 Gwremili yma hwgwt Rory, Algu Slymlawn Sos, Llyfrfynsa Llyfrfynsa i ni. Rwy'n gweithio'n gwaith gwaith ymlaen, mae'n dweud gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gwaith ar y institute. Rwy'n gweithio'n gwneud i'n gweithio. Rwy'n gweithio'n gwneud o ddweud o'r Eolodol ac oedd y EU ar Wrexit. ac am eu cyddiadau sy'n ffain o'r pethau o'r llwysau wrth i gyfredig o ffraith ymlaen, ac yn ymddangos i'r cyflodi. Yn argyrchu'r eraill yma, Yn yr ymddangos y Uniad Unedd i'r 47 ymddangos ar y cwestiad yn ymddangos i'r cyfraith yn 1973. Nid ymgylcheddau aeth ymddangos, y Unedd yn ei fod, felly ydym yn oed yn teimlo. I have said many times that if the British people wish to leave the European Union then we must respect that decision and wish them well because that is their choice. However, it also has to be said that the very narrow self-serving agenda of some leading Brexiteers has not only divided British public and political opinion but has economic implications and great challenges for us all. That being said, it would be reckless to ignore the very real problems with the European Union that I believe drove so many British people to adopt a leave position. The European project is far from perfect. Too many ordinary working people feel that the EU doesn't work for them but against them and there is a view that the EU has strayed from the original vision of a community of nations working in partnership and solidarity for the greater good of citizens. The privatisation agenda, the creep of federalism and the eroding of state sovereignty as well as the push for a militarised EU are all issues that have left many European citizens feeling alienated. And this has caused a distrust of EU policy makers. That's not good for the future of the European Union because I believe the union can be a powerful force for good in the world and I believe it can improve the lives of workers and families in every state but we have to change direction. We have to put citizens first. There is a growing momentum amongst progressive political movements to achieve this change of direction and I believe that Ireland particularly in a post Brexit era can be to the fore in shaping this new direction. A social European Union is possible. One where economic equality, democracy and sovereignty, accountability and a commitment to peace and demilitarisation are embraced as strengths. A European Union that stands as a genuine beacon for justice and acts with purpose when human rights and democratic rights are attacked whether that is internationally or within the EU itself as we have seen in recent times in Catalonia. Brexit should be seen as a catalyst for positive change in the EU. A watershed, a new departure and there is an onus on EU decision makers not to stick their heads in the sand. There is an onus to seize the moment. The European Union will only thrive on the basis of inclusivity, respect for nationhood and crucially on the basis of delivering real tangible benefits for citizens and I'm confident that we can achieve such a European Union but we have to be up for it. We have to truly want it. I believe that Ireland's future is best served within this reformed European Union all of Ireland north and south, a united Ireland. Last week the five main parties in the Northern Assembly refused to give consent to the British government to legislate on its behalf in relation to Brexit. It's no surprise that this objection is shared by our colleagues in the Scottish and Welsh administrations who also refused to give their consent to similar requests made by the British government. Brexit, as I hope we all realise, is not an orange or green issue. The majority of parties should feign the STLP Alliance and the Greens, a majority of MLAs and MPs in the north continue to oppose Brexit. Neither the people nor their political representatives have consented to the north leaving the European Union today. People who consider themselves to be British, Irish, both or neither will lose practical benefits and entitlements and there is a justifiable anger about this. The European Union has been a partner for peace in Ireland. It's provided substantial political and financial aid that has led to greater economic and social progress on an all island basis. The negotiation and implementation of the Good Friday Agreement has been facilitated by both the Irish and British government's states membership of the EU and the peace process has benefited from that. And while the Good Friday Agreement does not expressly require Ireland and Britain to retain membership of the European Union, the agreement clearly assumes continued membership of the EU by both. The Brexit referendum campaign in 2016 did not take account of Ireland or the unintended consequences for the political, social and economic progress of the past 22 years. Consequently, the border in Ireland became a key part of Brexit negotiations and why we now have a withdrawal agreement, a revised political declaration and an Irish protocol that mitigates the worst excesses of Brexit for Ireland north and south. Let's be clear, there is no good version of Brexit for us. I don't have to rehearse for you the last three years. I do want to say however that while our party's objective is the reunification of Ireland, we have developed a policy and worked hard to make the case for designated special status for the north within the European Union since 2016. And I'm all too aware, Cahirlach, that perhaps political opponents in the heat of an election campaign will ignore this. I think it's important and fair to say that we worked very constructively with the Irish government and pro-remain parties in common cause in defence of our shared interests. It was Sinn Fein that secured cross party consensus in the Dall in February 2017 for the special status position. The fundamental areas we have worked hard to secure include safeguarding the peace process and protecting the Good Friday Agreement, avoiding customs checks and tariffs on this island, continued access to both the single market and the customs union, preservation of the north, south and