 Book 1, chapters 13 and 14 of the Wars of the Jews. Chapter 13. The Parthians bring Antigonus back into Judea, and cast Hercarnus and Pharsarius into prison. The flight of Herod, and the taking of Jerusalem, and what Hercarnus and Pharsalus suffered. 1. Now two years afterward, when Barzephanes, a governor amongst the Parthians, and Peorus, the king's son, had possessed himself of Syria, and when Lysenius had already succeeded upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Meneus, in the government of Chalkis, he prevailed with the governor by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hercanus out of it. Peorus was by these means induced so to do, and marched along the sea coast, while he ordered Barzephanes to fall upon the Jews as he went along the Mediterranean part of the country, but of the maritime people, the Tyrians would not receive Peorus, although those of Ptolemyus and Sidon had received him, so he committed a troop of his horse to a certain cop-bearer belonging to the royal family, of his own name, Peorus, and gave him orders to march into Judea, in order to learn the state of affairs among their enemies, and to help Antigonus when he should want their assistance. 2. Now as these men were averaging Carmel, many of the Jews ran together to Antigonus, and showed themselves ready to make an incursion into the country, so he sent them before into that place called Drimus, the woodland, footnote, this large and noted wood, or woodland, belonging to Carmel, called Apego by the Septuagint, is mentioned in the Old Testament, 2 Kings 1923, Isaiah 37 and 24, and by I. Strabo as both Aldrich and Spanheim hear remark very pertinently, end footnote, to seize upon the place, where upon a battle was fought between them, and they drove the enemy away, and pursued them, and ran after them as far as Jerusalem, and as their numbers increased they proceeded as far as the King's palace, but as Hercainus and Ferselius received them with a strong body of men, there happened a battle in the market place, in which Herod's party beat the enemy, and shut them up in the temple, and set sixty men in the houses adjoining as a guard to them. But the people that were tumultuous against the brethren came in, and burnt those men, while Herod, in his rage for killing them, attacked and slew many of the people, till one party made incursions on the other by turns, day by day, in the way of ambushes, and slaughters were made continually among them. 3. Now when that estable which we call Pentecost was at hand, all the places about the temple, and the whole city, was full of a multitude of people that would come out of the country, and which were the greatest part of them armed also, at which time Ferselius guarded the wall, and Herod, with a few, guarded the royal palace, and when he made an assault upon his enemies, as they were out of their ranks, on the north quarter of the city, he slew a very great number of them, and put them all to flight, and some of them he shut up within the city, and others within the outward rampart. 4. In the meantime Antigonus desired that Pecorus might be admitted to be a reconciler between them, and Ferselius was prevailed upon to admit the Parthian into the city with five hundred horse, and to treat him in an hospitable manner, who pretended that he came to quell the tumult, but in reality he came to assist Antigonus. 5. However he laid a plot for Ferselius, and persuaded him to go as an ambassador to Bazephanes, in order to put an end to the war, although Herod was very earnest with him to the contrary, and exhorted him to kill the plotter, but not to expose himself to the snares he had laid for him, because the barbarians are naturally perfidious. However, Pecorus went out and took Hercanus with him, that he might be the less suspected. He also left some of the horsemen, called the freemen, with Herod, and conducted Ferselius with the rest. Footnote. These accounts that the Parthians fought cheaply on horseback, and that only some few of their soldiers were free men, perfectly agree with Trogas Pompeius, as Dean Aldrich Wallobserves on this place. End footnote. 4. But now, when they were come to Galilee, they found that the people of that country had revolted, and were in arms, who came very cunningly to their leader, and besought him to conceal his treacherous intentions by an obliging behaviour to them. Accordingly, he at first made them presents, and afterward, as they went away, laid ambushes for them, and when they were come to one of the maritime cities called Ekdipon, they perceived that a plot was laid for them, for they were there informed of the promise of a thousand talents, and how Antigonus had devoted the greatest number of the women that were with them, among the five hundred, to the Parthians. They also perceived that an ambush was always laid for them by the barbarians in the night time. They had also been seized on before this, unless they had waited for the seizure of Herod first at Jerusalem, because if he were once informed of this treachery of theirs, he would take care of himself. Nor was this a mere report, but they saw the guards already, not far off them. 5. Nor would Veselius think of forsaking Arcanus and flying away, though Ophelius earnestly persuaded him to it, for this man had learned the whole scheme of the plot from Sarumala, the richest of all the Syrians. But Veselius went up to the Parthian governor, and reproached him to its face for laying the treacherous plot against them, and chiefly because he had done it for money, and he promised him that he would give him more money for their preservation than Antigonus had promised to give for the kingdom. But the sly Parthian endeavored to remove all this suspicion by apologies and by oaths, and then went to the other Pecorus, immediately after which those Parthians who were left, and had it in charge, seized upon Veselius and Arcanus, who could do no more than curse their perfidiousness and their perjury. 6. In the meantime the cop-bearer was sent back, and laid a plot, how to seize upon Herod, by deluding him, and getting him out of the city, as he was commanded to do. But Herod suspected the barbarians from the beginning, and having then received intelligence that a messenger, who was bringing him the letters that informed him of the treachery intended, had fallen among the enemy, he would not go out of the city. Though Pecorus said very positive that he ought to go out, and meet the messages that had brought the letters, for that the enemy had not taken them, and that the contents of them were not accounts of any plots upon them, but of what Veselius had done, yet had he heard from another that his brother was seized, and Alexandra. Footnote. Mariamini here, in the copies, end footnote. The shrewdest woman in the world, Arcanus' daughter, begged of him that he would not go out, nor trust himself to those barbarians, who now would come to make an attempt upon him openly. Seven. Now, as Pecorus and his friends were considering how they might bring their plots to bear privately, because it was not possible to circumvent a man of so great prudence by openly attacking him, Herod prevented them, and went off with the persons that were the most nearly related to him by night, and this without their enemies being apprised of it. But as soon as the Parthians perceived it, they pursued after them, and as he gave orders for his mother and sister, and the young woman who was betrothed to him, with her mother and his youngest brother, to make the best of their way, he himself, with his servants, took all the care they could to keep off the barbarians, and when at every assault he had slain a great many of them, he came to the stronghold of Massada. Eight. Nay, he found by experience that the Jews fell more heavily upon him than did the Parthians, and created him troubles perpetually, and this ever since he was gotten sixty furlongs from the city. These sometimes brought it to a sort of regular battle. Now in the place where Herod beat them, and killed a great number of them, there he afterward built a citadel, in memory of the great actions he did there, and adorned it with the most costly palaces, and erected very strong fortifications, and called it, from his own name, Herodium. Now as they were in their flight, many joined themselves to him every day, and at a place called Thresa of Idrumea, his brother Joseph met him, and advised him to ease himself of a great number of his followers, because Massada would not contain the greater multitude which were above nine thousand. Herod complied with this advice, and sent away the most cumbersome part of his retinue, that they might go into Idrumea, and give them provisions for their journey. But he got safe to the fortress with his nearest relations, and retained with him only the stoutest of his followers, and there it was that he left eight hundred of his men as a guard for the women, and provisions sufficient for a siege, but he made haste himself to Petra of Arabia. Nine. As for the Parthians in Jerusalem, they betook themselves to plundering, and fell upon the houses of those that were fled, and upon the king's palace, and spared nothing but Hercanus's money, which was not above three hundred talents. They lighted on other men's money also, but not so much as they hoped for, for Herod having a long while, had a suspicion of the perfidiousness of the barbarians, had taken care to have what was most splendid among his treasures conveyed to Idrumea, as everyone belonging to him had in like manner done also. But the Parthians proceeded to that degree of injustice, as to fill the country with war without denouncing it, and to demolish the city of Marissa, and not only to set up Antigonus for king, but to deliver Pharsalius and Hercanus bound into his hands in order to their being tormented by him. Antigonus himself also bit off Hercanus's ears with his own teeth, as he fell down upon his knees to him, so that he might never be able upon any mutation of affairs to take the high priesthood again, for the high priests that officiated were to be complete and without blemish. Ten. However, he failed in his purpose of abusing Pharsalius by reason of his courage, for though he had neither had the command of his sword nor of his hands, he prevented all abuses by dashing his head against a stone, so he demonstrated himself to be Herod's own brother, and Hercanus a most degenerate relation, and died with great bravery, and made the end of his life agreeable to the actions of it. There is also another report about his end, vis, that he recovered of that stroke, and that a surgeon who was sent by Antigonus to heal him filled the wound with poisonous ingredients, and so killed him. Whichsoever of these deaths he came to, the beginning of it was glorious. It is also reported that before he expired he was informed by a certain poor woman how Herod had escaped out of their hands, and that he said thereupon, I now die with comfort, since I leave behind me one alive who will avenge me of mine enemies. Eleven. This was the death of Pharsalius. But the Parthians, although they had