 Ychydig sy'n ddweud, ac roeddwn ni'n ddweud i'r gweithio i chi. Rydym ni'n gweithio'r gweithio i chi, sydd ym Mwneud yng Nghymru ar gyfer Llywodraeth Llywodraeth yn ymwneud, yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn Chrysloedd C. Yn ymgyrch, cyd-63 ymgyrch yn Ymgyrch yn 2003. Mae ffordd yn fawr gwybod, wrth i'n gynnwys, yn ddigonwch yn gwahanol gwylio'r byw a'r L-GLA. Rhywethe, yma yng Ngharffydd Prysley. Rwy'n gweithio'n gweithio yma yn colloedd ar y 1939. Fydw i'r ffynu'r prif sy'n cerddio chi amferwadau a drwy'r ffaith. Mae'r eich lleidwyr cerdd i'r bwrdd neud o'r ffaf o'r peth wedi teulu o'r cyllideisio'r pwyg iawn neu'r f moisturizingu, Chris will then outline some of the results that have come from the complex analytical work undertaken since 2010, and summarise what we think we can say about the identity and circumstances of the individual buried here. The evaluation was undertaken on land bordered by prairie crescent to the west and the London south end railway line to the east. Mae'r daith amboedd piwatelyn yn gweithio ar y fontan ar hyn yn gweithio'r hunain cyfan yng Nghymruol Llywodraeth Cymru. Mae'r bwysig yn ymddi, yn cael ei fod yn gallu nhw'n cael ei bod yn acoledigol yn y ysgwrdd gylleg ac mae'r bwysig angen gan y gyfnodd yn y designer o'r maes o'r ymgynteadig ar lŵnbeth oesredu o'r heheol o'r hunain o'r eistedd o'r hyn diolch ar y llawd yn ysgolwydau cynghwyl, oes yn gwneud o'r cyfrannu cyfrannu. Byddwch, mae'r cyfrannu bydd wedi gwneud o'r cyfrannu efo gwaith yn y cyfrannu, ond yr oed yn gallu gwneud a'r cyfrannu efo'r agnodaethau ysgolwydau'r cyfrannu. Mae'n gwneud o'r cyfrannu gŵr, mae'n gwneud o'r cyfrannu er mwyn i'w mewn iawn, a'r cyfrannu efo'r gŵr wedi'u gwneud o'r gyfrannu, ac mae'n gwneud o'r cyfrannu ysgolwydau. mwyddiad yredig a'i newid ar gyfer y mae Filydd cyqualityo llender, ar gyfer tyfflog a hublwyd, ond a newid yn gweithio dynny o presanc o hyn ll ardun oedd eich ôl rhag holdingelau w Forgive. Ele zooming ar y ddeunyg ac hyd o gwithiau adydd bryff? Rhyw fydd fearu ar yr argynwyr wedi maen auddd gan Gwyrột品 gan gwybodyd mewn moyddiad, ond yn ei grongos, yna yn aghwyto�lus'r undrodd Ieidwch i boدwch ond yma gael ymddi feallu i bood. One of the suspension rings of the bowl was hooked over a corroded piece of iron and it became clear that the bowl, which had been hung on a wooden-chain rag wall was still in situ. Because of concerns over security, it was decided to blocklift the hanging bowl on the day it was found and move it off site for safe keeping. FOE fighting fo ep continues to go full-night-time security was introduced to protect the site. This photo shows the ongoing ex- unrealistic of the burial chamber, with some gravings giving to emerge around the edges. Without visible are the trace remains of substantial north-south roof timbers that once spanned the burial chamber and supported the lat and above it. felly mae'r dweud yn ymddangos i gael gyda Llaniaf Organic Stagol wedi gael o'r Ffath Cymru. Mae'r rhagleniaeth cymryd yn ddod o'r ffath cymryd yn rhanolio â'r ddod o gael gwyllus. Mae oedd yn gweithio'r ddau i'r gwyllt a'r fanlion o'r ffath. The construction pit for the burial chamber measured 4.35m x 4m and was 1.4m x 1.5m deep from the prepared Anglo-Saxon ground surface, with the original internal dimensions of the line chamber being 3.8m x 3.4m. It has originally been covered by a bar amount, now cloud flat. The chamber had contained the coffin burial and the rich assemblage of grave goods. Some of these have been hung on the walls and have been placed around the coffin on the chamber floor. The gradual filtration of wash or wash of deposits through the slowly decaying chamber roof meant that the majority of the grave goods appeared to have been retained in or very close to their original position. Most striking were the vessels still on their hooks on the decayed north and east walls of the chamber. Three of these can be seen in this photograph. The shape of the coffin was preserved by deposits that filtered through the roof and built up around it, fixing the iron fittings in situ and preserving the shape of the coffin as a void. The coffin was 2.25m x 0.85m and at least 0.5m high. Wood traces preserved on the nails of the iron fittings tell us that it was made of ash boards at least 40mm thick. The coffin alone would have weighed around 200kg, which is far more than 40lb or 31lb, if unseasoned green wood were used and it was clearly a state society. No skeleton survived, but the layout of dress fittings within the coffin indicated a male burial with the head to the west. The only human remains are four tiny fragments of tooth enamel found in an environmental sample from the west head end of the coffin. Found side by side at the head end of the coffin were two tiny gold foil crosses. We believe that these have been placed over the eyes of the deceased. The use of gold foil