east-west elements of the agreement which are critical to cooperation, better integration and public service provision, stopping any unionist veto at Stormont, securing the citizenship provisions core to the Good Friday Agreement which recognise the birthright of all the people of the north to identify themselves and be accepted as Irish or British or both as they may so choose. So we'll continue to work with all parties to maximise benefits that are in our national interest in terms of future relationships. Boris Johnson's assertion that he will not extend the transition period give us cause for concern. Negotiating a future relationship in 11 months is a tight timeline to say the least of it and represents a real risk of no deal and we must at all costs avoid this because we must prevent barriers to trade and commerce and our objective must be to avoid slowing business down or putting the cost of doing business up east west or north to south. The provisions for avoiding a hard border through the protocol on the island of Ireland must be honoured and must take effect. There cannot, there will not be any land border on our island. Failure to comply with the withdrawal agreement could see the European Commission begin infringement proceedings against the British government at the ECJ. The protocol affirms that the Good Friday Agreement should be protected in all its parts. Sinn Fein and the other parties in the Northern Executive and Assembly will I hope ensure that the British government and the EU live up to these commitments and responsibilities. We now have restored power sharing government and we've a fully functioning assembly, North South Ministerial Council and British Irish Council. These institutional arrangements must continue to operate with much more vigor going forward than they have done in the past. And although Sinn Fein and the DUP are fundamentally at odds on Brexit, Michelle O'Neill and Arlene Foster as joint heads of government in the north are determined, along with the other parties, to work together in common cause to face the Brexit challenge. On the day that the new assembly sat earlier this month, Michelle O'Neill said that this is a defining moment for politics. She said from today the parties undertake to cooperate in every way we can in order to rebuild public trust and confidence in the assembly and executive. She said our mission must be to deliver on health, education and jobs and she went on to acknowledge that while people across the north of course want restored government to deliver public services, the political landscape of the island is changed and changing and that cannot be ignored because there is now a new conversation on Irish unity underway across the island and there is no contradiction in declaring and delivering on our firm commitment to power sharing with unionism whilst also initiating a mature inclusive debate about new political arrangements that examine Ireland's future beyond Brexit. Can I say there is equally no contradiction for unionism to work within the existing constitutional arrangements and at the same time taking its place in the conversation about a new Ireland? You see a clear choice has now opened up. It's a choice between a narrow inward looking vision of Brexit Britain or an open inclusive vision of a new Ireland and it's no longer a question of if. It's a question of when a referendum on Irish unity will be held. In April 2017 you will recall that the EU made an important declaration. They said that in the event of Irish reunification the north would automatically rejoin the EU as part of a united Ireland. So for very many people from all traditions and backgrounds Irish unity is now seen as the best way, the only way in fact to stay within the European Union. Many with the British or unionist identity are now actively considering the merits of reunification not to become republicans clearly but to remain European. This is backed up by the unprecedented number of people applying for Irish passports. People are acting in their own interests and are coming to the conclusion that those interests are best served in a new Ireland that is part of the EU. Sinn Fein is fully invested and committed to the Good Friday Agreement's political framework. The commitment to a referendum on unity is within this agreement and it can't be cherry picked and I'm not proposing to be clear despite what some may suggest that we hold this referendum tomorrow or next month. I've set out very clearly and consistently that I believe a five year timeframe is realistic and sensible and I've also said that we need to start the planning now because the simple reality is that Brexit has exposed the failure and the undemocratic nature of partition. It's a political problem that requires a political solution. Over the last number of elections in the north the notion of a perpetual unionist majority the very basis of partition has disappeared. Demographic shifts are evident and a public conversation is now underway on the constitutional future of our island. The Irish unity question of course has taken on a whole new dynamic because of Brexit. Political momentum is now moving in that direction and I want us to arrive and to sustain on an agreed Ireland and I'm very conscious that Sinn Fein does not and should not own this debate and I think that everybody is being challenged to rethink our economic and political futures. Citizens look to see what their best interests, where their best interests are served and the people of this island must have that choice between Brexit or reunification. So if in government I will seek to begin preparatory work in parallel with civil society which has now sustained this conversation for quite some time. We need also to consider how we help our neighbours from a British and unionist identity, how we assist them into this conversation without surrendering their identity or their allegiance. Because the new island that we seek isn't for nationalists or republicans alone it has to be for everyone who shares this island and everyone must feel that they belong. In considering