failed of the woman they chiefly desired, yet did they put the government of Jerusalem into the hands of Antigonus, and took away Hercanus, and abound him, and carried him to Parthia. Chapter Fourteen. When Herod is rejected in Arabia, he makes haste to Rome where Antony and Caesar joined their interest to make him king. One. Now Herod did the more zealously pursue his journey into Arabia, as making haste to get money of the king, while his brother was yet alive. By which money alone it was that he hoped to prevail upon the covetous temper of the Barbarians to spare Pharsalius, for he reasoned thus with himself. That if the Arabian king was too forgetful of his father's friendship with him, and was too covetous to make him a free gift, he would however borrow of him as much as might redeem his brother, and put into his hands, as a pledge, the son of him that was to be redeemed. Accordingly he led his brother's son along with him, who was of the age of seven years. Now he was ready to give three hundred talents for his brother, and intended to desire the intercession of the Tyrians to get them accepted. However, fate had been too quick for his diligence, and since Pharsalius was dead, Herod's brotherly love was now in vain. Moreover he was not able to find any lasting friendship among the Arabians, for their king, Malachus, sent to him immediately, and commanded him to return back out of his country, and used the name of the Parthians as a pretense for so doing, as though these had denounced to him by their ambassadors to cast Herod out of Arabia, while in reality they had a mind to keep back what they owed to Antipater, and not be obliged to make recitals to his sons for the free gifts the father had made them. He also took the impudent advice of those who, equally with himself, were willing to deprive Herod of what Antipater had deposited among them, and these men were the most potent of all whom he had in his kingdom. 2. So when Herod had found that the Arabians were his enemies, and this for those very reasons wince he hoped they would have been the most friendly, and had given them such an answer as his passion suggested, he returned back and went for Egypt. Now he lodged the first evening at one of the temples of that country, in order to meet with those whom he left behind. But on the next day word was brought to him, as he was going to Rhino Curura, that his brother was dead, and how he came by his death. And when he had lamented him as much as his present circumstances could bear, he soon laid aside such cares, and proceeded on his journey. But now, after some time, the king of Arabia repented of what he had done, and sent presently away messengers to call him back. Herod had prevented them, and was come to Pelusium, where he could not obtain a passage from those that lay with the fleet, so he besought their captains to let him go by them. Accordingly, out of the reverence they brought to the fame and dignity of the man, they conducted him to Alexandria, and when he came into the city he was received by Cleopatra with great splendour, who hoped he might be persuaded to be commander of her forces in the expedition she was now about. But he rejected the queen's solicitations, and being neither affrighted at the height of that storm which then happened, nor at the tummels that were now in Italy, he sailed for Rome. Three. But as he was in great peril about Pamphylia, and obliged to cast out of the greatest part of the ship's lading, he with difficulty got safe to Rhodes, a place which had been gruebiously harassed in the war with Cassius. He was there received by his friends Ptolemy and Sopinius, and although he was then in want of money, he fitted up a three-decked ship of very great magnitude, wherein he and his friends sailed to Brundisium. Footnote. This Brundisium, or Brundisium, has coins still preserved on which is written as Spanheim informs us. End footnote. And went thence to Rome with all speed, where he first of all went to Antony on account of the friendship his father had with him, and laid before him the calamities of himself and his family, and that he had left his nearest relations besieged in a fortress, and had sailed to him through a storm to make supplication to him for assistance. Four. Hereupon Antony was moved to compassion at the change that had been made in Herod's affairs, and this brought upon his calling to mind how hospitably he had been treated by Antipater, but more especially on account of Herod's own virtue. So he then resolved to get him made king of the Jews, whom he had himself formally made tetrarch. The contest also that he had with Antigonus was another inducement, and that of no less weight than the great regard he had for Herod, for he looked upon Antigonus as a seditious person, and an enemy of the Romans. And as for Caesar, Herod found him better prepared than Antony, as remembering very fresh the wars he had gone through together with his father, the hospitable treatment he had met with from him, and the entire good will he had shown to him. Besides the activity which he saw in Herod himself. So he called the Senate together, wherein Masalis, and after him Atratinus, produced Herod before them, and gave a full account of the merits of his father, and his own good will to the Romans. At the same time they demonstrated that Antigonus was their enemy, not only because he soon quarreled with them, but because he now overlooked the Romans, and took the government by means of the Parthians. These reasons greatly moved the Senate, at which juncture Antony came in, and told them that it was for their advantage in the Parthian War that Herod should be king, so they gave all their votes for it. And when the Senate was separated, Antony and Caesar went out with Herod between them, while the consul and the rest of the magistrates went before them in order to offer sacrifices, and to lay the decree in the capital. Antony also made a feast for Herod on the first day of his reign. End of book 1, chapters 13 and 14 Chapter 15 Antigonus besieges those that were in Masada, whom Herod frees from confinement when he came back from Rome, and presently marches to Jerusalem, where he finds Silo corrupted by bribes. Now during this time Antigonus besieged those that were in Masada, who had all other necessities in sufficient quantity, but were in want of water. On which account Joseph, Herod's brother, was disposed to run away to the Arabians, with two hundred of his own friends, because he had heard that Malachos repented of his offences with regard to Herod, and he had been so quick as to have been gone out of the fortress already, unless, on that very night when he was going away, there had fallen a great deal of rain, in so much that his reservoirs were full of water, and so he was under no necessity of running away. After which therefore they made an eruption upon Antigonus' party, and slew a great many of them, some in open battles, and some in private ambush, nor had they always success in their attempts, for sometimes they were beaten and ran away. Two, in the meantime Ventidius, the Roman general, was sent out of Syria to restrain the incursions of the Parthians, and after he had done that he came into Judea in pretense indeed to assist Joseph and his party, but in reality to get money of Antigonus. And when he had pitched his camp very near to Jerusalem, as soon as he had got money enough, he went away with the greatest part of his forces, yet still did he leave Silo with some part of them, lest if he had taken them all away his taking of bribes might have been too openly discovered. Now Antigonus hoped that the Parthians would come again up to his assistance, and therefore cultivated a good understanding with Silo in the meantime, lest any interruption should be given to his hopes. Three, now by this time Herod had sailed out of Italy, and was come to Ptolemaus, and as soon as he had gotten together no small army of foreigners, and of his own countrymen, he marched through Galilee against Antigonus, wherein he was assisted by Ventidius and Silo, both whom Delius, a person sent by Antony, footnote, this Delius is famous, or rather infamous, in the history of Mark Antony, as Spanheim and Aldrich hear note, from the coins, from Plutarch and Diel, end footnote, persuaded to bring Herod into his kingdom. Now Ventidius was at this time among the cities, and composing the disturbances which had happened by means of the Parthians, as was Silo in Judea corrupted by the bribes that Antigonus had given him. Yet was not Herod himself destitute of power, but the number of his forces increased every day as he went along, and all Galilee, with few exceptions, joined themselves to him. So he proposed himself to set about his most necessary enterprise, and that was Masada, in order to deliver his relations from the siege they endured. But still Joppa stood in his way, and hindered his going thither, for it was necessary to take that city first, which was in the enemy's hands, that when he should go to Jerusalem, no fortress might be left in the enemy's power behind him. Silo also willingly joined him, as having now a plausible occasion of throwing off his forces from Jerusalem, and when the Jews pursued him and pressed upon him in his retreat, Herod made all excursion upon them with a small body of his men, and soon put them to flight, and saved Silo when he was in distress. Four. After this Herod took Joppa, and then made haste to Masada to free his relations. Now as he was marching many came into him, induced by their friendship to his father, some by the reputation he had already gained himself, and some in order to repay the benefits they had received from them both. But still what engaged the greatest number on his side was the hopes from him when he should be established in his kingdom, so that he had gotten together already an army hard to be conquered. But Antigonus laid an ambush for him as he marched out, in which he did little or no harm to his enemies. However, he easily recovered his relations again that were in Masada, as well as the fortress Ressa, and then marched to Jerusalem, when the soldiers that were with Silo joined themselves to his own, as did many out of the city, from a dread of his power. Five. Now when he had pitched his camp on the west side of the city, the guards that were there shot their arrows and threw their darts at them, while others ran out in companies, and attacked those in the forefront. But Herod commanded proclamation to be made at the wall, that he was come for the good of the people and the preservation of the city, without any design to be revenged on his open enemies, but to grant oblivion to them, though they had been the most obstinate against him. Now the soldiers that were for Antigonus made a contrary clamour, and neither did permit anybody to hear that proclamation, nor to charge their party, so Antigonus gave orders to his forces to beat the enemy from the walls. Accordingly, they soon threw their darts at them from the towers, and put them to flight. Six. And here it was that Silo discovered he had taken bribes, for he set many of