crosses at Prisewell is unique in England. In the neck and or chest region of the burial was a delicate woven gold braid, also seen here in X-ray, which we believe was edging with a piece of cloth laid over the face. The largest and most striking object from the coffin area was the completely plain gold belt buckle. It's relatively lightweight construction suggesting that it may have been purpose made for the burial and never actually been a functioning item. The smallest gravestones were the two tiny copper alloy garter buckles which are found at the east foot end of the coffin, further confirming the orientation of the body. Two gold coins, frankish tremises, were also found within the coffin space and may have been placed in the hands of the corpse. Found in a tight cluster on the floor in the northeast corner of the chamber were 57 gaming pieces made of whale bone and two large dice made of deer antler. These had originally been hung in a bag on the wall along with a gaming board with iron fittings. In the same corner of the chamber stood a nine-stand or candelabrum 1.33 metres, four foot four inches tall, still standing upright on its four feet. Pressure from the roof timbers as they started to decay and settle had slightly bent the shaft of the stand and damaged the prongs at the top. These have been reattached in our sherm in the right hand image. At the east foot end of the coffin was a large copper alloy cauldron originally hung from the wall on the peg. The tree of the cauldron and the foot end of the coffin were the remains of an iron lamp with an open bulb, similar to those from other princely burials, Sutton Hoo and a broomfield in Essex. This had probably fallen from the lid of the coffin and is perhaps the most evocative object of all. It may have been a light and the chamber was finally sealed. On the floor along the east wall of the chamber was an array of drinking vessels including two pairs of glass speakers, two drinking halls with highly decorative gilded copper alloy rim mounts and five turnt wood drinking cups with gilded mounts. Two wooden buckets with iron fittings had been placed in the south-east corner of the chamber and a much larger wooden tub in the north-west corner. Within the tub were a scythe blade and a small copper alloy bomb. The bowl was placed in the tub at the time of the burial, but the scythe, with its willow or poplar handle, was originally wracked on the chamber wall. When the handle decayed, the scythe blade fell into the tub below. A lyre in the bag had been placed upside down on the floor south of the chamber. The wooden structure of the instrument had almost completely decayed, leaving only a soil stain with the metal fittings preserved in original positions. On top of the lyre was a corroded lump of iron, which proved to be two spearheads, an arrowhead and a wall hook. The weapons had originally been wracked on the south wall and fallen as the wall timbers decayed. All the weapons in the burial assemblage, sword, shield, spears and arrow were found in the southern half of the chamber, but only the sword appears to have been in situ. The shield was faced down and would probably dropped from the book on the chamber wall. The sword was laid on the chamber floor at right angles to the coffin. In the southwest corner of the chamber had been placed a wooden chest and a painted wooden box. The remains of the box and its contents were block-lifted for excavation in the conservation laboratory. The contents of the box included a silver spoon with an inscription on the bottle. A small cylindrical copper alloy container, an amlacrone, a knife and a fire steel. By the west, head-ended coffin was an iron-folding stall, which originally had a leather seat. Like the Goldfoil process, this is a unique find in Anglo-Saxon England. We were able to record a great deal during excavation, but because metal objects preserve fugitive traces of organic materials such as leather and textiles, our conservators block-lifted most of the items for micro-excavation in the laboratory. This and subsequent scientific examination has provided another level of detail, allowing us to identify, for example, the textiles probably cloaks drape over the coffin and details of carpentry and woodworking. From this, we can paint a full picture of the burial chamber and grave assemblage at the point of burial. This is our reconstruction of the oak burial chamber. How long was it before the roof collapsed? Estimates by engineers with expertise in low-barriain structures and materials ranged from a minimum of 50 to upwards of 200 years. It is clear from the finds in the situ that the chamber wall still retains sufficient structural integrity to continue standing after the roof collapsed. Evidence for the longevity of the chamber is provided by the bristle fracture impact or compression damage noted on the sword, shield boss and