 Good morning everyone, it's a pleasure to be with you today. I'm here with my co-author on several papers, Jocelyn Kelly. I was joking, we have to give this presentation between the two of us because we've only worked in the field 15 years, 30 years, and we managed to give one presentation for 12 minutes together. But, I get to do the fun part, I get to talk about why we were motivated to do this research, and actually maybe Jocelyn gets the fun part, she gets to tell you what we found. So we're here on behalf of several co-authors listed on this slide and again really happy to be with you. First I want to talk about the global context, I don't think we need a lot of time on this, but we know that currently there are 80 million people that have been forcibly displaced and as we all know forcibly displaced people are displaced because of several reasons, climate change, conflict, economic drivers, trafficking, etc. And so we wanted to look into what the experiences of women in particular were that had been forcibly displaced. So 51% of the refugees and internally displaced people worldwide are women and of those women we know that they're experiencing gender-based violence. We know this because globally the prevalence of GBV is one out of every three women has experienced either sexual violence or intimate partner violence. And so in addition to that during the COVID pandemic we know that this has increased. So GBV increases with different stressors and conflict and forced displacement is one of those reasons. But I wanted to go over really the motivation of why we decided to look at gender-based violence more broadly than what we find in the Security Council resolutions, specifically in resolution 1820 that establishes and focuses on sexual violence as a weapon of war. So as we know that Security Council resolution was adopted in 2008 and really frames sexual violence as a weapon of war and it does a disservice in doing that by not recognizing all the forms of violence that women experience before, during and after conflict. So with my co-TTL Lucia Hanmer we are leading a two-year research project on the gender dimensions of forced displacement and we're happy to have had the opportunity to research in three separate papers the impact of conflict on intimate partner violence. And so that is what my co-author will present in these next slides. Great. Well, hi everyone. My name is Dr. Jocelyn Kelly and it's such a privilege but a challenge today. I'll be presenting an overview of not one, not two, but three papers. And here I'd just like to give you an understanding that's quick and general of the approaches that we use to complete these papers and I'm happy to discuss the methods in more detail either in the Q&A or at one of the coffee sessions and warmly invite you to read the whole working paper series by searching for the GDFD effort done by the World Bank. So the overall approach for two of the papers and as we noted we're really focusing on using existing data to help us complete our understanding of the experiences of women in forced displacement and I did also just want to note that across all of the models in each paper we're presenting the headline kind of the main association that we're examining but in all of those models we adjusted for numerous other known risk factors for the gender-based violence that we're looking at. So the overall approach in the paper on Columbia and Liberia and the paper in Mali was to combine data sets that measure conflict intensity and these data sets are probably familiar to many of you, ACLAID and UCDP that look at kind of the intensity of violence and to combine that understanding of conflict with another data set very familiar to public health professionals like me which is the demographic and health survey data or DHS. And the DHS happily looks at displacement in a very few instances so it asks questions about displacement in a limited number of countries including Columbia and Liberia and it also looks at a huge host of other characteristics as well as our outcome of interest which is intimate partner violence. So in Columbia and Liberia we used ACLAID and UCDP data to measure conflict intensity and combined this with the DHS surveys from Columbia in 2010 and Liberia in 2007. So this was a comparative study leveraging multi-level modeling to look at the drivers of IPV in two very, very different contexts but something that's notable is the Liberia data occurs five years after the end of the civil conflict and so what the question that we're asking is do we still see an impact on gender-based violence five years after this conflict is over looking at where women live during the conflict. In Mali we use the demographic and health surveys from 2006 to 2018 to actually allow us to take a difference in difference approach matching women in conflict versus non-conflict affected areas before and during conflict to isolate this as a driver of increased violence. And in the third paper we look at a unique data set from the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This is not DHS data but this was a survey conducted in DRC really recently that looked at not only intimate partner violence but also sexual violence and looked at a host of war related experiences so helps us kind of complete the picture in a different way. So now we go on a whirlwind tour of our main line results across these different methods and contexts to show what we argue is a clear through line in our findings. In the Columbia Liberia study we found that displaced women living in a conflict affected place had between 40 and 55 percent greater odds of experiencing past year intimate partner violence compared to their non-displaced non-war affected counterparts. And it's notable again that especially in Liberia where the conflict has ended these are past year results that are affected by a conflict that ended more than five years ago. We also looked at different forms of intimate partner violence and one of the outcomes that we looked at was injury resulting from intimate partner violence and as you can imagine that's often one of the most severe kind of expressions of GBV that women can experience and we found that in Columbia displaced women were 30 percent more likely to experience lifetime injury from IPV. In the study in the Democratic Republic of the Congo we were actually able to look at two outcomes both IPV and sexual violence. After adjusting for a host of other known correlates of these forms of violence we found that both experiencing any kind of war abuse and experiencing displacement were significantly associated with intimate partner violence and sexual violence. And notably really building on Diana's kind of overview of thinking about GBV within a continuum we found that the most common perpetrators of sexual violence were acquaintances and community members not armed actors and this speaks to the potential normalization of conflict not directly linked with you know armed atrocities but kind of the normalization of conflict within a community. In Mali we found that women living in conflict affected areas experienced notable and significant increases in all forms of IPV. There were also interestingly increases in women's household decision making autonomy possibly due to changes in household composition and power dynamics due to war but at the same time that they had some increases in household decision making autonomy they also experienced decreases in women's ability to decide how their earnings were deployed. So again it's this kind of mixed bag looking at some of the autonomy outcomes that are often seen as very correlated with gender based violence outcomes. So as we think about some of the overarching and findings and implications across all of these three studies we find that both displacement and exposure to conflict are both significantly associated with intimate partner violence and non-partner sexual violence among women. When we add both of these experience to an adjusted model that is displacement and exposure to conflict we find that each independently raises the risk of these forms of gender based violence and that these effects can last years after conflict is declared over. So we understand that the effects of conflict are long lasting and in many ways these impacts were hidden until we use the mathematical pulse to begin to trace how conflict you know some of the ways that we talk about it in our work moves from the public sphere into the private sphere where it's much harder to trace. And these kind of long term or long lasting problems also require long term investment. So when we think about how to address this very pernicious and often hidden approach hidden problem of gender based violence after conflict and displacement we can acknowledge that we need to provide stronger GBV related services to displaced and more affected populations that can include medical care reporting mechanisms and psychosocial services. We should invest in multi sectoral programs that address harmful gender norms at the individual household and community levels to help transform these norms to ensure that women can fully and safely participate in society and that mental health interventions are especially critical to break cycles of violence and holistic counseling and mental health services could benefit not only survivors and victims of violence but also partners families and communities. Thank you.