the future we must also remember that the north in reuniting would be doing so with the pre-existing state within the EU. We must remember that article 3 of Bunrocks na Heron anticipates reunification and also that an international agreement guarantees continuity of protections. Those protections of course are laid out in the Good Friday Agreement so we are not starting from a blank slate. It's clear that building a new island will require the participation and co-operation of all our people and it's particularly clear and evident that the Irish government must commit themselves to this objective. I will do that. The British government also has a duty to join in developing the necessary process that will recognise this reality and give effect to the requirements as agreed in the Good Friday Agreement and to make the required investment of political will and resources. So I believe any incoming government must enter into discussions with the British government in order to create the framework and atmosphere necessary for this conversation. It will be necessary for negotiation and discussion to take place prior to any referendum because we must at all costs avoid a repeat of the mistakes that we witnessed in Britain. In government Sinn Fein would press for such engagement. The British Irish Intergovernmental Conference is I believe a mechanism to facilitate this discussion. The conference as you are aware was set up under the Good Friday Agreement to promote bilateral co-operation between both governments. So costing reunification and carrying out an examination of new political arrangements which fully respect the obligations and commitments of the Good Friday Agreement is crucial. This must include implementing outstanding commitments. So I believe as a matter of urgency we need to establish a national forum to carry out this necessary consideration, engagement and consultation. In government Sinn Fein would establish a constitution unit within government with responsibility for north south relations, political dialogue and negotiation, planning and preparation for the referendum on unity. And when that unity referendum is secured and won there would then be a necessary period of preparation and transition for the island of Ireland to become a reunified state. This period between a referendum and reunification would see further negotiation obviously between Dublin and London but also importantly with the European Union. The governments as agreed in the Good Friday Agreement commit to work together constructively in light of the outcome of such a referendum in the best interests of all the people. Following a vote for reunification agreements would be needed between the Irish and Westminster governments setting the parameters for Ireland's transition. These would set out the precise reunification timetable and there are ways in which the EU can ensure that the transition to Irish unity and maintaining membership of the EU are supported indeed. That can start now by affording observer status in the European Parliament to northern MEPs. The future will also in my view require an all Ireland party to play an active role in these discussions. Having Sinn Fein ministers in government north and south is the best way to protect Ireland's interest in the next phase of Brexit negotiations and as we move towards a unity referendum. The Good Friday Agreement gives people the opportunity and choice to decide our future together. Brexit is a threat to Ireland's future political stability and economic prosperity and these challenges require new thinking and a radical and innovative response to forge a new relationship. During the course of this decade we mark the centenaries of key seminal events that have shaped modern Irish history over the past century and have defined our relationship with Britain. A relationship characterized by colonialism, rebellion, partition and political division and over the past 22 years marked by peace reconciliation renewed cooperation and mutual respect. As we approach the centenary of partition let's not refight old battles. The future will be forged by political leadership it will certainly require creativity imagination and innovation and we must succeed. The best hope for future success is to bring the people of our island together. This is a defining period in our history and the history of Europe. It is the time for big ideas, for inclusive conversations and for ambitious plans and for generosity. I believe we've entered a decade of opportunity where the freedom to choose our own future will be decided by the people of this island. It's time to bring our people together in harmony and friendship because we can transform this country. It's a time to unite all of the people who share this island and to seize what is the opportunity of a lifetime. Gareth Mila Mahogwf. Thank you very much indeed. I'm now going to put the proposal or put the matter of your discussions to the floor and and looking for speakers or people who want to speak. I don't have a person here. There's a microphone coming up. Thank you. Una Oadwair, Member of the Institute. Thank you indeed for a very clear expose of a vision for Ireland and Ireland in reformed Europe. My question is, and indeed given this vision and given also your ambition to participate in government in this part of Ireland, I'm wondering how you would forge the necessary alliances in Europe to bring to fruition this vision after all the decision making procedures of Europe are dependent on good alliances between member states, between political groups, and between individuals. So Sinn Fein and government would have ministers going regularly to councils and would need the British who are there no more to be our allies in various issues. There weren't in every aspect our allies, but we will certainly need allies in the future on a wide range of issues including your vision for Europe. Thank you. So thank you very much Una for that question and you're right of course progress in any field of life but most particularly in politics and diplomacy and very particularly when you seek to