fresh losses of territory and the fleets they equipped upon the rivers were taken by the Duke's forces the country around Verona and Brescia was entirely occupied and the two cities themselves so pressed that their speedy fall was generally anticipated the Marquis of Mantua who for many years had led the forces of their republic quite unexpectedly resigned his command and went over to the Duke's service thus the course which pride prevented them from adopting at the commencement of the war fear compelled them to take during its progress for knowing there was no help for them but in the friendship of the Florentines and the Count they began to make overtures to obtain it though with shame and apprehension for they were afraid of receiving a reply similar to that which they had given the Florentines when the latter applied for assistance in the enterprise against Luca and the Count's affairs however they found the Florentines more easily induced to render aid than they expected or their conduct deserved so much more were the former swayed by hatred of their ancient enemy than by resentment of the ingratitude of their old and habitual friends having foreseen the necessity into which the Venetians must come they had informed the Count that their ruin must involve his own that he was deceived if he thought the Duke while fortune would esteem him more than if he were in adversity that the Duke was induced to promise him his daughter by the fear he entertained of him that what necessity occasions to be promised it also causes to be performed and it was therefore desirable to keep the Duke in that necessity which could be done without supporting the power of the Venetians therefore he might perceive that if the Venetians were compelled to abandon their inland territories he would not only lose the advantages derivable from them but also those to be obtained from such as feared them and that if he considered well the powers of Italy he would see that somewhere poor and others hostile that the Florentines alone were not as he had often said sufficient for his support so that on every account it was best to keep the Venetians powerful by land these arguments conjoined with the hatred which the Count had conceived against Filippo by supposing himself duped with regard to the promised alliance induced him to consent to a new treaty but still he would not consent to cross the Po the agreement was concluded in February 1438 the Venetians agreeing to pay two thirds of the expense of the war the Florentines one third and each engaging to defend the states which the Count possessed in La Marca nor were these the only forces of the League for the Lord of Faenza the sons of Pandolfo Malateste da Romino and Pietro Giampagolo Orsini also joined them they endeavored by very liberal offers to gain over the Marquis of Mantua but could not prevail against the friendship and stipend of the Duke and the Lord of Faenza after having entered into compact with the League being tempted by more advantageous terms went over to him this made them despair of being able to effect an early settlement of the troubles of Romagna the affairs of Lombardy were in this condition Brescia was so closely besieged by the Duke's forces that constant apprehensions were entertained of her being compelled by a famine to a surrender while Verona was so pressed that a similar fate was expected to await her and if one of these cities were lost all the other preparations for the war might be considered useless and the expenses already incurred as completely wasted for this there was no remedy but to send the Count into Lombardy and to this measure three obstacles presented themselves the first was to induce him to cross the Po and prosecute the war in whatever locality might be found most advisable the second that the Count being at a distance the Florentines would be left almost at the mercy of the Duke who issuing from any of his fortresses might with part of his troops keep the Count at bay and with the rest introduce into Tuscany the Florentine exiles whom the existing government already dreaded the third was to determine what route the Count should take to arrive safely in the Paguan territory to find the Venetian forces of these three difficulties the second which particularly regarded the Florentines was the most serious but knowing the necessity of the case and worried out by the Venetians who with unceasing importunity demanded the Count intimating that without him they should abandon all hope they resolved to relieve their allies rather than listen to the suggestions of their own fears there still remained the question about the route to be taken for the safety of which they determined the Venetians should provide and as they had sent Neri Caponi to treat with the Count and induce him to cross the Po they determined that the same person should also proceed to Venice in order to make the benefit the more acceptable to the scenery and seeing that all possible security were given to the passage of the forces Neri embarked at Cicena and went to Venice nor was any Prince ever received with so much honor as he was for upon his arrival and the matters which his intervention was to decide and determine the safety of the Republic seemed to depend being introduced to the Senate and in presence of the doge he said the signary of Florence most serene Prince has always perceived in the Duke's greatness the source of ruin both to this Republic and our own and that the safety of both states depends upon their