lamp. This damage was caused by the collapse of the roof and an overlying mound into the chamber when the iron was almost wholly mineralised. We estimate that in the open chamber environment, the time required to reach this level of mineralisation was in the order of hundreds of years. I will now hand over to Chris for the second part of our presentation. Very much, Ian. Thank you very much. I want now to turn to what we think we can say about the identity and circumstances of the burial here, and what this might tell us about lifestyle and belief in elite social circles in the death aid either side of Saint Augustine's arrival in Kent in 1859 or so. Now, the discovery made a very considerable impact, and for a while, unusually for archaeology, was national news. And it really is an important find, as Ian said, this is the first in Kent, Anglo-Saxon, princely burial, found since the Sutton Who ship there in 1939. And it is the only one to be excavated between staking modern standards. And from the outset, there were some very strong preconceptions and ideas about what the burial might mean. The Sun newspaper, and then a tiny documentary, fixed this persona of the King of Link in public consciousness. A lot of attention was also paid to the going forward crosses as Christian symbols. And it was a strong idea that this was the great of Kent's save-out of East Saxons, recorded by the first Christian king of East Saxons. Beyond this, the idea that this was a king, and that he belongs to a cripple well, not to South London Sea, has been a long-run issue in local politics as well. And national geographics, widely reproduced reconstruction paintings, and very well shown here, reinforced these expectations by showing the deceased as a mature man. Now all of these initial assumptions and more became open to challenge as we began to examine the evidence in greater detail. And just to give a bit of background, this sort of extravagant princely burial, so-called, was a periodic phenomenon of north-western European society from later prehistory, from something like that 6th or 7th century AD, early 6th. But in Anglo-Saxon England, it's a short-lived phenomenon of the later 6th and the earlier 7th centuries AD. And these burials were interpreted as being the graves of people who belonged to the new ruling classes, of the ruling elites of the regional Anglo-Saxon kingdoms that we know to be established from the later 6th century. And the argument runs that this sort of level of investment in display in burial wealth and burial money mentality can only be undertaken by a parallel social applicable class. And that it's served to assert and to legitimise a new and perhaps cyber-carious social and political status. And this line of thinking allows us to locate the criminal welfare area, broadly within the context of the emerging human East Saxons, or perhaps more properly, the construction of an elite political East Saxon identity. Now when, as archaeologists, we're faced with interpreting a burial like this, our starting point has to be that what they're looking at, of course, is intentional. That decisions were taken and the material was selected to convey messages about the person who's buried here and the group of people who were buried here. The symbolism of the burial is many facetiers, complex and many facetiers. And I believe, we believe, that it was intended to be so. There are many overlapping, interlocking and reinforcing messages that onlookers would have taken from the funeral spectacle, and which they would have remembered when they saw the burial, upstanding the landscape. And we can attempt to read the burial by taking a comparative approach, assessing how it conforms to, differs from, or reinvents, the wider patterns that we can see in any of Saxon burial practice. And that's really the basis of which I'm talking today, and I want to start by looking two or three, two or three fairly basic points. The first is the nature of the chamber itself and what it evokes. It can be seen superficially as that household hall, and it's been interpreted in this way. It is after all a room with soft furnishings, furniture and feasty equipment and so forth. Nothing on reflection, we can see that this is far too simple a reading. It doesn't show how any single space would have been in life, but it's a symbolic measure. It's an illusion of the whole world of the house. It's a conflation of principles and activity and social spaces into a single complex metaphor for this individual's role and this individual's status. Something else which we think is fairly clear in the burial is that tradition is manipulated here. Christianity, symbolised by the Gold Crosses, was radically new at this time. An ostentatious burial on this scale emphasised a new haramann status. But the Christian symbols here are being deployed within the traditional furnished burial right. An