 President, Vice President, fellows and guests, it is with great pleasure that I am here at the Society of Enquiries of London to share some aspects of my research on Castilian painting of the 13th and 14th centuries. First of all, I would like to express my gratitude to the society for inviting me and to you all for being here this afternoon. Research for this lecture was carried out some years ago at both the Public Record Office and the Society of Enquiries of London. So I feel I have now been given the opportunity of returning attention to what I received. Further research was done at the Borough and Courtauld Institutes in London as well as the Index of Christian Art in Princeton when your fellow column owner was its director. Special thanks to him who is accompanying us. And now let's proceed. Salamanca is a well-known city of western Spain. It is famous for its historic university founded exactly 800 years ago and for its monumental landscape, created throughout the centuries using an easily recognizable orange stone that compares its eccentric charm to the entire city center. In the Middle Ages, Salamanca was an outstanding city of the Kingdom of Leon which has merged with the neighboring Kingdom of Castile since 1230 to form the Crown of Castile, the most powerful Christian state of medieval Biberia. A large number of monuments, ranging from the Romanesque period to the Neoplasical Era, attest Salamanca's former splendor and one of the most important among them is the resemble of the cathedrals. We must say cathedrals in the plural because in Salamanca there are two cathedrals built side by side. The old cathedral which is a Romanesque building from the late 12th century and the new cathedral which is a late Gothic building from the 16th century. When the decision was made to build a new cathedral to replace the medieval and already old fashioned one, this was not done by replacing the old building with the new one which was what usually occurred but by preserving the old building in the first place to enable continuity of cult and finally to serve as the parish church for the cathedral. This is why the Romanesque cathedral of Salamanca turned into a sort of fossil that nowadays still has almost all its medieval features. These include the richest collection of Gothic wall paintings to be found in any Spanish cathedral dating from the 13th century to the 15th century. These wall paintings are in the Chapel of Saint Martin, in the High Chapel, in the South Transit and also in the cloister and surrounding chapels. This by the same year and by your discovery has been made in one of these chapels the one dedicated to Saint Barnard. In the Chapel of Saint Martin there are currently three Gothic wall paintings. One on the east wall where the altar once stood, another on the north wall is joined into the former and another decorating the tomb of Bishop Rodrigo Villa who died in 1339. Documentary evidence suggests that the tomb of Bishop Pedro Pérez who died in 1264 was also painted. What was the chapel of Saint Martin and why is there such a collection of wall paintings? Especially important for us among them is art paintings on the east wall which will be the focus of my lecture. First of all, you must notice that I say what was the chapel of Saint Martin in the past tense because nowadays the chapel of Saint Martin is just a space for tourism. One of the main areas of the old cathedral of Salamanca you can visit after purchasing a ticket. It was any liturgical use many centuries ago and it is precisely these circumstances that led to the preservation of the wall paintings inside it without further alterations and even without whitewashing. The chapel of Saint Martin lies on the lower level of the north tower of the west front of the old cathedral of Salamanca the so-called Torre de las Campanas, the bell tower. If we examine the overall plan of the building we realize that its west front which comprises two towers flanking the originally researched main door corresponds to a type that was quite common during the late Romanesque period in western Iberia. The most outstanding example of this ultimate Bergerian origin is to be found in the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela concealed by Baroque revetments and the rest of the sepetuane still exists in the church of San Vincen in Adina. In the case of Salamanca the room in the lower level of the north tower is only accessible from the north aisle of the church. There are no references about its use until the middle of the 13th century when the burial of Peter of Peret in 1264 attests its funerary use and the mention of a chaplain in 1274 attests its liturgical use. Further burials including those of several bishops of the period are recorded until 1339 which suggests that the golden age of the chapel lasted from the middle of the 13th century when it was founded and doughed and decorated to the middle of the 14th century when the most modern wall paintings in Saïdid were commissioned. By then a period of decay started which resulted in abandonment and ultimately in oblique. To understand the rise and fall of the chapel of San Martin it's important to be aware of its use its architectural features and its evolution. Regarding its use it has already been said that it housed several tomes from the period between 1264 and 1339 which allows us to conclude that it was a funerary chapel. Its dedication itself insist on this as San Martin was a much-vanerated saint associated with the practice of charity a virtue of scatological value that prompted its presence either physical or rhetorical in funerary contexts. In connection with this it's important to notice that the burial of peace of Peno Pérez in 1264 is not only the first one recorded inside the chapel but also the first one recorded inside any space of the