achieve a transformational agenda such as I have set out requires allies some of which might be temporary or circumstantial others which will be more enduring. If Sinn Fein has a vast experience in one thing it is huge experience in negotiations. Actually for so long as I have been a member and certainly a public representative for this party I can't recall a time where we haven't been in negotiation not just with the British government but very often with others too such as the nature of the peace process Una. I believe in the course of the Brexit negotiation the initial phases where the Irish question was front and centre I believe that we had very productive exchanges not just with Michel Barnier, Mr Verhostaf and their teams but also we had I think very impactful exchanges and relationships in the United States that I think were critical actually at different points in the unfolding Brexit narrative. So the answer to your question Una is that yes any member of government any minister of course has to build those relationships and those alliances and perhaps I hope I would reassure you in telling you that we are more than capable of achieving precisely that whoever is in government that's the job. The last doll in the course of it and it was a difficult doll because the numbers were fractured and we had what was dressed up as new politics but it wasn't really new politics it was old politics occupying government and opposition benches all at the same time in my analysis but in any event for the very most part we managed to achieve a consensus in the national interest on the issue of brexit. I think that was a necessary thing by the way I think that will be necessary into the future I think it will be absolutely essential that brexit doesn't become a platform for opportunistic point scoring and I think you can look to the record of my party and see very very clearly that we were very constructive and productive in our in our contribution over the last number of years. Thank you very much there's a question there please if you could just stand up and give your name and institution if any to remember. Thank you Deputy Mcdonald and thanks again to the IIA for hosting this very important series of discussions. My name is Selina Donnelly I work with Trocra. Trocra have been involved in climate justice campaigning on and with the communities that we work with overseas because they're facing the most immediate consequences of the climate and biodiversity crisis so it's a question that we along with Stop Climate Chaos and Network have been putting to all party leaders that are seeking to form the next government which is would if in government you push for Ireland to be a member of the EU member states there's a group in that are calling for an increase in the EU's 2030 climate targets to at least 55 percent when we really need to actually be aiming for 65 percent emissions reductions in line with the latest findings of the intergovernmental panel on climate change and correlated to that at home here to work to deliver an 80 percent a year annual reduction in emissions in the lifetime of the next government which is appreciably very ambitious but is what we require to seize the opportunity to deal with this crisis thank you. Thank you thank you Selina for for that question. We will work to and for the most ambitious targets possible and I think it's very good that Throkra sets the bar at what some might consider an ambitious or a high level but a realistic level in terms of the sustainability of the planet. I'm very conscious since we're talking about international and European affairs that of course the the climate change agenda is intimately bound up with social justice the international social justice agenda the way that we trade and the fact that the poor south despite very often a lot of very worthy lip service has been left behind in the in my remarks when I when I set out our ambitions for Ireland for a new model and for a new Ireland here and for a new Europe I am very conscious of the fact that that social justice agenda has to be hardwired into the politics of the European Union because I actually think it's what aligns very very closely with the values and the aspirations of citizens right across right across the the union um so the answer to your question is yes we we have differences of opinion on discrete policy matters so you'll know that we don't favour a carbon tax I can hear an intake of breadth in the room but you might also know that in fact carbon taxes are a matter of controversy amongst greens and environmentalists internationally the objective has to be to reduce emissions not to take actions that are box ticking exercises or that are designed to make an administration look good and just to say to Selina in the in the course of this campaign obviously we're out across the country and talking to hundreds if not thousands of people at this stage um I'm happy to tell you that the issue of climate change the environment climate action is very much on people's agenda and it comes down to even talking to people who live in very poor housing stock and who are cold in their homes and who are now making a very direct connection between their own living conditions and circumstances and a much much bigger agenda and the final word is this those movements that I referred to progressive movement movements that I believe can actually break through some of the the stagnation of the European union decision making bureaucracy I would say to the chief amongst that is actually the the movement for climate justice I think the matter is so pressing it is so generationally charged now particularly for younger citizens I think it has real capacity not just to deliver on on the targets that you've that you've outlined there but to to do so much more thank you very much to the first please stand up Francis thanks very much Francis Jacobs member of the institute thanks very much Mary Lou for your talk um you mentioned very powerfully that island island's place within a reformed European Union I'd like to know what are the main elements of what the