ostentatious princely burial is itself an amplification of this traditional clone of the furnished image mentioned. What is new here is presented quite deliberately in traditional Wales and it's been determined by aligning it with the familiar. I think this could also be seen in the fact that the grave is located in an existing cemetery with its links to forebearers and to a wider community. And there are also statements here and implications here about wealth and resources. A powerful statement is established about the control of man power and the control of portable wealth. And so about this kindred's ability to reward followers, for example. Portable wealth, anyway, is not just treasure, though. It also bodies a range of plight held in asking for social contacts extended directly or indirectly from western Britain or Scotland to one end of the range to the eastern Mediterranean at the other. And anyone seeing these items in the burial tablet about the steps that have to be brought would be reminded of this social range, the range of these high level social contacts. The material left was being selected to symbolise aspects of the individual's personal identity and social roles. And so by extension I'm mistaken about their importance and position by his kin or whoever it was in the burial table. So we move on to considering what were these identities. And first of all to look at the question of the age and sex or gender of the individual over here. As Ian has said, nothing but the skillet can survive except a tiny fragment of tooth and apple from secondary moments which tell us that the person buried here was at least six or 70 years old when they died, which honestly was probably completed anyway. We know, although certainly that this is a male, that it's none of the dressed jewelry that you would expect in female regulation. And a male or masculine identity is conveyed through burial with weapons, a sword shield of history as an arrow. Now the provision of weapons in burial was age related and a full weapon kit like this is normally something recorded patterns. But interestingly single arrows very rarely have ever occurred where they had old variants of full weapon kits and are more usually found with juvenile arrows. So a presence in a single arrow with a full weapon kit are pretty well and we might suggest that this was an older adolescent or a very young adult, perhaps 15, 20 years old, that they died. It is also very unusual that the sword is placed away from the body of the coffin and I'll come back to that a bit later in the talk. Elements of personal identity as individual are also conveyed through the clothing that the corpse is wearing and through elements of a box assemblage that he has alluded to, things like the curtain, the spoon, the knife. These are very, very personal items. Now when such box assemblage is found in male barriers at this time they again tend to be those of young men. And some of the closest formal parallels o'r prifyrddol y Llywodraeth. Are also for the graves of young males often with just such box assemblage. So there may be further symptoms and symptoms here with the prifyrddol of individual died young. And I've put up this picture of the buckle from Fingles from Grade 95 which is in a stricol way the declaration on our side is very much at the same size and same form as that from Prifyrddol. And Fingles from 95 is the grave of a young man. I think it's an example of this, this small trend that I was most familiar to. We have to consider whether public personas are civilising the barrier. Now much of the tier of the barrier in the assemblage is linked to social obligations, obviously the social obligations of launch it, centred around providing for followers in household and hospitality or hall. So we have the equipment that is associated with the preparation and serving of food and drinks, such as the cold drinks and the buckets. And we've got equipment associated with the consumption of food and frankly mainly of drink. We've got people that are drinking forms, the wooden beakers and glass beakers. And I see that the buckets are not drinking vessels which we try to drink out of the buckets you would fall over. And if you drank out of it it's hard, you'd just die. The other thing here is the lyre. Now the lyre was an instrument of public poetry and of performance in the Fixing Hall. It had a role in panagyric and so a role in oral diplomacy at an early level. So we see it less as a personal instrument and more as a symbol of a broadly cultural heritage and public persona in a society where tradition and traditional knowledge were transmitted already. Now what's interesting is that if this was an adolescent or a very young man then it may be that much of this sandwich that's been buried with him there's a family in this way that symbolises potentiality. Like a birthright or what he stood to