the soldiers to clamour about their want of necessaries, and to demand their pay, in order to buy themselves food, and to demand that he would lead them into places convenient for their winter quarters. Because all the parts about the city were laid waste by the means of Antigonus's army, which had taken all things away. By this he moved the army, and attempted to get them off the siege. But Herod went to the captains that were under Silo, and to a great many of the soldiers, and begged of them not to leave him, who was sent thither by Caesar, and Antony, and the Senate, for that he would take care to have their want supplied that very day. After the making of which entreaty, he went hastily into the country, and brought thither so great an abundance of necessaries, that he cut off all Silo's pretenses. And in order to provide that for the following days they should not want supplies, he sent to the people that were about Somalia, which city had joined itself to him, to bring corn and wine and oil and cattle to Jericho. When Antigonus heard of this, he sent some of his party with orders to hinder, and lay ambushes for these collectors of corn. This command was obeyed, and a great multitude of armed men were gathered together about Jericho, and lay upon the mountains, to watch those that brought the provisions. Yet was Herod not idle, but took with him ten cohorts, five of them were Romans, and five were Jewish cohorts, together with some mercenary troops intermixed among them, and besides those a few horsemen, and came to Jericho, and when he came he found the city deserted, but that there were five hundred men with their wives and children, who had taken possession of the tops of the mountains. These he took, and dismissed them, while the Romans fell upon the rest of the city, and plundered it, having found the houses full of all sorts of good things. So the king left a garrison at Jericho, and came back, and sent the Roman army into those cities which were come over to him, to take their winter quarters there, Viz into Judea, or Idomia, and Galilee, and Somalia. Antigonus, also by bribes, obtained of Silo, to let a part of his army be received at Lidda, as a compliment to Antonius. Herod takes the forest, and subdues the robbers that were in the caves. He, after that, avenges himself upon Macarus, as upon an enemy of his, and goes to Antony, as he was besieging Samosata. One, so the Romans lived in plenty of all things, and rested from war. However, Herod did not lie at rest, but seized upon Idomia, and kept it, with two thousand footmen, and four hundred horsemen, and this he did by sending his brother Joseph Fither, that no innovation might be made by Antigonus. He also removed his mother, and all his relations who had been in Massada, to Somalia, and when he had settled them securely, he marched to take the remaining parts of Galilee, and to drive away the garrisons placed there by Antigonus. Two, but when Herod had reached Sophorus, footnote, this Sophorus, the metropolis of Galilee, so often mentioned by Josephus, has coins still remaining, as Spanham here informs us, end footnote. In a very great snow, he took the city without any difficulty. The guards that should have kept it flying away before it was assaulted, where he gave an opportunity to his followers that had been in distress to refresh themselves, there being in that city a great abundance of necessaries. After which he hasted away to the robbers that were in the caves, who overran a great part of the country, and did as great mischief to its inhabitants as a war itself could have done. Accordingly he sent beforehand three cohorts of footmen, and one troop of horsemen, to the village Arbala, and came himself forty days afterwards with the rest of his forces. Footnote. This way of speaking, after forty days, is interpreted by Josephus himself, on the fortieth day. In like manner, when Josephus says, Chapter 33, Section 8, that Herod lived after he had ordered Antipater to be slain five days, this is by himself interpreted that he died on the fifth day afterwards. So also, what is in this book, Chapter 13, Section 1, after two years is, on the second year, and Dean Aldrich here notes that this very way of speaking is familiar to Josephus. End footnote. Yet were not the enemy affrighted at his assault, but met him in arms, for their skill was that of warriors, but their boldness was the boldness of robbers, and therefore when it came to a pitched battle they put to flight Herod's left wing with their right one. But Herod, wheeling about on the sudden from his own right wing, came to their assistance, and both made his own left wing return back from its flight, and fell upon the pursuers, and called their courage, till they could not bear the attempts that were made directly upon them, and so turned back and ran away. Three. But Herod followed them, and slew them as he followed them, and destroyed a great part of them, till those that remained were scattered beyond the river Jordan, and Galilee was freed from the terrors they had been under, excepting from those that remained and lay concealed in caves, which required longer time ere they could be conquered. In order to which Herod, in the first place, distributed the fruits of their former labours to the soldiers, and gave every one of them a hundred and fifty drachma of silver, and a great deal more to their commanders, and sent them into their winter quarters. He also sent to his youngest brother Feroz to take care of a good market for them, where they might buy themselves provisions, and to build a wall about Alexandrium, who took care of both those injunctions accordingly. Four. In the meantime, Antony abode at Athens, while Ventidius called for Silo and Herod to come to the war against the Parthians, but ordered them first to settle the affairs of Judea, so Herod willingly dismissed Silo to go to Ventidius, but he made an expedition himself against those that lay in the caves. Now these caves were in the precipices of craggy mountains, and could not be come out from any side, since they had only some winding pathways, very narrow, by which they got up to them. But the rock that lay on their front had beneath it valleys of a vast depth, and of an almost perpendicular declivity, in so much that the king was doubtful for a long time what to do, by reason of a kind of impossibility there was of attacking the place. Yet did he at length make use of a contrivance that was subject to the utmost hazard, for he let down the most hardy of his men in chests, and set them at the mouths of the dens. Now these men slew the robbers and their families, and when they made resistance, they sent in fire upon them, and burnt them, and as Herod was desirous of saving some of them, he had proclamation made that they should come and deliver themselves up to him. But not one of them came willingly to him, and of those that were compelled to come, many preferred death to captivity. And here a certain old man, the father of seven children, whose children, together with their mother, desired him to give them leave to go out, upon the assurance and right hand that was offered them, slew them after the following manner. He ordered every one of them to go out, and he stood himself at the cave's mouth, and slew that son of his perpetually who went out. Herod was near enough to see this sight, and his bowels of compassion were moved at it, and he stretched out his right hand to the old man, and besought him to spare his children. Yet did not he relent at all upon what he said, but over and above reproached Herod on the lowness of his descent, and slew his wife as well as his children, and when he had sewn their dead bodies down the precipice, he at last threw himself down after them. Five. By this means Herod subdued these caves and the robbers that were in them. He then left there a part of his army, as many as he thought sufficient to prevent any sedition, and made Ptolemy their general, and returned to Samaria. He led also with him three thousand armed footmen and six hundred horsemen against Antigonus. Now here those that used to raise tummels in Galilee, having liberty to do so upon his departure, fell unexpectedly upon Ptolemy, the general of his forces, and slew him. They also laid the country waste, and then retired to the bogs, and to places not easily to be found. But when Herod was informed of this insurrection, he came to the assistance of the country immediately, and destroyed a great number of the seditions, and raised the sieges of all the fortresses they had besieged. He also exacted the tribute of a hundred talents of his enemies, as a penalty for the mutations they had made in the country. Six. By this time, the Parthians being already driven out of the country and Pecorus slain, Ventidius, by Antony's command, sent a thousand horsemen and two legions as auxiliaries to Herod against Antigonus. Now Antigonus besought Macherus, who was their general, by letter, to come to his assistance, and made a great many mournful complaints about Herod's violence and about the injuries he did to the kingdom, and promised to give him money for such his assistance. But he complied not with his invitation to betray his trust, for he did not condemn them that sent him, especially while Herod gave him more money than the other offered. So he pretended friendship to Antigonus, but came as a spy to discover his affairs, although he did not hear in comply with Herod, who dissuaded him from so doing. But Antigonus perceived what his intentions were beforehand, and excluded him out of the city, and defended himself against him as against an enemy, from the walls, till Macherus was ashamed of what he had done, and retired to Emmaus to Herod. And as he was in a rage at his disappointment, he slew all the Jews whom he met with, without sparing those that were for Herod, but using them all as if they were for Antigonus. 7. Thereupon Herod was very angry at him, and was going to fight against Macherus as his enemy, but he restrained his indignation, and marched to Antony to accuse Macherus of maladministration. But Macherus was made sensible of his offences, and followed after the king immediately, and earnestly begged and obtained that he would be reconciled to him. However, Herod did not dissist from his resolution of going to Antony, but when he heard that he was besieging Samosata, footnote, this Samosata, the metropolis of Comagena, is well known from its coins, as Spanheim here assures us. Dean Aldrich also confirms what Josephus here notes, that Herod was a great means of taking the city by Antony, and that from Plutarch and Dio end footnote. With a great army, which is a strong city near to Euphrates, he made the greater haste, as observing that this was a proper opportunity for showing at once his courage, and for doing what would greatly oblige Antony. Indeed, when he came, he soon made an end of that siege, and slew a great number of the barbarians, and took from them a large prey, in so much that Antony, who admired his courage formally, did now admire it still more. Cordingly, he heaved many more honors upon him, and gave him more assured hopes that he should gain his kingdom, and now King Antiochus was forced to deliver up Samosata. End of Book 1, chapters 15 and 16 Recording by Kevin Lavin The Wars of the Jews by Josephus Translated by William Wiston Book 1, chapters 17 and 18 Chapter 17 The death of Joseph, Herod's brother, which had been signified to Herod in dreams. How Herod was preserved twice after a wonderful manner, he cuts off the head of Papus, who was the murderer of his brother, and sends that head to his other brother, Fauroris, and in no long time he besieges Jerusalem and marries Maryamne. 