separate strength and mutual confidence if such had been the opinion of this illustrious signary we should ourselves have been in better condition and your Republic would have been free from the dangers that now threaten it but as at the proper crisis you withheld from us confidence and aid we could not come to the relief of your distress nor could you being conscious of this freely ask us for neither in your prosperity nor adversity have you clearly perceived our motives you have not observed that those whose deeds have once incurred our hatred can never become entitled to our regard nor can those who have once merited our affection ever after absolutely cancel their claim our attachment to your most serene signary is well known to you all for you have often seen Lombardi filled with our forces and our money for your assistance our hereditary enmity to Filippo and his house is universally known and it is impossible that love or hatred strengthened by the growth of years can be eradicated from our minds by any recent act either of kindness or neglect we have always thought and are still of the same opinion that we might now remain neutral greatly to the dukes satisfaction and with little hazard to ourselves for if by your ruin he were to become lord of Lombardi we should still have sufficient influence in Italy to free us from any apprehension on our account for every increase of power and territory augments that animosity and envy from which arise wars and the dismemberment of states we are also aware what heavy expenses and imminent perils we should avoid by declining to involve ourselves in these disputes and how easily the field of battle may be transferred from Lombardi to Tuscany by our interference in your behalf yet all these apprehensions are at once overborn by our ancient affection for the senate and people of Venice and we have resolved to come to your relief with the same zeal with which we should have armed in our own defense had we been attacked therefore the state of Florence judging it primarily necessary to relieve Verona and Brescia and thinking this impossible without the count have sent me in the first instance to persuade him to pass into Lombardi and carry on the war wherever it may be most needful for you are aware he is under no obligation to cross the Po to induce him to do so I have advanced such arguments as are suggested by the circumstances themselves and which would prevail with us he being invincible in arms cannot be surpassed in courtesy and the liberality he sees the Florentine's exercise toward you he has resolved to outdo for he is well aware to what dangerous Tuscany will be exposed after his departure and since we have made your affairs our primary consideration he has also resolved to make his own subservient to yours I come therefore to tender his services with seven thousand cavalry and two thousand infantry ready at once to march against the enemy wherever he may be and I beg of you so do my lords at Florence and the Count that as his forces exceed the number he has engaged to furnish you out of your liberality would remunerate him that he may not repent of having come to your assistance nor we who have prevailed with him to do so this discourse of nary to the senate was listened to with that profound attention oracle might be imagined to command and his audience were so moved by it that they could not restrain themselves till the prince had replied as strict decorum on such occasions required but rising from their seats with uplifted hands and most of them with tears in their eyes they thanked the Florentine's for their generous conduct and the ambassador for his unusual dispatch and promised that time should never cancel the remembrance of such goodness either in their own hearts or their children's and that their country thenceforth should be common to the Florentine's with themselves Chapter 4 Book 5, Chapter 5 of History of Florence by Machiavelli Volume 2 This is a Librivox recording All Librivox recordings are in the public domain For more information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org Recording by Morgan Scorpion History of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Nicola Machiavelli Volume 2 translated by an unknown translator Book 5, Chapter 5 Francesco Sporza marches to assist the Venetians and relieves Verona He attempts to relieve Brescia but fails The Venetians routed by Piccinino upon the Lake of Garda Piccinino routed by Sporza the method of his escape Piccinino surprises Verona description of Verona recovered by Sporza The Duke of Milan makes war against the Florentines at prehensions of the Florentines Cardinal Viterleschi their enemy When their demonstrations of gratitude had subsided the Venetian Senate by the aid of Nerida Gino began to consider the route the Count ought to take and how to provide him with necessaries There were four several roads one by Ravenna along the beach which on account of its being in many places interrupted by the sea was not approved The next was the most direct but rendered inconvenient by a tower called the Uccellino which being held for the Duke it would be necessary to capture and to do this would occupy more time than could be spared with safety to Verona and Brescia The third was by the Brink of the Lake but as the pole had overflowed its banks to pass in this direction was impossible The fourth was by way of Bologna to Ponte Poledrano Gento and Pieve then between the Bondino and the Finale to Favare and thence they might