things you would like to see reformed within the European Union how do you want to get Irish citizens on board how would you consult and involve them and one final and I know very sensitive question what's your position on the future European budget because one way of having greater solidarity within the European Union is to go away from the succession with the 1% and to complement you know common agricultural policy spending by having new strength stronger spending on cohesion and so on and to increase the budget beyond 1% thank you very much so um let me start with the budgetary question first um you'll not be surprised to hear that I believe that we should contribute more for the budget when it represents social transfers and supports for community endeavour and anti poverty measures and innovation and education and all of the things that the budget does but equally Francis you won't be surprised to hear me say that I do not believe that the European budget an expansionary budget should be used to enrich the armaments industry and to prop up an increasingly militarized union I think that is wrong I think that is wrong and I think those within the European decision making apparatus I'm sure are well aware that for the vast majority of citizens of the European Union that is not the way in which they wish their tax euros to be spent and yet it continues in terms of the the new the shape of a new Europe maybe it's more helpful for me to give you an example from an Irish perspective around something that I think needs to change I think it's absolutely doable and shouldn't be a matter of controversy the European treaties are replete with reference to common foreign and security policy and NATO and and that access the European neutrals don't have a place an explicit recognition within the constitutional framework within our basic law I think that's wrong I think we have to recognize for countries that are neutral by tradition and by value that we have our place to the European Union should not be a holding room an anti room for closer and deeper cooperation with NATO for creating military alliances and for ultimately membership of NATO and and you will know even though I have to say this issue of neutrality is not an issue on the on the doorsteps you know that when the the matter of the European project gets unpacked and discussed in this country perhaps to the surprise of the political establishment hey presto the issue arises again because it's a matter of deep value social and political value here I wouldn't propose Francis that I have all of the answers although I have a lot of the questions on this matter I think in the conversation and the necessary preparations for the referendum on unity and constitutional change on our island I think of necessity surfaces a number of the other issues in terms of island and our relationship with the European Union and our shared vision of how that might look so we could very usefully we could very usefully address both issues in in parallel I think the use of citizens assemblies in recent times on issues that were let's face it utterly taboo no go areas for for political life issues like marriage equality issues like women's reproductive rights citizens assembly and that kind of deliberative methods have proved very very valuable and I think those are the kind of tools that we would need to use thank you very much I see question there yes please this man hello thank you uh stiffank was a french ambassador um I have a sort of follow-up question on the common foreign and security policy of the EU would you um if you were in government would you agree to the perpetuation of of irish training personnel in places like eutm marley what would be your overall position on on the participation of such to such missions our our overall position is that operations must have a UN mandate we want to operate within an international multilateral system um and I know that we are very very proud of our defense forces and the role that we play I would argue and I think lots I don't think I'm on my own uh in saying that our personnel are particularly effective because of our tradition and position of neutrality I don't see it as a deficit I see it as a huge strength but we certainly do not favour moves and measures that incrementally bring us closer towards what would be um what would be relationships with NATO and and so on so that's our position and I would be true to that position and I think that position as I said earlier earlier is very much in line with irish public sentiment and values on this subject people want to form of active neutrality it's not a case of sitting on the sidelines and watching the world go by um but what we bring to the table as a small island nation is not military might or hard power we should not try to ape or mimic that we bring something quite unique in in many respects and and that is our our standing and our neutrality and I think we need to cherish that faster it and not damage it thank you very much there's question here hi hi thanks marily um brona higgins with concern worldwide um just you mentioned shin fame's experience and kind of moving from colonial type relationship to more peace building um and going through your manifesto particularly on the foreign affairs and trade um it's outlined that in an international relations policy among other areas prioritised would be international law and human rights and I'm wondering in a shin fame led government what kind of approach would you take to the kind of increasing irreverence for international law that we're witnessing um on a global scale and I'm thinking most recently the recent peace deal middle east peace deal announcement um which effectively white washes um permanent occupation and move toward annexation and so what would be the responsibility in government toward that moving beyond token condemnations and so that would be the first part and then speaking to that what kind of role could Ireland have in the security council bid and what could we bring to the table there in the kind of environment that's prevailing at the moment