1. In the meantime, Herod's affairs in Judea were in an ill state. He had left his brother Joseph with full power, but had charged him to make no attempts against Antigonus till his return. For that, Macarrus would not be such an assistant as he could depend on, as it appeared by what he had done already. But as soon as Joseph heard that his brother was at a very great distance, he neglected the charge he had received, and marched towards Jericho with five cohorts, which Macarrus sent with him. This movement was intended for seizing on the corn, as it was now in the midst of summer. But when his enemies attacked him in the mountains, and in places which were difficult to pass, he was both killed himself, as he was very bravely fighting in the battle. And the entire Roman cohorts were destroyed, for these cohorts were new raised men, gathered out of Syria. And here was no mixture of those called veteran soldiers among them, who might have supported those that were unskillful in war. 2. This victory was not sufficient for Antigonus, but he proceeded to that degree of rage, as to treat the dead body of Joseph barbarously. For when he had got possession of the bodies of those that were slain, he cut off his head, although his brother Fauroris would have given fifty talents as a price of redemption for it. And now the affairs of Galilee were put in such disorder after this victory of Antigonus, that those of Antigonus's party brought the principal men that were on Herod's side to the lake, and there drowned them. There was a great change made also in Idumia, where Macarrus was building a wall about one of the fortresses, which was called Gitta. But Herod had not yet been informed of these things, for after the taking of Simasata, and when Antony had set Sotius over the affairs of Syria, and had given him orders to assist Herod against Antigonus, he departed into Egypt. But Sotius sent two legions before him into Judea to assist Herod, and followed himself soon after with the rest of his army. Three. Now when Herod was at Daphne, by Antioch, he had some dreams which clearly foreboded his brother's death. And as he leaped out of his bed in a disturbed manner, there came messengers that acquainted him with that calamity. So when he had lamented this misfortune for a while, he put off the main part of his mourning, and made haste to march against his enemies. And when he had performed a march that was above his strength, and was gone as far as liveness, he got him 800 men of those that lived near to that mountain as his assistants. And joined with them one Roman legion, with which, before it was day, he made an eruption into Galilee, and met his enemies and drove them back to the place which they had left. He also made an immediate and continual attack upon the fortress, yet was he forced by a most terrible storm to pitch his camp in the neighboring villages before he could take it. But when, after a few days' time, the second legion that came from Antony joined themselves to him, the enemy was affrighted at his power, and left their fortifications ill the night time. Four, after this he marched through Jericho, as making what haste he could to be avenged on his brother's murderers, where happened to him a providential sign, out of which, when he had unexpectedly escaped, he had the reputation of being very dear to God. For that evening there feasted with him many of the principal men, and after that feast was over, and all the guests were gone out, the house fell down immediately. And as he judged this to be a common signal of what dangers he should undergo, and how he should escape them in the war that he was going about, he, in the morning, set forward with his army when about 6,000 of his enemies came running down from the mountains, and began to fight with those in his forefront, yet durst they not be so very bold as to engage the Romans hand to hand. But through stones and darts at them at a distance, by which means they wounded a considerable number, in which action Herod's own side was wounded with a dart. Five, now as Antigonus had a mind to appear to exceed Herod, not only in the courage but in the number of his men. He sent Papis, one of his companions, with an army against Samaria, whose fortune it was to oppose Makaris, but Herod overran the enemy's country and demolished five little cities, and destroyed 2,000 men that were in them, and burned their houses, and then returned to his camp, but his headquarters were at the village called Cana. Six, now a great multitude of Jews resorted to him every day, both out of Jericho and the other parts of the country. Some were moved so to do out of the hatred to Antigonus, and some out of regard to the glorious actions Herod had done, but others were led on by an unreasonable desire of change. So he fell upon them immediately. As for Papis and his party, they were not terrified either at their number or at their zeal, but marched out with great alacrity to fight them. And it came to a close fight. Now other parts of their army made resistance for a while, but Herod, running the utmost hazard out of the rage he was in at the murder of his brother, that he might be avenged on those that had been the authors of it. Soon beat those that opposed him, and after he had beaten them, he always turned his force against those that stood to it still, and pursued them all, so that a great slaughter was made while some were forced back into that village once they came out. He also pressed hard upon the hundermost, and slew a vast number of them. He also fell into the village with the enemy, where every house was filled with armed men, and the upper rooms were crowded above with soldiers for their defense, and when he had beaten those that were on the outside, he pulled the houses to pieces and plucked out those that were within. Upon many he had the roofs shaken down, whereby they perished by heaps, and as for those that fled out of the ruins, the soldiers received them with their swords in their hands, and the multitude of those slain and lying on heaps was so great that the conquerors could not pass along the roads. Now the enemy could not bear this blow, so that when the multitude of them which was gathered together saw that those in the village were slain, they dispersed themselves and fled away. Upon the confidence of which victory, Herod had marched immediately to Jerusalem, unless he had been hindered by the depth of winters coming on. This was the impediment that lay in the way of this his entire glorious progress, and was what hindered Antigonus from being now conquered, who was already disposed to forsake the city. 7. Now when at the evening Herod had already dismissed his friends to refresh themselves after their fatigue, and when he was gone himself, while he was still hot in his armor, like a common soldier, to bathe himself, and had but one servant that attended him. Before he was gotten into the bath, one of the enemies met him in the face with a sword in his hand, and then a second, and then a third. And after that more of them, these were men who had run away out of the battle into the bath in their armor, and they had lain there for some time in great terror and in privacy. And when they saw the king, they trembled for fear, and ran by him in a flight, although he was naked, and endeavored to get off into the public road. 8. Now there was by chance nobody else at hand that might seize upon this man, and for Herod, he was contented to have come to no harm himself, so that they all got away in safety. 8. But on the next day Herod had Papus' head cut off, who was the general for Antigonus, and was slain in the battle, and sent it to his brother Fauroris by way of punishment for the slain brother, for he was the man that slew Joseph. 9. Now as winter was going off, Herod marched to Jerusalem and brought his army to the wall of it. This was the third year since he had been made king at Rome, so he pitched his camp before the temple, for on that side it might be besieged. 10. And there it was that Pompey took the city, so he parted the work among the army and demolished the suburbs, and raised three banks, and gave orders to have towers built upon those banks, and left the most laborious of his acquaintance at the works. 11. But he went himself to Samaria to take the daughter of Alexander, the son of Aristobulus, to wife, who had been betrothed to him before, as we have already said, and thus he accomplished this by the by, during the siege of the city, for he had his enemies in great contempt already. 9. When he had thus married Mariamni, he came back to Jerusalem with a greater army. Sotius also joined him with a large army, both of horsemen and footmen, which he sent before him through the Midland parts, while he marched himself along Phoenicia. 10. And when the whole army was gotten together, which were eleven regiments of footmen and six thousand horsemen, besides Assyrian auxiliaries, which were no small part of the army, they pitched their camp near to the north wall. Herod's dependence was upon the decree of the senate, by which he was made king, and Sotius relied upon Antony, who sent the army that was under him to Herod's assistance. 11. Chapter 18. How Herod and Sotius took Jerusalem by force, and what death Antigonus came to, also concerning Cleopatra's avaricious temper. 1. Now the multitude of the Jews that were in the city were divided into several factions, for the people that crowded about the temple, being the weaker part of them, gave it out that, as the times were, he was the happiest and most religious man who should die first. 2. But as to the more bold and hardy men, they got together in bodies and fell a robbing others after various manners, and these particularly plundered the places that were about the city, and this because there was no food left either for the horses or for the men. 3. Yet some of the warlike men, who were used to fight regularly, were appointed to defend the city during the siege, and these drove those that raised the banks away from the wall, and these were always inventing some engine or another to be a hindrance to the engines of the enemy, nor had they so much success anyway as in the mines underground. 2. Now, as for the robberies which were committed, the king contrived that ambushes should be so late that they might restrain their excursions, and as for the want of provisions, he provided that they should be brought to them from great distances. 