become rather than what he had actually been. So we actually ask whether elements of the sandwich were compensatory. Like, for example, the buckle which probably was not owned by the individual in life but it was certainly knocked up for burial after he had done it. I don't tell necessarily to remind him that something appropriate is such a class and to what he might have achieved in life. Very interesting questions around your own cultural identity. We can say in some justification that this sandwich looks out of place in contemporary Essex but it's through every princely grave that's out of place in this region. And this is because they are extreme expressions of elite identity and they signal affiliation with all membership of the inter-regional elite or courtly culture. And as I've said, members of the elite social circles at this time have far reached in social diplomatic and exchange contacts. One of the ways in which these are maintained is through a gift giver in Presky jointons which embody these contacts with used display status. Objects in the critical grave symbolise high level contacts of the British kingdoms of the north and west for hanging wall with the Merovingian continent, the gold coinage and beyond that, it believed in the Byzantine Mediterranean, the flag and the basin and the spoon. So this is somebody who's social circles, as we said, had a very long reach indeed. So when we look at the assemblage, we can argue that at one simple level that is ceased as well provided for for the afterlife. And although there's a tendency for epidemics to dismiss this sort of reading as simplistic, I happen to believe myself that equipping the data appropriately for whatever it is to come has been, and sometimes remains, a powerful and widespread human response to death. But it's not the whole story. The burial tablet was a complex and powerful statement which gives us a good idea of what the people laying out the burial thought were the important social roles identified as obligations and gives us an insight into how these materials express in every day life at a time. It also gives us a glimpse into it's intersection and to the lifestyle and the infrastructure of production and of skills that supported it because the resource and skill would lie behind at the base of the pyramid in which these things of the index is very, very insuperable. I think the question, was this person a king in this king's secret? Well, the symbolism that we see in Prittlewell is retrocating how the prince of grace, although the emphasis is placed on different elements, varies in case of case. We can perhaps get some sense of calibration within the independent strata of the nuclear society by comparing Prittlewell with Mount Levan on a ship there with Sutton Coon which is usually identified as that of Redweld, King of East Angle, that's indominated in the 620s AD. Now the incentive for Sutton Coon is immensely more worth it than that of Prittlewell. There's enormous pressure of Byzanton silver or 37 rather than two gold coins. But it has evidence of social problems that we don't see in the Prittlewell area. There is, in Sutton Coon, ancestral identity, is one of the ancestral identity epitomised by the heirloom shield and the wedstern, which has been argued as an ancestor pattern, symbolic of that individual's influence. The number of weapons, the helmet of the male's shirt at Sutton Coon, have been seen as symbolising a role here as a war leader and head of a war band, often beyond the individual masculine identity, that weapon burial is normally held to convey. And in Sutton Coon as well, there's an argued regalium element that symbolises a kingly role, which perhaps has a priest or sacral element to it. So it's been argued, as I've said at the wedstern as an ancestor pattern, that the axe hammer is a sacrificial implement appropriate to a priest king, and that the helmet, with its mask face, is regalium and is intended to give wearer and godwine asset. They're very complex arguments as to whether it's as to why some people think it's actually meant to represent only them and give the person who bore it in the hold the mask away from them. So Sutton Coon, on the one, is the grave of a regional king. Perhaps a regional king, the son claims to have poured an overlord shield beyond his kingdom-wise comets. And we have to conclude that pretty well, although it is the grave of an individual from the same area in social sphere, does not express the same degree of political or military evidence. So on its undoubtedly individual privilege in high status, on the basis of the evidence that we have, the person buried here was probably not a king, nor, when compared by the intact Prince Ederions, was his burial particularly rich in precious metal. So contrary to the headlines, alas, it isn't actually the living king before the king of blig. I want to tell you