and secondly with regards to development overseas aid and in the manifesto it mentions a whole of government approach and ensuring accountability for overseas aid what does that mean what would that look like and what's missing at the moment and and what would you like to see changed okay thank you so um I heard the US president make his what did he call it a deal of a lifetime or some some such description and I heard him ponder that um the occupation of Palestinian lands you know that it might be that it's speculated that this is in breach of international law of course there's no speculation necessary it's absolutely illegal and the truth is that the Palestinian people have been very much left on their own um I think the European Union has been very very weak in terms of flexing the collective muscle that will be necessary to ensure that Palestinian the basic rights to self-determination to your land to your place to your home uh is uh finally recognised in a two-state solution and I know that's a matter of controversy but that's my that's my assessment um of it uh I know that a lot of European parliamentarians are very active and very moved on this issue just as it is the case in the doll but that has not that has not ricocheted up it hasn't ratcheted up to the highest levels I failed to see how you bring peace and equilibrium to the Middle East whilst Palestine Palestinian refugee camps are the norm and when people have their homes bulldozed ruthlessly and are left homeless and utterly traumatised and degraded so we need to get to grips with it what what does the government have to do well we've actually passed I think on two occasions a motion in the doll uh looking for recognition for the Palestinian state now I know that doesn't solve the bigger problem but I think it's it's time now for people to step up the the outgoing government uh Simon Coveney as minister would argue yes we need to do something but not now well at my question is if it's not now well then when is it so we have to the first thing we have to do is we have to take a stand the second thing we have to do is to work with European uh allies but this situation cannot continue and no government and no head of government can act with impunity that's a very very dangerous thing to happen we've learned through history what happens when very powerful people believe that the rules don't apply to them that they can cherry pick them so I think we have to take a stand for Palestine and then it has a broader application in terms of the security council I think we need to be honest with ourselves if we are seeking a place at the table that we're very clear what we wish to do with it I I I I have a sense that there would be an expectation of Ireland that we would be a vehicle for other places that have suffered colonization other places that find themselves in poverty and need as a result of that and I'm not sure that we've always used those I know we have there are standout examples of Ireland you know advancing very strongly on the international stage but I'm not sure that we have always used those opportunities to best effect so when we talk about a whole of government approach in terms of human rights and international affairs it's actually very much tied up with the question on on climate justice because these things in many ways are inseparable and it's about understanding that we do live in a global village and it's about hardwiring these matters into a domestic agenda that isn't just a matter that arises on hustings for elections for example and I think we can do that I actually think the climate agenda now means that we can't not do it anymore and I think that's a positive thing because it keeps it could keep a bit of discipline and a bit of heat on whomesoever it might be who sits around the next cabinet table thank you very much indeed question over here please follow by yourself next thank you thank you very much indeed for for the address mary cross member of the institute I just noted you mentioned that your policy would be to act with purpose when human rights are attacked I just wonder how you mean that should be implemented I mean would you feel that the EU should adopt a more muscular approach in foreign policy should we be intervening militarily in conflicts where human rights are egregiously abused are peacekeeping missions yes but something more muscular firmer in terms of foreign policy and also security I think various polls have shown that Irish people among other nationalities that security is a very high on their on their radar in in terms of expectations of the EU that the EU will protect them and protection means taking action for example in the country surrounding the EU and if necessary intervening so my question really is would we would your policy be to stay in the anti room and say not provide solidarity with other member states if they were taking action in this regard as I say to to protect human rights in the broader sense okay so I my perspective on this is that we've had lots of muscular foreign policy and it hasn't it hasn't ended up well I mean I absolutely accept that the international community has to act in concert to protect basic to protect life to protect the rule of law to protect people's democratic and human rights but I think if you take a step back and take a perspective on where the world is right now as I see it that very muscular approach as you describe it has proved to be utterly counterproductive in recent times and didn't bring the kind of safety and stability that we that we require our first stop in any of these conflicts has to be the art of diplomacy and engagement and I think speaking as somebody from a first world country and a european tradition I think we have to have a bit of humility in terms of how we address conflicts and even regimes that don't meet with our approval that are oppressive regimes in other parts of the world we need to meet people where they are at and we need to in the first instance attempt to resolve disputes by talking and by diplomatic means I am not you will understand I'm not suggesting that