cathedral. In Spain and I suppose elsewhere it was not until the beginning of the 13th century that ordinary people, by that I mean those who were not venerated as saints began to be buried inside churches and at an early stage of this process peripheral areas were preferred. The chapel of San Martin is a very good example of this and it's very likely that it was founded and doughed and decorated circa 1260 by Bishop Pedro Pérez himself to serve for this burial. But the very reasons that made it attractive as a funerary space that emerged in century located in a peripheral area connected with the church made it less desirable when in the late Gothic period funerary chapels became singular spaces, visible spaces designed to impress and to proclaim the grandeur of those who founded them. From the mid-14th century onwards the pieces of Salamanca built their own private funerary chapels in the cloister and the chapels in Martin became a marginal and old-fashioned room. The architectural features of the chapels contributed to its oblivion the construction of the new cathedral to the north of the existing one beginning in the early 16th century and the reinforcement of the walls of the tower in the 18th century resulted in the blocking of all the existing windows of the chapel which turned into a dark and sinister space that was unsuitable for any liturgical, novel or even practical purpose. The chapel was converted into a warehouse for storing the oil used for lamps in the cathedral so even its name was forgotten. It was no longer known as the chapel of Martin but as the capilla de la Tate, the oil chapel. It was only in the late 19th century that antiquaries and scholars realized that it housed a written symbol of an altar but deteriorated wall paintings as well as the tomes dating back to the 13th and 14th centuries which was when its rehabilitation began. The wall paintings we are going to examine which originally served to decorate the other of the chapels in Martin are to be found on its east wall. They were restored in 1950-1951 in the context of a wider restoration program carried out in the entire cathedral. Work on them was done by Fakim and his NSP an experienced professional but his restoration may seem to us too aggressive impact by the state's speed inadvertently pacified certain details. However, the value of these murals should not be denied as a result since they were perfectly recognizable with all their features prior to 1950. Moreover, we have at least two sets of photographs taken before 1950 that enabled their present condition to be compared with their previous one. The oldest photographs were dated in 1901 by Manuel Gómic Moreno at the time when this much-acclaimed scholar a sort of patriarch of art history in Spain was compiling his catalog of the artistic heritage of the province of Salamanca where these wall paintings were seriously studied for the first time. His picture is the one we have seen in a previous slide sewing the condition of the chapel at the beginning of the 20th century. The wall paintings were subsequently photographed in 1927 by the Archive Mask of Bartolona a leading photographic archive of Spanish art. By comparing the present condition of the wall paintings with these images it appears that by the state's speed acted with an aesthetic criterion not with an archaeological or a scientific one which led him to abandon the lower part of the wall paintings the most iterated area competing instead the upper part of them not always accurately. Let's now examine the wall paintings themselves. These wall paintings are intelligently adapted to the conditions imposed by the Romanesque customary of the chapel which comprises an off-center window that at the time of the creation of the murals was blocked to serve as a niche for a cult image lost long ago. This required the wall paintings to be distributed in three bays of different widths in the left bay being extremely narrow. A problem skillfully overcome by the artist thanks to his profound knowledge of architectural design and to his choice of postures and grouping of figures. In the side bays the upper register shows the representation of prophets identified by inscriptions appearing on the books or scroll they hold this being Jeremiah on the left and Isaiah and Daniel on the right. Who is in the lower register equally identified by inscriptions we see Santan on the left and Sant'Jackie on the right. In the central bay around the niche that once undoubtedly enclosed an image of the Virgin on the side meaning which an inscription records the dedication of the chapel to Saint Martin we see the representation of glorifying angels most of them playing musical instruments. Finally in the lower in the lower stadium of the wall at the picture of the crucifixion once occupied its entire week but it is now almost completely erasing. This area is framed by inscriptions and reproducing the biblical text of Lamentations 112 of both Omnescu, Danzi, Bisper, B, and C which in turn encloses the arms of Castile and Leon. In an article published in 2005 I related the layout of the ensemble described above to the Parisian grand charge the great reliquary commanded by Saint Louis for the most beloved relics of the Passion of Christ for which he built the Champ Chapelle. I still believe in this relationship but now I'm convinced that the artist also used other sources to create this unique ensemble. In fact the painting on the east wall of the chapels and marking of the old cathedral Salamanca could be described as a compendium or summa of the different types of altar decorations that have been developing in the medieval west since the high Middle Ages. On the one hand the wall paintings in Salamanca recall those altar decorations that used the fissures of the mass movie behind the altar to create a backdrop