to the question of Christianity as it is expressed in the Semper Tube area. And initially the question of Gullfoil crosses. The crosses were made specifically for the burial. We will be pretty sure of this. And they are pretty unquirkly Christian symbols. But they are unique in England. And they are very unusual in other ways too. Gullfoil crosses are found in 7th century burials in the areas of the Lombardic and Alemanic peoples that is northern Italy in South Korea. But they are not found in the Gullfoil just across the channel. And where they are found in these other regions, and examples are shown here at the bottom left of the slide, they are different, they are equilined, they are embossed, decorated and they are usually attached to their own clothing. The Gullfoil examples are of a latin form of their ends, quite different. They were not attached to fossil clothing. We are absolutely sure of this. But they appear to be placed directly into the artist's body. And then covered with a foil. Now the use of Gullfoil crosses at the Gullfoil are mainly informed by knowledge of practice elsewhere. But it's not a direct transferring or borrowing because we can't find any other absolutely precise parallel for this practice. And there are two possibilities. The first is that it derives inspiration from Romanic at his native Italian special practice where so-called skin crosses and golden silver crosses were sometimes placed in various I'll show those at the top side. Now if this explanation is correct but intriguingly it might imply involvement of somebody from that area, possibly an Italian cleric in the laying out of the area. And if this is a post augustin in the area, that's really quite interesting. The alternative is that the crosses derive their inspiration from a knowledge of continental area practice but they've copied the Latin cross and contemporary images are available to people from, for example, his Italian friendish college. And there is, for example, a Latin cross with flare terminals on this magnificently synchristic ring from Essex which I illustrated here, which is contemporary in Cuddleville, a variable which appears to show a beast-headed man holding a flare-ended cross accompanied by two-style two routerers. It's held that this is actually probably within Cuddleville, holding a question something quite interesting on it. So the Cuddleville crosses are trying to usually inform a unique in their usage appears to represent a lot of response to the need to symbolise Christian belief in very early years of English Christianity or a local response to new circumstances. Now the Cuddleville crosses are an acrylic question so we have to be cautious about maybe other aspects of the assembly during this lot. It is actually possible to impose a Christian medium from most earlier, any of them to the very, but we probably wouldn't think to do so if we didn't have to look across it. The spoon was cited in some of the reports as a move to baptism, but we don't think that it was. These things are now usually seen as items of personal equipment and messaging influence, but inscriptions on the spoon are ownership marks, and nothing else to. The right path free of this. It was a free of the spoon that was found at the choir by the guy who got it here. It is striking all flaws because a piece of East Mediterranean pilgrim kit was manufactured for pilgrims in the shrines of St Sergius in the back of St Salford in Syria, but it may have been in the wild in the same way as the other East Mediterranean vessels in England and have no religious significance in this particular context. It's being suggested that the coins were included because they had crosses on the rivers, but coins are not exclusive to Christian burial, and it's actually difficult to find any Frankish god quite at this time that doesn't have a cross on the rivers. So any of these items might be accountable in a non-Christian burial of the period. Having said that though, there are some aspects of the burial that do need some degree of explanation. There is relatively speaking the simplicity of the burial costume of the coffin assemblage, and the spatial distinction between the coffin body and the symbolically laid and artifacted sandwiches around it. And it could be argued that the distinction is being drawn here between the deceased, the department of solid, and the material symbols of the deceased's earthly roles. In this context it is very very unusual, most unique, for the sword to be placed away from the body of the coffin, and things like the knife that would normally be worn on the body to be placed away from the body. We have this very plain buckle which contrasts with those from, for example, a tap belt on whom another rich burial is. In contrast as well with the elaborate animal ornamentation of the dream corpse vessels, is there a deliberate distinction being drawn