Ireland sits on the sidelines I don't think we've ever done that I don't think that would be a fair assessment of us but I would not see us joining forces with others even within the European Union that have a very very different history to ours a very very different tradition to ours that are aligned states because we have something different to bring to the table and I think that we shouldn't get mesmerised or distracted by all of the apparatus of this more muscular type foreign policy when in in fact it is diplomatic endeavour and intervention and often softer interventions that actually yield the bigger result and I think we I mentioned I spoke about Palestine earlier if ever there was an example of muscular responses and disproportionate responses in a region of the world well there's your there's your evidence of it I I don't think that is the successful a recipe for success thank you there's your question and Irene Duffey Lynch a member of the institute and this is a completely different subject but I'm coming at from the European point of view we have a huge obesity problem in this country growing problem plugging up our hospitals making people more poor than they already are is this something that Sinn Fein takes into account and is it looking at a European countries great Britain apart I think they do not seem to have this problem on my time living in European European countries and from my many many visits currently to Europe I don't seem to have this problem so um which in Fein if they were in government or even as we speak are you considering this growing problem maybe and looking at what the Europeans are doing from um looking at what the Europeans are doing to control this growing catastrophe actually okay I think the biggest the single biggest societal problem that has health effects is probably poverty in fact it's definitely poverty if you look across sections of our population I'm thinking of traveller citizens and look at their life expectancy look at their life experiences look at their health the health indices they suffer disproportionately and that's not because of some genetic predisposition to obesity or anything else it's because they're poor so certainly in terms of public health our approach has to be in the first instance to keep people well you know health and the health agenda should not always be reactive and I think you make a strong case in that regard I think people's diet at what they consume what they cook if they cook um again can can largely be traced to what their disposable income is not in every case but in in in many many cases so yes that is an issue that needs to be addressed as a matter of public health um so too does excessive alcohol consumption or the consumption of tobacco all of these these big issues but a common denominator in terms of keeping people well and of course with the night the public purse as well and and the efficiency of the health system will be to have a very very proactive anti-poverty strategy that's multifaceted that's not just about income levels although that is important but that is also about opportunity in every respect educationally culturally through the arts all of that and I think there's a real need in a in a society where the talk is about economic recovery that we actually grind back down to basics and we look at our communities many of home um are hugely under resourced in every respect and we get onto the bonus of that and we figure it out the best people to come up with solutions to any issue within their community is generally people in the community themselves um could I just come back on that please I think myself the answer is education for example and it's the obesity is not just among the poor can you use the microphone so others can hear you please I think the answer is education really when I was in secondary school myself I had two and a half hours of practical cooking every every week I had two hours of theory I know what food is about my husband who was in a boy's secondary school they never had anything like that after 40 years living with me he still doesn't get it he's not overweight but he eats the wrong things so I think it's education and I think it has to become um um um an exam subject uh a serious subject uh because it's not just the poor um and um so perhaps you might think about that during government okay thank you thank you um I'm going to put a question to your family now after 47 years as you said in your opening remarks um Britain is leaving and Ireland is staying whereas before we were very much joined together on matters European and in fact Ireland is a much smaller entity than Britain on many occasions was able to use a common position to protect our own interests that's no longer the case and we need in my view I will put it to you to reconstruct a new relationship with the United Kingdom but we need to take that initiative because I think the baffering and the bruising that the British people have gone through over brexit is not going to want them to take that initiative themselves if you are part of the next government what action do you think that government should take to fill that vacuum that has now arisen in terms of the daily interaction that Irish diplomats and Irish European member uh individuals of one kind another had with their English or British counterparts well I think in the first instance uh Rory we need to work the institutions that we already have I mean one of the mistakes that was made uh in recent years and this was prior to the collapse of the institutions in the north is that the intergovernmental conference didn't meet nearly regularly enough it just wasn't innovative or proactive enough so I think the first thing we need to do is to use the north south mechanisms the east west mechanisms that we have and make them dynamic I think beyond that we need to look at uh almost a network of relationships between the two islands so there is a necessary relationship between the government in the north in Belfast and with our Welsh and Scottish friends and that of course those of course are evolving stories