by land or water enter the Paduan territory and join the Venetian forces This route, though attended with many difficulties and in some parts liable to be disputed by the enemy was chosen as the least objectionable The Count having received his instructions commenced his march and by passing the utmost celerity reached the Paduan territory on the twentieth of June The arrival of this distinguished commander in Lombardy filled Venice and all her dependence with hope for the Venetians who only an instant before had been in fear for their very existence began to contemplate new conquests The Count before he made any other attempt hastened to the relief of Verona and to counteract his design Nicola led his forces to Suave the castle situated between the Vincentino and the Veronesi and entrenched himself by a ditch that extended from Suave to the marches of the Adige The Count finding his passage by the plain cut off resolved to proceed by the mountains and thus reach Verona thinking Nicola would imagine this way to be so rugged and elevated as to be impracticable or if he thought otherwise he would not be in time to prevent him So with provisions for eight days he took the mountain path and with his forces arrived in the plain below Suave Nicolo had even upon this route erected some bastions for the purpose of preventing him but they were insufficient for the purpose and finding the enemy had contrary to his expectations affected a passage to avoid a disadvantageous engagement he crossed to the opposite side of the Adige and the Count entered Verona without opposition Having happily succeeded in his first project that of relieving Verona the Count now endeavoured to render a similar service to Brestia This city is situated so close to the lake of Garda that although besieged by land provisions may always be sent into it by water On this account the Duke had assembled a large force in the immediate vicinity of the lake and at the commencement of his victories occupied all the places which by its means might relieve Brestia The Venetians also had galleys upon the lake but they were unequal to a contest with those of the Duke The Count therefore deemed it advisable to aid the Venetian fleet with his land forces by which means he hoped to obtain without much difficulty those places which kept Brestia in blockade He therefore encamped before Bardolino a fortress situated upon the lake trusting that after it was taken the others would surrender But Fortune opposed this design for a great part of his troops fell sick so giving up the enterprise he went to Zervio a Veronaise castle in a healthy and plentiful situation Nicolo upon the Count's retreat not to let slip an opportunity of making himself master of the lake left his camp at Vegasio and with a body of picked men took the way thither attacked the Venetian fleet with the utmost impetuosity and took nearly the whole of it By this victory almost all the fortresses upon the lake fell into his hands The Venetians alarmed at this loss and fearing that in consequence of it Brestia would surrender solicited the Count by letters and messengers to go to its relief and he perceiving that all hope of rendering assistance from the lake was cut off and that to attempt an approach by land on account of the ditches, bastions and other defences erected by Nicolo was marching to certain destruction determined that as the passage by the mountains had enabled him to relieve Verona it should also contribute to the preservation of Brestia Having taken this resolution the Count left Zervio and by way of the Val Dacri went to the lake of Sant'Andrea and thence to Torbole and Pineda upon the lake of Garda He then proceeded to Tenna and besieged the fortress which it was necessary to occupy before he could reach Brestia Nicolo, on being acquainted with the Count's design, led his army to Pesciera He then, with the Marquess of Mantua and a chosen body of men, went to meet him and coming to an engagement was routed, his people dispersed and many of them taken while others fled to the fleet and some to the main body of his army It was now nightfall and Nicolo had escaped to Tenna but he knew that if he were to remain there till morning he must inevitably fall into the enemy's hands therefore to avoid a catastrophe which might be regarded as almost fatal he resolved to make a dangerous experiment Of all his attendance he had only with him a single servant a Dutchman of great personal strength and who had always been devotedly attached to him Nicolo induced this man to take him upon his shoulders in a sack as if he had been carrying property of his masters and to bear him to a place of security The enemy's lines surrounded Tenna but on account of the previous day's victory all was in disorder and no guard was kept so that the Dutchman disguised as a trooper passed through them without any opposition and brought his master in safety to his own troops Had this victory been as carefully improved as it was fortunately obtained Thresher would have derived from it greater relief and the Venetians more permanent advantage but they, having thoughtlessly let it slip the rejoicings were soon over and Thresher remained in her former difficulties Nicolo, having returned to his forces resolved by some extraordinary exertion to cancel the impression of his death and deprived the Venetians of the charge of relieving Thresher He was acquainted with the topography of the Citadel of Barona and had learned from prisoners whom he had taken that it was badly