here. The cylindrical copper alloy that remains the mounted box. These things are usually associated with a camera that capsules old relic containers and some later century examples were certainly relic containers and had an equitably Christian imagery on them. But if any of these aspects of burial do reflect a Christian or Christianising element, then, like the crosses, they are best seen as a one-off response to new considerations in section Christianity amongst the English. And I should emphasise as well that there is nothing un-Christian about burial and nothing about the animal ornament that we see on the fittings and the drilling orbs and beakers is incompatible with the profession of Christianity in an elite secular context at this time. Moving on to the data burial which becomes quite critical of the interpretation. The term line goes close as the date after which it was deposited provided by the material culture items in the assembly to which pointed burial in the late century and so forth centuries. On the grounds of gold finders it's suggested that these walkins out in coins at nearly a while later they were deposited after 580 but unlikely to have been deposited much after 630. There is a publication, a recent publication called Anglo-Saxon Graves and Graves in the Syrphongordial Framework which establishes a phase sequence for Anglo-Saxon male burials of this time. And this has quite precise data ranges which are taken from radiocarbon dated burials within the phases that have been identified. And within this scheme pretty well can be dated to within a period of 56595 at the lower end and 58610 at the upper end as a probabilistic definition. And this suggests it is slightly earlier that they have a princely burials of Tatlowe, Suttonhoog and Brunfield. And that was really the best we had before we began this project-specific search. Now no human bokems survive to the pretty well variable to allow my precision radiocarbon dating for body. But AMS dating has accelerated mass spectrometry of radiocarbon dating that some of the organic items associated with the body could be the horn from drinking horns and water and maple carbon. I'll give us an additional demonstration now just to say that the burial must be later for those dates. And on that basis we've been able to remodel the dates of the burial using Bayesian statistics, probabilistic statistics, taking these AMS dates that are co-dating the radiocarbon model that the burial faces has prior information. And as a result of this complex model we've got an indication that the burial will most probably date to the 580s or the 590s in AD. It is not the great event that will say that just too early. And it is probable that it is not certain that it predates the Orcafsylian mission to later. Now, as a question there, a conventional understanding of conversion in the early history of the Saxon Kingdom would suggest that the pretty well should be later than the 597 in the day for the Orcafsylian mission. And more probably in the lifetime of King Seyder at parties to conversion by some time between 64 and 616. Seyder, as I've said, was the first Christian King in the Saxons converted around AD 64 at the Heist of Dundal King Islebert of Kent to whom, of course, the mission was to do us to do this directly. The records that after the death of Seyder there was a strong anti-Christian reaction among the Saxons, but that many of us visually in the Saxons had to flee the territory and that that Christianity was not re-established until the accession of Seyder at AD 653. We should also note that the relationship of actual sponsor to convert at a high particular level, mirror of political relationships, Seyder was either that's nephew and his conversion was linked to the acknowledgement of political alignment with Kent's and probably some degree of Kentish ownership. Now, none of this is conclusive but it would provide a persuasive religious and political context for an elite Christian individual on a pretty well. And this was the consensus for the refined, archaeological dating that opened up some new possibilities. A date for the burial for the Augustinian mission might appear problematic as a Christian burial before Christianity. When it's any problematic, if we accept a face value in both beats and narrative which emphasises the primacy of the Roman Augustinian mission while playing down other Christian problems and if we accept some perhaps over literal recent interpretations of it, and I'm indebted to press a lot reviewer a colleague on the project for what I'm going to have to say. In fact, the societies of South East England in the later 6th century had longstanding contacts with Christian societies which were strongest out in the social level. I thought that Kent married a Christian Frankish princess, Bertha and she brought with her to Kent her ambition, the apartment. I thought