for the eukaryst understanding an early sample which is the Marian altar of the airport cathedral. If we pay attention to the now almost disappeared crucifixion of the lower part of the wall paintings in Salamanca then remind us of those altars decorated with a panel altarpiece usually a low rectangular one like the well-known Westminster altarpiece surmounted by a canopy sculpture. As Paul Winske noted the wall paintings of the chapels in phase in Westminster Abbey offer a facsimile of this type of altar decoration. If we pay attention instead to the upper part of the wall paintings in Salamanca the canopy's virginal side lost long ago flunked by a side base with related figures remind us of talonacle altarpieces with their wings open. And finally the lesson of great reliquaries placed above the altar as in the aforementioned case of the Parisians and chapels is also present in Salamanca where the overall distribution and some architectural details seem precise quotations from the now destroyed grand shafts. It's really astonishing how elaborate and how complex the wall paintings of the chapels and martins in the old cathedral of Salamanca are which are not a peripheral or a regional world. One of the most outstanding features of these wall paintings is the presence of an inscription above the sideways of both participants. This is the inscription reads Esta obra fitrio and Don San Tesegobia era de 1300 which means I and Don San Tesegobia did this work in the era 1300. The Spanish word era refers to the Hispanic era which started in the year 38 before Christ and was generally employed in the crown of Castile and to avoid a disposition in 1384 decreed the use of the Christian era. Era 1300 therefore is to be understood as year 1262. The two circumstances stated by the inscription that is the author and Don San Tesegobia and the year of execution 1262 have been the subject of controversial dispute. What is certain is that the condition of the inscription was still quite good before the 1950-1951 restoration even that it could be read in its substance by Gomet Moreno prior to this day. And it is also certain that the inscription was not modified in any way neither during the process of restoration as proved by Gomet Moreno and other authors of Sweden and by the aforementioned photographs and it was not modified previously as by the status P, fulfillment and parts. So the inscription says what it appears to say that these wall paintings were created by someone called Anton San Tesegobia in 1262. However, with respect to the author it has been said that perhaps Anton San Tesegobia was not the painter but the donor. Certainly the formula when painted now it's by a version of it sometimes refers not to the artist but to the donor. But I reject this idea in this instance as known in Titulatio saying for example Cano, Axpico and Dean also accompanies his name. Moreover this name is not recorded at all in Salamanca in the 13th century and also in the 14th century a most strange circumstance for someone who is able to patronize such an ensemble as these wall paintings. I would also like to point out that the inscription says fifth job not merely fifth. In Spanish also in medieval Spanish quite different from English personal pronouns are not required because conjugation itself makes clear who is the person responsible for the action. You say I did you did you see it did but we say it did it did say it thought. In this inscription Joe I was not necessary at all and I interpret its presence as a formula intended to emphasize the authorship of the mural certainly proving an extraordinary level of self-consciousness by the artist. With respect to the year of execution it has been suggested that 1262 refers maybe to something different and prior to the wall paintings themselves or that there is some sort of mistake in its writing. Something different and prior to the wall paintings could be for example the construction of the chapel an argument pronounced by the reputed United States core app handle the platform post. However nothing in the inscription means that it refers to the chapel or to anything other at the wall paintings themselves and the chapel was actually built at the beginning of the 13th century at the time of the completion of the cathedral. The possibility of a mistake has been upheld by several scholars who say that the painter wrote year of 1300 in the year 1262 where he should have pre-written annual 1300 year 1300 so that the wall painting would have been executed in 1300. In my opinion this is not credible at all. Certainly mistakes like these happen sometimes. But such a mistake in one of the most cultivated miliares of the crown of Castile in the 13th century the university city of Salamanca is more than very unlikely. Much more if we consider that the possible founder of the chapel and the pattern of the wall paintings Pedro Pérez is credited as having served for many years as royal chancellor of the kingdom of León and as so the person responsible for his reign royal documents. Does anybody imagine such a personage incurring such a mistake or even consenting it? I sure don't. I have studied how Salamanca documents were dated in the 13th and 14th centuries and I have observed that until the 1270s documents could be dated either by the era or by the year. But dating later by the year would have been the most strange much more so in a text that is not in Latin. This is why as we get the objections made to the apparent credence of the inscription what we have is a mural dated 1262 and produced by an unknown artist named Anton Sanchez de Segovia. Its chronology sets out these wall paintings as a truly outstanding piece of work progressive not only in the context of Caspian painting of the linear Gothic style but also in the context of European painting. Researching of this