guarded and might be very easily recovered He perceived at once that fortune presented him with an opportunity of regaining the laurels he had lately lost and of changing the joy of the enemy for their recent victory into sorrow for a succeeding disaster The city of Barona is situated in Lombardy at the foot of the mountains which divide Italy from Germany so that it occupies part both of Hill and Plain The river Adige rises in the valley of Trento and entering Italy does not immediately traverse the country but winding to the left along the base of the hills enters Barona and crosses the city which it divides unequally giving much the larger portion to the plain On the mountain side of the river are two fortresses formidable rather from their situation than from their actual strength for being very elevated they command the whole place One is called San Piero the other San Felice On the opposite side of the Adige with their backs against the city walls are two other fortresses about a mile distant from each other one called the old the other the new Citadel and the wall extends between them that may be compared to a bowstring of which the city wall is the Ark The space comprehended within this segment is very populace and is called the Borgo of Saint Zeno Nicola Piccinino designed to capture these fortresses and the Borgo and he hoped to succeed without much difficulty as well on account of the ordinary negligence of the guard which their recent successes would probably increase as because in war no enterprise is more likely to be successful than one which by the enemy is deemed impossible With the body of picked men and accompanied by the Marquess of Mantua he proceeded by night to Barona, silently scaled the walls and took the new Citadel Then entering the place with his troops he forced the gate of San Antonio and introduced the whole of his cavalry The Venetian garrison of the old Citadel hearing an uproar when the guards of the new were slaughtered and again when the gate was forced being now aware of the presence of enemies raised an alarm and called the people to arms The citizens awakening in the utmost confusion some of the boldest armed and hastened to the rector's piazza In the meantime Nicola's forces had pillaged the Borgo of San Zeno and proceeding onward were ascertained by the people to be the Duke's forces but being defenceless they advised the Venetian rectors to take refuge in the Fortresses and thus save themselves and the place as it was more advisable to preserve their lives and so rich a city for better fortune than by endeavouring to repel the present evil encounter certain death and incur universal pillage Upon this the rectors and all the Venetian party led to the Fortress of San Felice Some of the first citizens anxious to avoid being plundered by the troops presented themselves before Nicola and the Marquis of Mantua and begged they would rather take possession of a rich city with honour to themselves than of a poor one to their own disgrace particularly as they had not induced either the favour of its former possessors or the animosity of its present masters by self-defence The Marquis and Nicola encouraged them and protected their property to the utmost of their power during such a state of military licence. As they felt sure the Count would endeavour to recover the city they made every possible exertion to gain possession of the Fortresses and those they could not seize they cut off from the rest of the palace by ditches and barricades so that the enemy might be shut out. The Count Francesco was with his army at Tenna and when the report was first brought to them he refused to credit it but being assured of the fact by parties whom it would have been ridiculous to doubt he resolved by the exertion of uncommon celerity to repair the evil negligence had occasioned and though all his officers advised the abandonment of Verona and Brescia and a march to Vicenza lest he might be besieged by the enemy in his present situation he refused but resolved to attempt the recovery of Verona. During the consultation he turned to the Venetian Commissaries and to Bernardo de Medici who was there as commissary for the Florentines and promised them the recovery of the place if one of the Fortresses should hold out. Having collected his forces he proceeded with the utmost speed to Verona. Observing his approach Nicolo thought he designed according to the advice he had received to go to Vicenza but finding him continue to draw near and taking the direction of San Felice he prepared for its defence though too late his men were dispersed in quest of plunder or exhorting money from the Inhabitants by way of ransom and he could not collect them in time to prevent the Count's troops from entering the Fortress. They then descended into the city which they happily recovered to Nicolo's disgrace and with the loss of great numbers of his men. He himself with the Marquis of Montura first took refuge in the Citadel and thence escaping into the country fled to Mantua having assembled the relics of their army they hastened to join those who were at the Siege of Brescia. Thus in four days Verona was lost and again recovered from the Duke. The Count after this victory it being now winter and the weather very severe having first with considerable difficulty thrown provisions into Brescia went into quarters at Verona and ordered that during the cold season galleys should be provided at Torbolli that upon the return of spring they might be in a condition