3. It was also too hard for the Jews, by the Romans' skill in the art of war, although they were bold to the utmost degree, now they durst not come to a plain battle with the Romans, which was certain death. 4. But through their minds underground, they would appear in the midst of them on the sudden, and before they could batter down one wall, they built them another in its stead, and to sum up all at once, they did not show any want either of painstaking or of contrivances, as having resolved to hold out to the very last. 5. Indeed, though they had so great an army lying about them, they bore a siege of five months, till some of Herod's chosen men ventured to get upon the wall, and fell into the city. 6. As did Socius' centurions after them, and now they first of all seized upon what it was about the temple. 7. And upon the pouring in of the army, there were slaughter of vast multitudes everywhere, by reason of the rage the Romans were in at the length of the siege, and by reason that the Jews who were about Herod earnestly endeavored that none of their adversaries might remain. 8. So they were cut to pieces by great multitudes, as they were crowded together in narrow streets, and in houses, or were running away to the temple. 9. Nor were there any mercy shown either to the infants, or to the aged, or to the weaker sex, in so much that although the king sent about and desired them to spare the people, nobody could be persuaded to withhold their right hand from slaughter. 10. But they slew people of all ages like madmen. 11. Then it was that Antigonus, without any regard to his former or to his present fortune, came down from the citadel, and fell at Socius' feet, who without pitying him at all upon the change of his condition, laughed at him beyond measure and called him Antigona. 12. Footnote that is a woman, not a man. End footnote. 13. Yet did he not treat him like a woman, or let him go free, but put him into bonds, and kept him in custody. 3. But Herod's concern at present, now he had gotten his enemies under his power, was to restrain the zeal of his foreign auxiliaries, for the multitude of the strange people were very eager to see the temple, and what was sacred in the holy house itself. 14. But the king endeavored to restrain them, partly by his exhortations, partly by his threatenings, nay, partly by force, as thinking the victory worse than a defeat to him, if anything that ought not to be seen were seen by them. 15. He also forbade at the same time the spoiling of the city, asking Socius in the most earnest manner, whether the Romans by thus emptying the city of money and men, had a mind to leave him king of a desert, and told him that he judged the dominion of the habitable earth too small a compensation for the slaughter of so many citizens. 16. And when Socius said that it was but just to allow the soldiers this plunder as a reward for what they had suffered during the siege, Herod made answer that he would give every one of the soldiers a reward out of his own money. 17. So he purchased the deliverance of his country, and performed his promises to them, and made presents after a magnificent manner to each soldier, and proportionately to their commanders, and with the most royal bounty to Socius himself, whereby nobody went away but in a wealthy condition. 18. Hereupon Socius dedicated a crown of gold to God, and then went away from Jerusalem, leading Antigonus away in bonds to Antony. Then did the axe bring him to his end. 19. Footnote This death of Antigonus is confirmed by Plutarch and Straho, the latter of whom is cited for it by Josephus himself, as Dean Aldrich here observes and footnote, who still had a fond desire of life and some frigid hopes of it to the last, but by his cowardly behavior well deserved to die by it. 4. Hereupon King Herod distinguished the multitude that was in the city, and for those that were on his side he made them still more his friends by the honors he conferred on them, but for those of Antigonus's party he slew them, and as his money ran low he turned all the ornaments he had into money and sent it to Antony, and to those about him. 20. Yet could he not hear by purchase an exemption from all sufferings? For Antony was now bewitched by his love to Cleopatra, and was entirely conquered by her charms. 21. Now Cleopatra had put to death all her kindred, till no one near her in blood remained alive, and after that she fell a slaying those no way related to her. So she columniated the principal men among the Syrians to Antony, and persuaded him to have them slain. 22. That so she might easily gain to be mistress of what they had, nay, she extended her avaricious humor to the Jews and Arabians, and secretly labored to have Herod and Malekus, the kings of both those nations, slain by his order. 5. Now is to these her injunctions to Antony, he complied in part, for though he esteemed it too abominable a thing to kill such good and great kings, yet was he thereby alienated from the friendship he had for them. 6. He also took away a great deal of their country, nay, even the plantation of palm trees at Jericho, where also grows the balsam tree, and bestowed them upon her, as also all the cities on this side of the river Eleutherus, Tyre and Sidon accepted. 7. Footnote. This ancient liberty of Tyre and Sidon under the Romans, taken notice of by Josephus, is confirmed by the testimony of Surabbe, as Dean Aldrich remarks, although as he justly adds, this liberty lasted but a little while longer when August took it away from them. 8. Footnote. And when she was become mistress of these, and had conducted Antony and his expedition against the Parthians as far as Euphrates, she came by Appamia and Damascus into Judea, and there did Herod pacify her indignation at him by large presence. 9. He also hired of her those places that had been torn away from his kingdom at the yearly rent of 200 talents. He conducted her also as far as Pelusium, and played her all the respects possible. 10. Now it was not long after this that Antony was come back from Parthia, and led with him Archbases, Tigranes' son, captive, as a present for Cleopatra. For this Parthian was presently given her with his money, and all the prey that was taken with him. End of Book 1, Chapters 17 and 18. Recording by Kevin Lavin. Chapter 19. How Antony at the persuasion of Cleopatra sent Herod to fight against the Arabians, and now after several battles he at length got the victory, as also concerning a great earthquake. 1. Now when the war about Actium was begun, Herod prepared to come to the assistance of Antony, as being already freed from his troubles in Judea, and having gained Heracania, which was a place that was held by Antigonus' sister. 2. However he was cunningly hindered from her taking of the hazards that Antony went through by Cleopatra. For since, as we have already noted, she had laid a plot against the kings of Judea and Arabia, she prevailed with Antony to commit the war against the Arabians to Herod, that so if he got the better she might become mistress of Arabia, or if he were worsted of Judea, and that she might destroy one of those kings by the other. 2. However this contrivance tended to the advantage of Herod, for at the very first he took hostages from the enemy and got together a great body of horse, and ordered them to march against them about Diezpos, and he conquered that army although it fought resolutely against him. 3. After which defeat, the Arabians were in great motion and assembled themselves together at Canatha, a city of Celesyria, in vast multitudes, and waited for the Jews. 4. And when Herod was come thither, he tried to manage this war with particular prudence, and gave orders that they should build a wall about their camp. 5. Yet did not the multitude comply with these orders, but were so emboldened by their foregoing victory, that they presently attacked the Arabians and beat them at the first onset, and then pursued them. 6. Yet were their sneers laid for Herod in that pursuit, while Athenio, who was one of Cleopatra's generals and always an antagonist to Herod, sent out of Canatha the men of that country against him. 4. Upon this fresh onset, the Arabians took courage and returned back, and both joined their numerous forces about stony places that were hard to be gone over, and there put Herod's men to the rout, and made a great slaughter of them. But those that escaped out of the battle fled to Ormisa, where the Arabians surrounded their camp and took it with all the men in it. 3. In a little time after this calamity, Herod came to bring them suckers, but he came too late. Now the occasion of that blow was this, that the officers would not obey orders, for had not the fight begun so suddenly, Athenio had not found a proper season for the sneers he laid for Herod. 4. However, he was even with the Arabians afterward, and overran their country, and did them more harm than their single victory could compensate. 5. But as he was avenging himself on his enemies, there fell upon him another providential calamity. 4. For in the seventh year of his reign, footnote, this seventh year of the reign of Herod from the conquest or death of Antigonus, with the great earthquake in the beginning of the same spring, which are here fully implied to be not much before the fight at Actium between Octavius and Antony, and which is known from the Roman historians to have been in the beginning of September in the 31st year before the Christian era, determines the chronology of Josephus as to the reign of Herod, vis that he began in the year 37 beyond rational contradiction. Nor is it quite unworthy of our notice that this seventh year of the reign of Herod, or the 31st before the Christian era, contained the latter part of a sabatic year on which the sabatic year therefore it is plain this great earthquake happened in Judea. 