 family after another from all sectors of the Israeli society have looked at me with Terry eyes. They did not ask for help for their grief, but they asked me to do everything to stop the madness, the division that threatens all of us. These dear families joined the voices of millions from all sides of the political map that are asking for one thing, not to step into a disaster before it divides us. For a long time we're not in a political division where are the leads of a crisis. And therefore as Israeli presidents have done before in such extreme cases, I refuse to stand aside. I hear and see the protests all over the country, wide audience of patriots who are fulfilling their rights of protest and are committed to the destiny of the people. We all feel that we are a moment before a collusion and even a violent collision that we're on the verge of an explosion. I wish, I beg of each and every one of you, my brothers and sisters, the threats from outside are great enough, any sort of violence and violence against those who are elected is a red line that we must not cross in the choice between breaking apart and joining together. We choose joining together. There are a few principles that we need to address with regard to the reform. The parliament is the Knesset. Even within the balance of powers, this is the parliament. A government elected by the Knesset has the right to fulfill a policy and the relations between the authorities is based on checks and balances, but chances, changes can be legitimate. Reform is also a base for a good change. You know, one authority has to be stuck in its way. The parliament has to be a home to the variety of opinions in the Israeli opinion. The fact that there is no variety of judges in the high court worries me for many years. This reform did not come out of nothing. It came out of a camp that feels that there is a lack of balance between the authorities all over the years. And more than that, this is a result of a pain and frustration that have reached a record. Yet the disengagement from Gaza, the pain of our brothers and sisters is real and rejecting and avoiding it is a mistake. On the other hand, I wish to stress the responsibility to listen to feel the pain of all parts of the people, especially when they come into effect into these. I believe that all parts of the reform under this potential, the stage fear, the Israeli justice system is our glory. The courts maintain the government and the people against crimes, against attacks from the outside against the losing of morality and, yes, even against fighting against human rights. We are a state of law and we must thank for that for the judicial, the responsible and there are millions of citizens that next to Jews around the world see the reform as a real threat to the Israeli democracy. They fear that the reform under this stage breaks all checks and balances. There will be no one left to protect the citizens from the power of the government. This pain is real. To reject it and avoid it is a big mistake. Those who imagine negotiations and even agreements without appreciating the pain of the other just proves they have nothing, does not understand what he's talking about. How many years does a person need in order to hear someone who is calling in pain? I hear the reports of the intelligence, including our enemies who are looking at us and let them do our work. Is there a greater warning sign? I met in recent weeks leaders from all walks of life, leaders of the public, rabbinical and social movements, those who support the reform and those who oppose it from these extensive and deep conversations. I declare that we can reach a wide agreement that would put the people of Israel above any debate. Yes, it is possible. Tonight I wish to present five principles that would be the basis of an immediate negotiation that would organize the relations between the authorities. The first principle is legislation that would establish the way we treat laws in Israel, both basic laws and regular laws, in this relationship between the legislator and the judicial that would lead to stability, no more basic laws that appear like mushrooms after the rain. Only those that were accepted in a wide agreement with four readings, there'll be no judicial criticism over legislation that would be made this way. It would also legislate the authority of the legislator to criticize laws according to majority that will be agreed on. And also we will discuss the authority of the judicial to overturn a law legislated by the Knesset. The second principle deals with the fact that the people of Israel are paying the price over the difference between Israelis and people around the world with the number of judges and the number of people. The gap is three times what it should be. The state of Israel needs to solve this issue and create already in the next budget a reform that would reduce the gap between the number of people and the number of judges. The third principle is about the trust between the judicial system and the people of Israel. The basic trust between a citizen and any authority in Israel over 800,000 legal proceedings are being opened every year and the system cannot handle this. It hurts the efficiency and the trust of the people. I call on the Justice Minister and the President of the High Court to present a plan that would assist the judicial system in order to put an end to the endless dragging of cases. We owe this to the people of Israel. The fourth principle is about the way we elect the judges. I suggest here today that the committee to elect the judges would change so that it would reflect a change in the right balance between the authority and would not enable a majority to any of the authorities. The mechanism to electing judges must rely on agreements and corporations and not about endless rounds. According to the proposal, each of the three authorities will be equally presented in the committee in addition to representatives of the public that will be appointed with coordination and agreement between the Justice Minister and the Chief Justice. Among them will be a representative of the opposition, as well as the issue of representing the lawyers in the committee will be agreed upon. Neither of the authorities will have a majority. The fifth principle idea of probability and there is a room for change in the major of probability that is limited to only cases of very extreme cases. Knowing the opinions of the side, I understand that they are willing and able to reach an agreement also about this principle. Those five principles are just the beginning and not the end. These are the basis of an agreement. I call on the representatives of the authorities, the chairman of the committee, the Justice Minister, the Chief Justice with a request from the depth of my heart to stop this call for negotiations. Build the bridges. We can and should reach agreements based on these agreements, pains of these principles. We can reach an agreement. The president is committed to this issue and always open for negotiations that will promote any cooperation that you may choose in a shared meeting through establishing a group and a committee any way that you choose at any time, as long as we are moving to a more constructive dialogue. I call on the chairman of the Knesset committee to not bring the law to first reading at the moment of such a conflict and reconsider the principles I suggested here today as a basis for the rest of the negotiations in the committee before the first reading. The greatest challenge is maintaining the people of Israel as one nation. I am committed to this fully and if needed I may even request to appear before the committee myself in order to present these principles. I'm willing to do everything. I repeat everything so that we will overcome this great disagreement. People of Israel, I ask to thank you to all the people of Israel that have come to me in recent weeks. All of those who offered and pushed the Israeli mosaic is the secret of our strength. It brings disagreements with it. We cannot deny the disagreements, but we're always known to give a greater place for what connects us. We're able to see that the distance between us is a distance of raising our hand and it is time to raise our hand to the people of Israel from all views for the three authorities and the relations between them for the security forces that look at us with an expectation that will fulfill the unity of Israel for the bereaved families and for the silver plates those we have sacrificed all over the years for the next generations on this great piece of land for the jury outside of Israel for the leaders of the world our supporters and enemies as one that the Israeli disagreement is a basis of unity that would face any challenge for the values for the state of Israel the Jewish and democratic state of Israel for the Jewish and democratic state of Israel for them do for them and do for us God will give force to his people. Well we've just heard President Isaac Herzog who himself is a lawyer attorney a very who was a distinguished lawyer for many years before entering public service presenting almost an alternative reform package uh still with us Michal Klein and Oizaki Michal we can't go into all the details of the suggestions he made but immediately he said uh the most immediate thing is he asked the coalition tomorrow not to proceed to a initial voting committee on a first reading this week of the reform to consider some of the things he's done is the coalition going to be willing to do should it be willing to do it do you think will it be willing to do that I partially yes I believe it was a presidential good speak speech but as one who disagrees with Oizaki and believes that this reform is not going to weaken the the supreme court but to strengthen it making it to present the whole people and not half of the people as the president correctly mentioned I believe from all his proposals I'm ready to separate the fourth proposal regarding the committee to select judges this I'm against any postponement postponement it should go tomorrow to the first reading the prince