to proceed vigorously to affect the permanent relief of Brescia. The Duke finding the war suspended for a time the hope that he had entertained of occupying Brescia and Verona annihilated and the money and councils of the Florentines the cause of this and seeing that neither the injuries they had received from the Venetians could alienate them nor all the promises he had made attached them to himself he determined in order to make them feel more closely the effects of the course to attack Tuscany to which he was strenuously advised by the Florentine exiles and Nicolo the latter advocated this from his desire to recover the states of Bradshaw and expel the Count from the marker the former from their wish to return home and each by suitable arguments endeavored to induce the Duke to follow the plan congenial to their own views Nicolo argued that he might be sent into Tuscany and continue the siege of Brescia for he was master of the lake the fortices were well provided and their officers were qualified to oppose the Count should he undertake any fresh enterprise which it was not likely he would do without first relieving Brescia a thing impossible and thus the Duke might carry on the war in Tuscany without giving up his attempts in Lombardy intimating that the Florentines would be compelled as soon as he entered Tuscany to recall the Count to avoid complete ruin and whatever course they took victory to the Duke must be the result the exiles affirmed that if Nicolo with his army were to approach Florentines the people oppressed with taxes and wearied out by the insolence of the great would most assuredly not oppose him and pointed out the facility of reaching Florentines for the way by the Castelletina would be open to them through the friendship of Ronaldo and the Count de Poppi and thus the Duke who was previously inclined to the attempt was induced by their joint persuasions to make it the Renaissance on the other hand though the winter was severe incessantly urged the Count to relieve Brescia with all his forces the Count questioned the possibility of so doing and advised them to wait the return of spring in the meantime strengthening their fleet as much as possible and then assisted both by land and water this rendered the Renaissance dissatisfied they were dilatory in furnishing provisions from their army the Florentines being informed of these transactions became alarmed perceiving the war threatening themselves and the little progress made in Lombardy nor did the suspicion entertained by them of the troops of the church give them less uneasiness not that the Pope was their enemy but because they saw those forces move under the sway of the patriarch who was their greatest foe Giovanni Viteleschi of Connetto was at first apostolic notary then Bishop of Recon Nati and afterwards patriarch of Alexandria but at last becoming a cardinal he was called cardinal of Florence he was bold and cunning and, having obtained great influence was appointed to command all the forces of the church and conduct all the enterprises of the pontiff whether in Tuscany, Romania the kingdom of Naples or in Rome hence he acquired so much power over the pontiff and the papal troops that the former was afraid of commanding him and the latter obeyed no one else the cardinal's presence at Rome when the report came of Nicola's design to march into Tuscany redoubled the fear of the Florentines for since Ronaldo was expelled he had become an enemy of the Republic from finding that the arrangements made by his means were not only disregarded but converted to Ronaldo's prejudice and caused the laying down of arms which had given his enemies the opportunity of banishing him in consequence of this the government thought it would be advisable to restore and indemnify Ronaldo in case Nicolo came into Tuscany and were joined by him their apprehensions were increased by their being unable to account for Nicola's departure from Lombardy and his leaving one enterprise almost completed to undertake another so entirely doubtful which they could not reconcile with their ideas of consistency except by supposing some new design had been adopted and treachery intended they communicated their fears to the Pope who was now sensible of his error in having endowed the cardinal with too much authority end of book 5 chapter 5 book 5 chapter 6 of history of Florence by Machiavelli volume 2 this is a Librivox recording all Librivox recordings are in the public domain for more information or to volunteer please visit Librivox.org recording by Morgan Scorpion history of Florence and of the affairs of Italy by Nicola Machiavelli volume 2 translated by an unknown translator book 5 chapter 6 the Pope imprisons the cardinal and assists the Florentines difference of opinion between the Count and the Venetians respecting the management of the war the Florentines reconcile them the Count wishes to go into Tuscany to oppose Piccinino but is prevented by the Venetians Nicolo Piccinino in Tuscany he takes Maradi and plunders the neighbourhood of Florence description of Maradi cowardice of Bartolomeo or Andini brave resistance of Castell from Nicolo San Nicolo surrenders Piccinino attempts to take Cortona but fails while the Florentines were thus anxious Fortune disclosed the means of securing themselves against the patriarch's malevolence the republic ever exercised the very closest espionage over epistolary communication in order to discover if any persons were plotting against the state it happened that letters