5. When the war about Actium was at its height, at the beginning of the spring, the earth was shaken and destroyed an immense number of cattle with 30,000 men, but the army received no harm because it lay in the open air. In the meantime the fame of this earthquake elevated the Arabians to greater courage, and this by augmenting it to a fabulous height, as is constantly the case in melancholy accidents and pretending that all Judea was overthrown. Upon this supposal therefore, that they should easily get a land that was destitute of inhabitants into their power, they first sacrificed those ambassadors who were come to them from the Jews, and then marched into Judea immediately. Now the Jewish nation were affrighted at this invasion, and quite dispirited at the greatness of their calamities one after another, whom yet Herod got together and endeavored to encourage to defend themselves by the following speech which he made to them. 4. The present dread you are under seems to me to have seized upon you very unreasonably. It is true you might justly be dismayed at that providential chastisement which hath be fallen you. But to suffer yourselves to be equally terrified at the invasion of men is unnanly. As for myself, I am so far from being affrighted at our enemies after this earthquake that I imagine that God hath thereby laid a bait for the Arabians that we may be avenged on them. For their present invasion proceeds more from our accidental misfortunes than that they have any great dependence on their weapons or their own fitness for action. Now that hope which depends not on men's own power but on others ill success is a very ticklish thing. For there is no certainty among men, either in their bad or good fortunes, but we may easily observe that fortune is mutable and goes from one side to another, and this you may readily learn from examples among yourselves. For when you were once victors in the former fight your enemies overcame you at last, and very likely it will now happen so that those who think themselves sure of beating you will themselves be beaten. For when men are very confident they are not upon their guard, while fear teaches men to act with caution. In so much that I venture to prove from your very tumourousness that you ought to take courage. For when you were more bold than you ought to have been, and then I would have had you and marched on, Athenio's treachery took place. But your present slowness and seeming dejection of mind is to me a pledge and assurance of victory, and indeed it is proper beforehand to be thus provident. But when we come to action we ought to erect our minds and to make our enemies, be they ever so wicked, believe that neither any human, known nor any providential misfortune, can ever depress the courage of Jews while they are alive. Nor will any of them ever overlook an Arabian or suffer such a one to become lord of his good things, whom he has in a manner taken captive, and that many times also. And do not you disturb yourselves at the quaking of inanimate creatures, nor do you imagine that this earthquake is a sign of another calamity. For such affections of the elements are according to the course of nature, nor does it import anything further to men than what mischief it does immediately of itself. Perhaps there may come some short sign beforehand in the case of pestilences and famines and earthquakes, but these calamities themselves have their force limited by themselves without foreboding any other calamity. And indeed what greater mischief can the war, though it should be a violent one, do to us than the earthquake half done? Nay, there is a signal of our enemy's destruction visible, and that a very great one also, and this not a natural one, nor derived from the hand of foreigners neither. But it is this, that they have barbarously murdered our ambassadors contrary to the common law of mankind, and they have destroyed so many as if they esteemed them sacrifices for God in relation to this war. But they will not avoid his great eye nor his invincible right hand, and we shall be revenged of them presently in case we shall retain any of the courage of our forefathers and rise up boldly to punish these covenant breakers. Let everyone therefore go on and fight, not so much for his wife or his children, or for the danger his country is in, as for these ambassadors of ours. Those dead ambassadors will conduct this war of ours better than we ourselves who are alive. And if you will be ruled by me, I will myself go before you into danger, for you know this well enough that your courage is irresistible unless you hurt yourselves by acting rashly. Footnote. This speech of Herod is set down twice by Josephus to the very same purpose, but by no means in the same words. Wenset appears that the sense was Herod's, but the composition Josephus's. End footnote. When Herod had encouraged them with this speech, and he saw with what alacrity they went, he offered sacrifice to God, and after that sacrifice he passed over the river Jordan with his army and pitched his camp about Philadelphia near the enemy and about a fortification that lay between them. He then shod at them at a distance and was desirous to come to an engagement presently, for some of them had been sent beforehand to seize upon that fortification, but the king sent some who immediately beat them out of the fortification while he himself went in the forefront of the army which he put in battle array every day and invited the Arabians to fight. But as none of them came out of their camp, for they were in a terrible fright and their general, Althamus, was not able to say a word for fear, so Herod came upon them and pulled their fortification to pieces, by which means they were compelled to come out to fight, which they did in disorder, and so that the horsemen and footmen were mixed together. They were indeed superior to the Jews in number, but inferior in their alacrity, although they were obliged to expose themselves to danger by their very despair of victory. 6. Now while they made opposition, they had not a great number slain, but as soon as they turned their backs a great many were trodden to pieces by the Jews and a great many by themselves and so perished till five thousand were fallen dead in their flight. While the rest of the multitude prevented their immediate death by crowding into the fortification, Herod encompassed these around and besieged them, and while they were ready to be taken by their enemies in arms they had another additional distress upon them which was thirst and want of water. For the king was above harkening to their ambassadors, and when they offered five hundred talents as the price of their redemption he pressed still harder upon them, and as they were burnt up by their thirst they came out and voluntarily delivered themselves up by multitudes to the Jews till in five days time four thousand of them were put into bonds, and on the sixth day the multitude that were left disparate of saving themselves and came out to fight. With these Herod fought and slew again about seven thousand in so much that he punished Arabia so severely and so far extinguished the spirits of the men that he was chosen by the nation for their ruler. Chapter 20. Herod is confirmed in his kingdom by Caesar and cultivates a friendship with the emperor by magnificent presence, while Caesar returns his kindness by bestowing on him that part of his kingdom which had been taken away from it by Cleopatra with the addition of Xenodorus country also. 1. But now Herod was under immediate concern about a most important affair on account of his friendship with Antony who was already overcome at Actium by Caesar. Yet he was more afraid than hurt, for Caesar did not think he had quite undone Antony while Herod continued his assistance to him. 2. However the king resolved to expose himself to dangers. Accordingly he sailed to Rhodes where Caesar then abode and came to him without his diadem and in the habit an appearance of a private person but in his behavior as a king, so he concealed nothing of the truth but spiked thus before his face. 3. O Caesar, as I was made king of the Jews by Antony, so do I profess that I have used my royal authority in the best manner and entirely for his advantage, nor will I conceal this further that thou hast certainly found me in arms and an inseparable companion of his had not the Arabians hindered me. 4. However I sent him as many auxiliaries as I was able, and many ten thousand cori of corn. Nay indeed I did not desert my benefactor after the bow that was given him at Actium, but I gave him the best advice I was able when I was no longer able to assist him in the war, and I told him that there was but one way of recovering his affairs and that was to kill Cleopatra, and I promised him that if she were once dead I would afford him money and walls for his security with an army and myself to assist him in his war against thee, but his affections for Cleopatra stopped his ears as did God himself also who hath bestowed the government on thee. 5. I own myself also to be overcome together with him, and with his last fortune I have laid aside my diadem and have come hither to thee, having my hopes of safety in thy virtue, and I desire that thou wilt first consider how faithful a friend and not whose friend I have been. 2. Caesar replied to him thus, Nay, thou shalt not only be in safety, but thou shalt be a king, and that more firmly than thou wasst before. For thou art worthy to reign over a great many subjects by reason of the fastness of thy friendship, and do thou endeavor to be equally constant in thy friendship to me upon my good success which is what I depend upon from the generosity of thy disposition. 3. However, Antony hath done well in preferring Cleopatra to thee, for by this means we have gained thee by her madness, and thus thou hast begun to be my friend before I began to be thine, on which account Quintus Didius hath written to me that thou sentest him assistance against the gladiators. I do therefore assure thee that I will confirm the kingdom to thee by decree. I shall also endeavor to do thee some further kindness hereafter, that thou mayest find no loss in the want of Antony. 3. When Caesar had spoken such obliging things to the king, and had put the diadem again about his head, he proclaimed what he had bestowed on him by a decree, in which he enlarged in the commendation of the man after a magnificent manner. 4. Whereupon Herod obliged him to be kind to him by the presence he gave him, and he desired him to forgive Alexander, one of Antony's friends, who was become a supplicant to him. 5. But Caesar's anger against him prevailed, and he complained of the many and very great offenses the man whom he petitioned for had been guilty of, and by that means he rejected his petition. 6. After this Caesar went for Egypt through Syria, when Herod received him with royal and rich entertainments, and then did he first of all ride along with Caesar, as he was reviewing his army about Ptolemy, and feasted him with all his friends, and then distributed among the rest of the army what was necessary to feast them with all. 7. He also made a plentiful provision of water for them when they were to march as far as Pelusium through a dry country, which he did also in like manner at their return thence, nor were there any necessaries wanting to that army. 8. It was therefore the opinion, both of Caesar and of his soldiers, that Herod's kingdom was too small for those generous presence he made them, for which reason when Caesar was come into Egypt, and Cleopatra and Antony were dead, 9. He did not only bestow other marks of honor upon him, but made an addition to his kingdom by giving him not only the country which had been taken from him by Cleopatra, but besides that, Gadara and Hippos and Samaria, and moreover of the maritime cities Gaza and Anthodon and Joppa and Stratos Tower. Footnote. Since Josephus, both here and in his antiquities, reckons Gaza, which had been a free city among the cities given Herod by Augustus, and yet implies that Herod had made Custoberus a governor of it before, Hardin has some pretense for saying that Josephus here contradicted himself. But perhaps Herod thought he had sufficient authority to put a governor into Gaza after he was made tetrarch or king in times of war before the city was entirely delivered into his hands by Augustus, and footnote. He also made him a present of 400 Gauls, Galatians, as a guard for his body, which they had been to Cleopatra before, nor did anything so strongly induce Caesar to make these presence as the generosity of him that received them. For, moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Tranconitis and what lay in its neighborhood, Bettinaea, and the country of Oronitas, and that on the following occasion, Zanodaris, who had hired the house of Lysanius, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascones, who thereupon had recourse to Varro, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zanodaris. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province, and this was so established that the other procurators could not do anything in the administration without his advice. But when Zanodaris was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee. Yet, what was still of more consequence to Herod, he was beloved by Caesar next after Agrippa, and by Agrippa next after Caesar, whence he arrived at a very great degree of felicity. Yet did the greatness of his soul exceed it, and the main part of his magnanimity was extended to the promotion of piety. End of book 1, chapters 19 and 20 Book 1, chapters 21 and 22 of the Wars of the Jews This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org The Wars of the Jews by Josephus. Translated by William Whiston. Book 1, chapters 21 and 22 Chapter 21 of the Temple and Cities that were built by Herod and erected from the very foundations, as also of those other edifices that were erected by him, and what magnificence he showed to foreigners, and how fortune was in all things favourable to him. 1. Accordingly, in the fifteenth year of his reign, Herod rebuilt the temple and encompassed a piece of land about it with a wall, which land was twice as large as that before enclosed. The expenses he laid out upon it were vastly large also, and the riches about it were unspeakable. 2. A sign of which you have in the great cloisters that were erected about the temple, and the citadel which was on its north side. The cloisters he built from the foundation, but the citadel he repaired at a vast expense. 1. Footnote. This fort was first built, as it is supposed, by John Hercanus, and called Barris the Tower or Citadel. It was afterwards rebuilt with great improvements by Herod, under the government of Antonius, and was named from him the Tower of Antoni. 2. And about the time when Herod rebuilt the temple, he seems to have put his last hand to it. It lay on the northwest side of the temple, and was a quarter as large, and footnote. 3. Nor was it other than a royal palace, which he called Antonia in honor of Antony. 4. He also built himself a palace in the upper city, containing two very large and most beautiful apartments, to which the Holy House itself could not be compared in largeness. The one apartment he named Caesareum, and the other Agrippium, from his two great friends. 2. Yet he did not preserve their memory by particular buildings only, with their names given them, but his generosity went as far as entire cities. For when he had built a most beautiful wall around a country in Samaria, twenty furlongs long, and had brought six thousand inhabitants to it, and had allotted to it a most fruitful piece of land, 3. And in the midst of this city, thus built, had erected a very large temple to Caesareum, and had laid round about it a portion of sacred land of three furlongs and a half, he called the city Sebaste, from Sebastus or Augustus, and settled the affairs of the city after a most regular manner. 3. And when Caesareum had further bestowed upon him another additional country, he built there also a temple of white marble, powered by the foundations of Jordan. 4. The place was called Panium, whereas the top of a mountain that is raised to an immense height, and at its side, beneath, or at its bottom, a dark cave opens itself, from which there is a horrible precipice that descends abruptly to a vast depth. 5. It contains a mighty quantity of water which is immovable, and when anybody lets down anything to measure the depth of the earth beneath the water, no length of cord is sufficient to reach it. 6. Now the fountains of Jordan rise at the roots of this cavity outwardly, and as some think, this is the utmost origin of Jordan, but we shall speak of that matter more accurately in our following history. 7. For, but the king erected other places at Jericho also between the citadel Cyprus and the former palace, such as were better and more useful than the former for travelers, and named them from the same friends of his. 8. To say all at once, there was not any place of his kingdom fit for the purpose that was permitted to be without somewhat that was for Caesar's honour, and when he had filled his own country with temples, he poured out the like plentiful marks of his esteem into his province, and built many cities which he called Caesareas. 5. And when he observed that there was a city by the seaside that was much decayed, its name was Stratos Tower, but that the place, by the happiness of its situation, was capable of great improvements from his liberality, he rebuilt it all with white stone and adorned it with several most splendid palaces wherein he especially demonstrated his magnanimity. 6. For the case was this, that all the seashore between Dora and Joppa in the middle, between which the city was situated, had no good haven, in so much that everyone that sailed from Phoenicia for Egypt was obliged to lie in the stormy sea, by reason of the south winds that threatened them, which wind, if it blew but a little fresh, such vast waves are raised and dash upon the rocks, that upon their retreat the sea isn't a great ferment for a long way. 7. But the king, by the expenses he was at and the liberal disposal of them, overcame nature and built a haven larger than was the Pyrecom at Athens. 8. Footnote that Josephus speaks truth when he assures us that the haven of the Caesarea was made by Herod not less, nay, rather larger than the famous haven at Athens, called the Pyrecom, will appear, says Dean Aldrich, to him who compares the descriptions of that at Athens at Thucydides and Pausanias, with this Caesarea in Josephus here, and in the Antiquities, and Footnote, and in the inner retirements of the water he built other deep stations for the ships also. 6. Now although the place where he built was greatly opposite to his purposes, yet did he so fully struggle with that difficulty that the firmness of his building could not easily be conquered by the sea. 7. And the beauty and ornament of the works were such as though he had not any difficulty in the operation. 8. For when he had measured out as large a space as we have before mentioned, he let down stones into twenty fathom water, the greatest part of which were fifty feet in length, and nine in depth, and ten in breadth, and some still larger. 9. But when the haven was built up to that depth, he enlarged that wall which was thus already extant above the sea, till it was two hundred feet wide, one hundred of which had buildings before it in order to break the force of the waves, once it was called Procumatia, or the first breaker of the waves. But the rest of the space was under a stone wall that ran round it. On this wall were very large towers, the principal and most beautiful of which was called Drusium from Drusus, who was sudden law to Caesar. 7. There were also a great number of arches where the mariners dwelt, and all the places before them round about was a large valley or walk for a quay or landing-place to those that came on shore. 8. But the entrance was on the north, because the north wind was there the most gentle of all the winds. 9. At the mouth of the haven were on each side three great colossi, supported by pillars, where those colossi that are on your left hand as you sail into the port are supported by a solid tower, but those on the right hand are supported by two upright stones joined together, which stones were larger than that tower which was on the other side of the entrance. 10. Now there were continual edifices joined to the haven, which were also themselves of white stone, and to this haven did the narrow streets of the city lead, and were built at equal distances one from another. 11. And over against the mouth of the haven upon an elevation there was a temple for Caesar, which was excellent both in beauty and largeness, and therein was a colossus of Caesar, not less than that of Jupiter Olympius, which it was made to resemble. 12. The other colossus of Rome was equal to that of Juno at Argos. 13. So he dedicated the city to the province and the haven to the sailors there, but the honor of the building he ascribed to Caesar. 14. Footnote. These buildings of cities by the name of Caesar and institution of solemn games in honor of Augustus Caesar as here and in the antiquities, related of Herod by Josephus, the Roman historians attest to as things then frequent in the provinces of that empire as Dean Aldrich observes on this chapter, and footnote, and named it Caesarea accordingly. 8. He also built the other edifices, the amphitheater and theater and the marketplace, in a manner agreeable to that denomination, and appointed games every fifth year, and called them in like banner Caesar's games, and he first himself proposed the largest prizes upon the 192nd Olympiad, in which not only the victors themselves, but those that came next to them, and even those that came in the third place, were partakers of his royal bounty. He also rebuilt Anthodon, a city that lay on the coast, and had been demolished in the wars, and named it Agripeum. Moreover, he had so very great a kindness for his friend Agrippa, that he had his name engraved upon that gate which he had himself erected in the temple. 9. Herod was also a lover of his father, if any other person ever was so, for he made a monument for his father, even that city which he built in the finest plain that was in the kingdom, and which had rivers and trees in abundance, and named it Antipatris. He also built a wall about a citadel that lay above Jericho, and was a very strong and very fine building, and dedicated it to his mother, and called it Zipros. Moreover, he dedicated a tower that was in Jerusalem, and called it by the name of his brother Fasalius, whose structure, largeness, and magnificence we shall describe hereafter. He also built another city in the valley that leads northward from Jericho, and named it Facilis. 10. And as he transmitted to eternity his family and friends, so did he not neglect a memorial for himself, but built a fortress upon a mountain towards Arabia, and named it from himself Herodium. 11. Footnote. There are two cities or citadels called Herodium in Judea, and both mentioned by Josephus. One of them was two hundred, and the other sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem. One of them is mentioned by Pliny, as Dean Aldrich observes here, and footnote. 