too not least because of brexit and then of course the critical relationship with London needs to be built on I don't have a set view in in huge detail as to what that exactly will look like except to say that we need to measure all of course depending on what the outcome what the final relationship looks like between Britain and the European Union because that will shape things greatly so in that context we need to look at those relationships and we we need to employ every and any mechanism to ensure that we maintain robust relationships that's for lots of reasons for trading reasons for economic reasons for social and cultural reasons but above all because a section of our people in the northeast of this island are british and that relationship now that relationship in a new island or a unified island will always be an important one so it has uh it has a particular importance for for all of us I think just to say to you that everybody accepts at least privately if not publicly that the ball was dropped in in respect of the the british Irish intergovernmental conference and those relationships that can't happen again so first order of business is to correct that second order of business is to the very best of our ability to build an informed dialogue with our friends across the water as they embark now on this next leg of their negotiations with the european union obviously they're bilateral negotiations and we can't intervene we're represented obviously uh as as an EU state but I do think that we have a role by way of informing and also challenging the british government on stances that they would take so because we are an all island party uh we would have reason to have very close contact with the secretary of state of the day with the with the with ministers and with the prime minister of the day and I can assure you that they are consistently challenged in terms of decisions that they might make or positions that they adopt that are damaging to this island and that certainly will continue thank you very much I understand this question there last question for today thank you i'm the italian ambassador sorry I was late but uh I can't remember when I arrived here two years ago that a piece of information that struck me in particular was the one that I had like is the only european country to have a level of population lower than 200 years ago and to this problem is is bounded the other one of of housing which is part of your program of government and another piece of information is that in this respect Italy we have a lot of problems as everybody knows but at least we have not this problem in the sense that the the level the 80 percent more than 80 percent of the population owns his own apartment of the place where he lives so I think this is an important certainly a fundamental problem for the future of of of Ireland and you know it very well I suppose thank you yes ambassador thank you for that observation um yes uh it is safe to say that we are at a point of crisis in terms of housing and accommodation the statistics are there for one and all to see um but the real devastation is in the stories behind those numbers which are devastating in their in in how dismal they are uh we have no excuse and we have no alibi as a wealthy country uh to have the level of child homelessness that we currently have like there's no rational explanation there's no excuse for that except that the the state and the government has failed and the state and the government now needs to start succeeding and achieving on this agenda in particular um I don't have to rehearse for you I'm sure ambassador the whole history of the the the bubble that burst and the economic catastrophe that followed um but I think it is fair to say that there has been a view an ideological view uh shared by successive governments that housing was a matter for the private sector and that the state sat back and allowed provision to to to come from from the private sector that's failed so in a nutshell the state and the government needs to get active and become interventionist we're proposing a number of things in in the in the manifesto if you've read it in terms of public housing provision also in terms of retrofitting and um environmental sustainability initiatives but we're also proposing a rent freeze because rents in this country are crazy and it can't continue the the freeze that we envisage would be for a three-year period and that our understanding is that that addresses the constitutionality concern that some have have raised but we have to do something and the housing and the demographic piece because that's been discussed not least because of pensions we were talking about this earlier um you know if if we are not giving our young people a chance to settle here to work here to contribute here to start their families here well they will simply go elsewhere and we are going to have a demographic crisis uh I think when you meet countless younger people and they tell you look I'm never really going to own my own home or I can't afford the rent and I'm back living with my parents in their 20s and 30s we need to fix that it can be fixed but it's going to take a lot of political well it's not an easy task but I believe it can be done I also happen to believe that we have the right person in our team who would make an ideal minister for housing I'll name him Owen O'Bryn um so uh it that would be certainly if you were to ask me what would be the the absolute core concern for us the core social dilemma that needs to be resolved it is the issue of housing and I think the next government cannot fail we can't have more of the same because it has been frankly disastrous can I on your behalf thank you very much for your contribution you've been very generous with your time which you've also been very open and frank in the propositions of your party and your analysis of various matters that we have discussed you are very welcome here as many people may not know you once we're here in a different capacity so you've come back full of glory in a minute can I ask you to show your appreciation