were intercepted at Monte Pultiano which had been written by the patriarch to Nicolo without the Pope's knowledge and although they were written in an unusual character and the sense so involved that no distinct idea could be extracted the obscurity itself and the whole aspect of the matter so alarmed the pontiff that he resolved to seize the person of the cardinal a duty he committed to Antonio Rideau of Padua who had the command of the castle of Sant'Angelo and who, after receiving his instructions soon found an opportunity of carrying them into effect the patriarch having determined to go into Tuscany prepared to leave Rome on the following day and ordered the castellan to be upon the drawbridge of the fortress in the morning for he wished to speak with him as he passed Antonio perceived this to be the favourable moment informed his people what they were to do and awaited the arrival of the patriarch upon the bridge which had joined the building and might, for the purpose of security be raised or lowered as occasion required the appointed time found him punctual and Antonio, having drawn him as if for the convenience of conversation onto the bridge gave a signal to his men who immediately raised it and in a moment the cardinal from being a commander of armies found himself a prisoner of the castellan the patriarch's followers at first began to use threats but being informed of the pope's directions they were appeased the castellan comforting him with kind words he replied that the great do not make each other prisoner to let them go again and that those whom it is proper to take it is not well to set free he shortly afterward died in prison the pope appointed Lodovico patriarch of Aquileia to command his troops and though previously unwilling to interfere in the wars of the league and the duke he was now content to take part in them and engage to furnish 4000 horse and 2000 foot for the defense of Tuscany the Florentines freed from this cause for anxiety were still apprehensive of Nicolo and feared confusion in the affairs of Lombardy from the differences of opinion that existed between the Count and the Venetians in order the better to become acquainted with the intentions of the parties they sent Neri de Gini Caponi and Giuliano da Vinzati to Venice with instructions to assist in the arrangement of the approaching campaign and ordered that Neri having discovered how the Venetians were disposed should proceed to the Count learn his designs and induce him to adopt the course that would be most advantageous to the league the ambassadors had only reached Ferrara when they were told that Nicolo Piccinino had crossed the pole with 6000 horse this made them travel with increased speed and having arrived at Venice they found the scenery fully resolved that Brescia should be relieved without waiting for the return of spring for if they said that the city would be unable to hold out so long the fleet could not be in readiness and that seeing no more immediate relief she would submit to the enemy which would render the Duke universally victorious and cause them to lose the whole of their inland possessions Neri then proceeded to Verona to ascertain the Count's opinion who argued for many reasons that to march to Brescia before the return of spring would be quite useless or even worse for the situation of Brescia being considered in conjunction with the season nothing could be expected to result but disorder and fruitless toll to the troops so that when the suitable period should arrive he would be compelled to return to Verona with his army to recover from the injuries sustained in the winter and provide necessaries for the summer and thus the time available for the war would be wasted in marching and counter-marching Osato Justiniani and Giovanni Pisani were deputed on the part of Venice to the Count at Verona having been sent to consider these affairs and with them it was agreed that the Venetians should pay the Count 90,000 ducats for the coming year and to each of the soldiers 40 ducats that he should set out immediately with the whole army and attack the Duke to tell him for his own preservation to recall Nicola into Lombardy after this agreement the ambassadors returned to Venice and the Venetians having so large an amount of money to raise were very remiss with their commissariat in the meantime Nicola Piccinino pursued his route and arrived in Romagna where he prevailed upon the sons of Pandolfo Malatesti to desert the Venetians and enter the Duke's service this circumstance occasioned much uneasiness in Venice and still more at Florence for they thought that with the aid of the Malatesti they might resist Nicolo but finding them gone over to the enemy they were in fear lest their captain Piero Giampagolo Orsini who was in the territories of the Malatesti should be disarmed and rendered powerless the Count also felt alarmed for through Nicolo's presence in Tuscany he was afraid of losing La Marca and urged by a desire to look after his own affairs he hastened to Venice and being introduced to the doge informed him that the interests of the league required his presence in Tuscany for the war ought to be carried on where the leader and forces of the enemy were and not where his garrisons and towns were situated for when the enemy is vanquished the war is finished but to take towns and leave the armament entire usually allowed the war to break out again with greater virulence that Tuscany and La Marca would be lost if Nicolo were not vigorously resisted