12. And he called that hill that was of the shape of a woman's breast, and was sixty furlongs distant from Jerusalem by the same name. 13. He also bestowed much curious art upon it, with great ambition, and built round towers all about the top of it, and filled up the remaining space with the most costly palaces round about, in so much that not only the site of the inner apartments was splendid, but great wealth was laid out in the outward walls and partitions and roofs also. 14. Besides this, he brought a mighty quantity of water from a great distance, and at vast charges, and raised an ascent to it of two hundred steps of the widest marble, for the hill was itself moderately high and entirely factitious. 15. He also built other palaces about the roots of the hill, sufficient to receive the furniture that was put into them, with his friends also, in so much that, on account of its containing all necessaries, the fortress might seem to be a city, but by the bounds it had, a palace only. 11. And when he had built so much, he showed the greatness of his soul to no small number of foreign cities. He built palaces for exercise at Tripoli, and Damascus, and Ptolemy. 12. He built a wall about Biblis, as also large rooms and cloisters and temples and marketplaces at Baratis and Tyre, with theaters at Sidon and Damascus. 13. He also built aqueducts for those Laodiceans who lived by the seaside, and for those of Ascalon he built baths and costly fountains, as also cloisters round a court, that were admirable both for their workmanship and largeness. 14. Moreover, he dedicated groves and meadows to some people, nay, not a few cities there were who had lands of his donation, as if they were parts of his own kingdom. 15. He also bestowed annual revenues, and those forever also, on the settlements for exercises, and appointed for them, as well as for the people of Kos, that such rewards should never be wanting. 16. He also gave corn to all such as wanted it, and conferred upon roads large sums of money for building ships, and this he did in many places, and frequently also. 17. And when Apollo's temple had been burnt down, he rebuilt it at his own charges, after a better manner than it was before. 18. What need I speak of the presence he made to the Lycians and Samnians, or of his great liberality through all Ionia, and that according to everybody's wants of them, and are not the Athenians and Lassidemonians and Nicapolitans, and that Pergamus which is in Missia, full of donations that Herod presented them with all. 19. And as for that large open place belonging to Antioch and Syria, did he not pave it with polished marble, though it were twenty furlongs long, and this when it was shunned by all men before because it was full of dirt and filthiness, when he besides adorned the same place with a cloister of the same length. 12. It is true, a man may say, these were favors peculiar to these particular places on which he bestowed his benefits, but then what favors he bestowed on the Ilians was a donation not only in common to all Greece, but to all the habitable earth as far as the glory of the Olympic games reached. 13. For when he perceived that they were come to nothing for want of money, and that the only remains of ancient Greece were in a manner gone, he not only became one of the combatants in that return of the fifth year games, which in his sailing to Rome he happened to be present at, but he settled upon them the revenues of money for perpetuity in so much that his memorial as a combatant there can never fail. 14. It would be an infinite task if I should go over his payments of people's debts or tributes for them, as he eased the people of Fasalis, of Batania, and of the small cities about Cilicia, of those annual pensions they before paid. 15. However the fear he was in much disturbed the greatness of his soul, lest he should be exposed to envy, or seemed to hunt after greater filings than he ought, while he bestowed more liberal gifts upon those cities than did their owners themselves. 13. Now Herod had a body suited to his soul, and was ever a most excellent hunter, where he generally had good success by the means of his great skill in riding horses, for in one day he caught forty wild beasts. Footnote. Here seems to be a small defect in the copies which describe the wild beasts which were hunted in a certain country by Herod without naming any such country at all, and footnote. 14. That country breeds also bears, and the greatest part of it is replenished with stags and wild asses. He was also such a warrior as could not be withstood. Many men therefore there are who have stood amazed at his readiness in his exercises when they saw him throw the javelin directly forward and shoot the arrow upon the mark. 15. And then, besides these performances of his depending on his own strength of mind and body, fortune was also very favorable to him, for he seldom failed of success in his wars, and when he failed he was not himself the occasion of such failings, but he either was betrayed by some or the rashness of his own soldiers procured his defeat. Chapter 22. The murder of Erestabilus and Hercanus, the High Priests, as also of Maryamne the Queen. 1. However, fortune was avenged on Herod in his external great successes by raising him up domestical troubles, and he began to have wild disorders in his family on account of his wife, of whom he was so very fond. 2. For when he came to the government he sent away her whom he had before married when he was a private person, and who was born at Jerusalem, whose name was Doris, and married Maryamne, the daughter of Alexander, the son of Erestabilus, on whose account disturbances arose in his family, and that in part very soon, but chiefly after his return from Rome. 4. First of all, he expelled Antipater, the son of Doris, for the sake of his sons by Maryamne, out of the city, and permitted him to come thither at no other times than at the festivals. 5. After this he slew his wife's grandfather, Hercanus, when he was returned out of Parthen to him under this pretense, that he suspected him of plotting against him. 6. Now this Hercanus had been carried captive to Barzafarneis when he overran Syria, but those of his own country beyond Euphrates were desirous he would stay with them, and this out of the commissuration they had for his condition, and had he complied with their desires, when they exhorted him not to go over the river to Herod, he had not perished, but the marriage of his granddaughter to Herod was his temptation, for as he relied upon him and was overfond of his own country, he came back to it. Herod's provocation was this, not that Hercanus made any attempt to gain the kingdom, but that it was fitter for him to be their king than for Herod. 2. Now of the five children which Herod had by Mariamne, two of them were daughters and three were sons, and the youngest of these sons was educated at Rome and there died, but the two eldest he treated as those of royal blood on account of the nobility of their mother, and because they were not born till he was king. But then what was stronger than all this was the love that he bear to Mariamne, and which inflamed him every day to a great degree, and so far conspired with the other motives that he felt no other troubles on account of her he loved so entirely. But Mariamne's hatred to him was not inferior to his love to her. She had indeed but two just a cause of indignation from what he had done, while her boldness proceeded from his affection to her. So she openly reproached him with what he had done to her grandfather Hercanus and to her brother Aristotleus, for he had not spared this Aristotleus, though he were but a child. For when he had given him the high priesthood at the age of seventeen, he slew him quickly after he had conferred that dignity upon him. But when Aristotleus had put on the holy vestments and had approached to the altar at a festival, the multitude in great crowds fell to tears, whereupon the child was sent by night to Jericho and was there dipped by the galls at Herod's command in a pool till he was drowned. Three. For these reasons Mariamne reproached Herod and his sister and mother after a most contumelious manner while he was dumb on account of his affection for her, yet had the women great indignation at her and raised a column against her that she was false to his bed. Which thing they thought most likely to move Herod to anger. They also contrived to have many other circumstances believed in order to make the thing more credible and accused her of having sent her picture into Egypt to Antony and that her lust was so extravagant as to have thus showed herself, though she was absent, to a man that ran mad after women and to a man that had it in his power to use violence to her. This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod and put him into disorder and that especially because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman and that on her account Licinius the king was taken off as well as Malikus the Arabian for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage but to the danger of his life. For when therefore he was about to take a journey abroad he committed his wife to Joseph, his sister Salom's husband, as to one who would be faithful to him and bear him goodwill on account of their kindred. He also gave him a secret injunction that if Antony slew him he should slay her. But Joseph, without any ill-design and only in order to demonstrate the king's love to his wife, how he could not bear to think of being separated from her even by death itself, discovered this grand secret to her upon which when Herod was come back and as they talked together and he confirmed his love to her by many oaths and assured her that he had never such an affection for any other woman as he had for her. Yes, says she, thou didst, to be sure, demonstrate thy love to me by the injunctions thou gave us Joseph when thou commandest him to kill me. Footnote. Here is either a defect or a great mistake in Josephus's present copies or memory, for Mariamne did not now reproach Herod with this his first injunction to Joseph to kill her if he himself were slain by Antony but that he had given the like command a second time to Somus also when he was afraid of being slain by Augustus. And footnote. Five. When he heard that this grand secret was discovered he was like a distracted man and said that Joseph would never have disclosed that injunction of his unless he had debauched her. His passion also made him stark mad and leaping out of his bed he ran about the palace after a wild manner at which time his sister Salom took the opportunity also to blast her reputation and confirmed his suspicion about Joseph whereupon out of his ungovernable jealousy and rage he commanded both of them to be slain immediately but as soon as ever his passion was over he repented of what he had done and as soon as his anger was worn off his affections were kindled again and indeed the flame of his desires for her was so ardent that he could not think she was dead but would appear under his disorders to speak to her as if she were still alive till he were better instructed by time when his grief and trouble now she was dead appeared as great as his affection had been for her while she was living. End of book 1, chapters 21 and 22