that sister that would kill up the mother of Seyder may very well have been at times at this time for Augustin. So there was a both a longstanding knowledge of Christianity and at least a decade of formal physical presence in Kent before the mission of Augustin. There's also evidence that during the initial contact and conversion, Christianity was something that Anglo-Saxon elite governments might have to their morphology of beliefs but might pull back from if they asked to commit to Christianity as an exclusive remedy in the public right. This and politics from the royal kingdom might explain the events for the Seyder's death in Essex rather than the reversion of Essex to the mother of the payments but it's usually inferred from me to count. So given the familial and dynastic links between Kent and the Saxons at the end of the 6th century and the 7th, they can begin to see how and why Christianity might be represented in an elite without necessarily having to be integrated with the lead Christian king or belong to the royal Christian king or indeed necessarily opposed to the Augustin initiative. Now in Essex, as an East Anglia, more than one princely variant site is known as Ian has alluded to, the other site in Essex is Broomefield near Chelmsford. The varied sendage has poorly excavated at the end of the 19th century and it's incomplete but it has a number of common features in Brittlewell, notably these rare lattice blue glass speakers and these are rare and the largest number of them come from Royal Grose elite crates in Essex. Both of these variables may be members of the Saxon world kindred but there would be other Lordly or princely kindreds with territorial authority under the Overlord ship, Hull Kings and both Brittlewell and Broomefield might be in their little grounds for such families. Now, taken together Brittlewell and Broomefield refakes attention on the early kingdom of the Saxons as a significant and wealthy polity that's perhaps been unfairly overlooked by historians because as a supposed apostate kingdom it barely figures in these account of the years between 620 and 650 but what we see of the archaeology we've looked at is that the East Saxon elite at the end of the 6th century had a number of resources and skills that were comparable with those of Labour, Kent and East Angle or the supposed big beasts of the period and on the evidence of Brittlewell they were also at the cutting edge of religious and cultural change. So, what in the end can we say about Brittlewell crates and that is a term that I think is fully justified by our emerging archaeology understanding. As is always the case of archaeology interpretation depends on judging the balance of probabilities and there are always alternative explanations. However, in our view this is a man possibly a very young man a aristocratic or princely lineage possibly a kindred of sapient a Christian convert or various one who died at the end of the 6th century before going into the 7th. He and his family were most certainly at the stake of what is now Brittlewell were regional power players and enjoyed far reaching social and political contacts. He lived at the apex of society with a lifestyle supported by an agricultural population, skilled crafts people, retainers and access to imported luxuries and prestige items. There were several obligations of hostility and largeness were so important to those in their area they were heavily represented in the symbolism of his grave. We don't know his name we never will know his name and the sense of him in his time and place and I don't think we should try to force the evidence by seeking to identify him with what are the handful of individuals named within the sources of his time. Perhaps most intriguingly and that implies significantly we have the possibility of using the Christianizing or Christian circles amongst the Kentish elite before the mission of Augustine. With the publication full monograph publication of the popular area is completed and is in press and is due to be published March next year, March 2019. There will also be a lavishly illustrated more accessible publication which tells the same important story regarding huge white-term supporting technical evidence that has to be a monograph. So five months time everybody will be able to read all the evidence and conclude that what I have spoken today is if you do those kids. Now analysis and publication excavation is a team effort analysis and publication is even more a team effort and I absolutely have to work by acknowledging and thanking everyone who has worked on the project since 2012. That's more than 50 colleagues and specialists from museums and consulting sector and all museums of London archaeology. I don't have to thank as well for the proper sponsors. If you put the money in. Something of our council and historic England. Thank you for your attention.