and that if lost there would be no possibility of the preservation of Lombardy but supposing the danger to Lombardy not so imminent he did not intend to abandon his own subjects and friends and that having come into Lombardy as a prince he did not intend to return a mere condottieri to this the doge replied it was quite manifest that if he left Lombardy and lost the Po all their island territories would be lost in that case they were unwilling to spend any more money in their defence for it would be folly to attempt defending a place which must after all inevitably be lost and that it is less disgraceful and less injurious to lose dominions only than to lose both territory and money that if the loss of their inland possessions should actually result it would then be seen how highly important to the preservation of Romania and Tuscany the reputation of the Venetians had been on these accounts they were of quite a different opinion from the Count for they saw that whoever was victor in Lombardy would be so everywhere else that conquest would be easily attainable now when the territories of the Duke were left almost defenceless by the departure of Nicolo and that he would be ruined before he could order Nicolo's recall or provide himself with any other remedy that whoever attentively considered these things would see that the Duke had sent Nicolo into Tuscany for no other reason than to withdraw the Count from his enterprise and cause the war which was now at his own door to be removed to a greater distance that if the Count were to follow Nicolo unless at the instigation of some very pressing necessity he would find his plan successful and rejoice in the adoption of it but if he were to remain in Lombardy and allow Tuscany to shift for herself the Duke would, when too late see the imprudence of his conduct and find that he had lost his territories in Lombardy and gained nothing in Tuscany each party having spoken it was determined to wait a few days to see what would result from the agreement of the Malatestie with Nicolo whether the Florentines could avail themselves of Piero Gempa Golo and whether the Pope intended to join the League with all the earnestness he had promised not many days after these resolutions were adopted it was ascertained that the Malatestie had made the agreement more from fear than any ill-will toward the League that Piero Gempa Golo had proceeded with his force toward Tuscany and that the Pope was more disposed than ever to assist them this favourable intelligence dissipated the Count's fears and he consented to remain in Lombardy and that Neri Caponi should return to Florence with a thousand of his own horse and five hundred from the other parties it was further agreed that if the affairs of Tuscany should require the Count's presence Neri should write to him and he would proceed thither to the exclusion of every other consideration Neri arrived at Florence with his forces in April and Gempa Golo joined them the same day in the meantime Nicolo Piccinino the affairs of Romania being settled purposed making a descent into Tuscany and designing to go by the mountain passes of San Benedetto and the Valley of Montoni found them so well guarded by the contrivance of Nicolo de Pisa that his utmost exertions would be useless in that direction As the Florentines upon this sudden attack were unprovided with troops and officers they had sent into the defiles of these hills many of their citizens with infantry raised upon the emergency to guard them among whom was Bartolomeo Orlandini a carolieri to whom was entrusted the defence of the castle of Moradi and the adjacent passes Nicolo Piccinino finding the route by San Benedetto impracticable to account of the bravery of its commander thought the corridors of the officer who defended that of the Moradi would render the passage easy Moradi is a castle situated at the foot of the mountains which separate Tuscany from Romania and though destitute of walls the river, the mountains and the inhabitants make it a place of great strength for the peasantry are warlike and faithful and the rapid current undermining the banks has left them of such tremendous height it is possible to approach it from the valley if a small bridge over the stream be defended while on the mountain side the precipices are so steep and perpendicular as to render it almost impregnable in spite of these advantages the pusillanimity of Bartolomeo Orlandini rendered the men cowardly and the fortress untenable for as soon as he heard of the enemies approach he abandoned the place fled with all his forces and did not stop till he reached the town of San Lorenzo Nicolo entering the deserted fortress wandered it had not been defended and rejoicing over his acquisition descended into the valley of the Mugello where he took some castles and halted with his army at Pulipciano thence he overran the country as far as the mountains of Fiesole and his audacity so increased that he crossed the Arno plundering and destroying everything to within three miles of Florence the Florentines however were not dismayed their first concern was to give security to the government for which they had no cause for apprehension so universal was the goodwill of the people toward Cosmo and besides this they had restricted the principal officers to a few citizens of the highest class who with their vigilance would have kept the populace in order even if they had been discontented or desirous of change they also knew by the compact maid in Lombardy what forces Neri would bring with him and expected the troops of the pope these prospects sustained their courage till the arrival of Neri to Geno who on account of the disorders and fears of the city determined to set out immediately and check Nicolo with the cavalry he possessed and a body of infantry raised entirely from the people he recovered remally from the hands of the enemy where having encamped he put a stop to all further depredations and gave the inhabitants hopes of repelling the enemy from the neighbourhood Nicolo finding that although the Florentines were without troops no disturbance had arisen and learning what entire composure prevailed in the city thought he was wasting time and resolved to undertake some enterprise to induce them to send forces after him and give him a chance of coming to an engagement by means of which if victorious he trusted everything would succeed to his wishes Francesco, Count de Poppi was in the army of Nicolo having deserted the Florentines with whom he was in league when the enemy entered the Mugello and though with the intention of securing him as soon as they had any idea of his design they increased his appointments and made him commissary over all the places in his vicinity still, so powerful is the attachment to party that no benefit or fear could eradicate the affection he brought towards Vinaldo and the late government so that as soon as he knew Nicolo was at hand he joined him and with the utmost solicitude entreated him to leave the city and pass into the Cassantino to give him the strength of the country and how easily he might thence harass his enemies Nicolo followed his advice and arriving at the Cassantino took Romena and Bibiana and then pitched his camp before Castel San Nicolo this fortress is situated at the foot of the mountains which divide the Cassantino from the Valdarno and being in an elevated situation and well garrisoned it was difficult to take though Nicolo with catapults and other engines assailed it without intermission the siege had continued more than 20 days during which the Florentines had collected all their forces having assembled under several leaders 3,000 horse at Fagini commanded by Piero Giampaigolo or Sini their captain and Neri Caponi and Ronaldo de Medici commissaries four messengers from Castel San Nicolo were sent to them to entreat Saka the commissaries having examined the site found it could not be relieved except from the Alpine regions in the direction of the Valdarno the summit of which was more easily attainable by the enemy than by themselves on account of their greater proximity and because the Florentines could not approach without observation so that it would be making a desperate attempt and might occasion the destruction of the forces the commissaries therefore commended their fidelity and ordered that when they could hold out no longer they should surrender Nicolo took the fortress after a siege of 32 days and the loss of so much time for the attainment of so small an advantage was the principal cause of the failure of his expedition for had he remained with his forces near Florence he would have almost deprived the government of all power to compel the citizens to furnish more money nor would they so easily have assembled forces and taken other precautions if the enemy had been close upon them as they did while he was at a distance besides this many would have been disposed to quiet their apprehensions of Nicolo by concluding a piece particularly as the contest was likely to be of some duration the desire of the Count Di Poppi to avenge himself on the inhabitants of San Nicolo along his enemies occasioned his advice to Piccinino who adopted it for the purpose of pleasing him and this caused the ruin of both it seldom happens that the gratification of private feelings fails to be injurious to the general convenience Nicolo, pursuing his good fortune took Wacina and Ciusi the Count Di Poppi advised him to halt in these parts arguing that he might divide his people between Ciusi, Caprese and the Pieve render himself master of this branch of the Apenines and descend at pleasure into the Cassantino the Valdarno, the Valdirciani and the Valditaveri as well as be prepared for every movement of the enemy but Nicolo, considering the sterility of these places, told him his horses could not eat stones and went to the Borgos Sansepolcro where he was amicably received but found that the people of Cittadica Stello who were friendly to the Florentines could not be induced to yield to his overtures wishing to have Perugia at his disposal he proceeded thither with 40 horse and being one of her citizens met with a kind reception but in a few days he became suspected and having attempted unsuccessfully to tamper with the legate and the people of Perugia he took 8,000 ducats from them and returned to his army he then set on foot secret measures to seduce Cortona from the Florentines but the affair being discovered his attempts were fruitless among the principal citizens was Bartolomeo de Senso who being appointed to the evening watch of one of the gates, a countryman his friend told him that if he went he would be slain Bartolomeo requesting to know what was meant he became acquainted with the whole affair and revealed it to the governor of the place who having secured the leaders of the conspiracy and doubled the guards at the gates waited till the time appointed for the coming of Nicolo who finding his purpose discovered returned to his encampment End of book 5 chapter 6