work should investigate the reasons for such an exceptional character rather than challenge a date whose validity has been firmly established. The wall paintings by Anton Sanchez de Segovia are so extraordinary for a date as well as 1262 because of the way they fit into what has sometimes been referred to as Preziosite Gothic that is to say the mature Gothic style characteristic of figurative art which reached its full expression in mid-13th century Paris and was to survive for over a century. According to Robert Brana this style displayed its maturity in the wall paintings of the Jean Chapelle in connection with the consecration of 1248. Its style is characterized by the monumentality of their figures balanced by the their stylization and by the elegant even mannered postures and gestures which are nevertheless willing to hide any tension. Now the stylistic features of Anton Sanchez de Segovia are to be traced in former works of the town of Castile for the transition from late Romanesque to early Gothic in wall painting is evident in creations of the 1240s sometimes of a remarkable quality and interest. This is the case for example of the wall paintings in the Chapel of St. Peter in the Cistercian abbey of Santa Maria de Valuena created between 1244 and 1249 about 15 years before the Salamanca murals. On the contrary almost every fold almost every posture drawn by Anton Sanchez de Segovia finds a counterpart in works from Paris and northern France from the third quarter of the 13th century. The figure of Jeremiah with its body turned at its head in profile is associated with the taste of figures in profile as a way to explore the expressive abilities of human faces. This is the way in which this character places his clothes over his head created a cross-screen in the rear is to be found for example in a shelter in the seminary of Padua or in a tantis can be found in Assisi both of which are the Parisian works of the 1250s. The figures of Asaia and Daniel present even more explicit contacts with Parisian and northern's words of the third quarter of the 13th century. Both reproduce two of the most characterizing post postures of the manner and elegant style of the period. Asaia responds to the model of figure adjusted in his body to a pronoun segment of circle marked at both ends by the head and one fold. One of the first examples of this posture is to be found in the market on San Sebastian in the Champs-Épée. Daniel, on the other hand, corresponds to the model of figure in a pronounced contrapposto. To be found for example in a standard glass windows of the choir of the cathedral of Le Mans dated circa 1254. Despite these coincidences which suggest the direct knowledge of French models by Anton Sanchez de Cevovia the world paintings in Salamanca find better parallels in English art of the very same period. Or, more precisely, in the idiosyncratic way in which English art of the very same period assimilated the Parisian style. This is expressed by several manuscripts and by the world paintings of the painted chamber at Westminster Palace completely renewed after a fire in February 1263 and unfortunately destroyed by an empire in 1834. With split reference to the English case Robert Brenner noted that the Parisian style tended to be amplified to the extreme whenever it was taken abroad. One of the most of the more specifically English manners for example is the adaptation in representing postures and expressions. The taste for figures in profile with k-form to the figure of German in Salamanca became rather an obsession in England where we can find a good deal of them with some coincidental examples appearing in those apocalypse unrelated manuscripts. Apectation in the treatment of postures with those English figures with a sense of dramatism and known in French figures and therefore the figures of Isaiah and Daniel as specialists in tracking in Salamanca correspond better to the English concept. Most comparisons presented until now are made with manuscript painting as it is best preserved but it's worth comparing the mural by Anton Sanchez Egovia with the previously mentioned murals in the Feindland chamber at Westminster Palace. Paul Minsky dates the first phase of these murals back to the 1263 fire between 1263 and 1272. Identifying it with the mural of the coronation of St. Edward on the Northern Wall and with the murals on displays of the windows sometimes showing the figures of St. Edward and the pilgrim and others representing the film fan purchase. The analysis of Charles Tothard's watercolors copies copying the painted chamber murals before the fire of 1834 which are presided in this house reveals an almost total similarity between this and the mural of the chapel of St. Martin of the Old Cathedral of Salamanca with respect to the formula used in the drawings of the faces. There are also coincidences between the London figure of St. John the pilgrim and the Salamanca figure of St. Joachim that are close enough for one to imagine even the use of the very same model. The layout of the London paintings exceeds the execution of the Salamanca paintings probably by no more than a few months but I think it's possible that both derived from models used by the painters of King Henry III of England during the immediately preceding period. The stylistic approach to the wall paintings of the chapel of St. Martin reveals that they are not understandable in terms of mid-13th century Castilian arts of color sewing instead an accurate knowledge of contemporary French and English art. The side of the paintings on the east wall of the chapel of St. Martin of the Old Cathedral of Salamanca is extraordinary as is also their iconography. However, this question has often been neglected as it is apparently expanded by the paintings themselves through their inscriptions. Nonetheless, an iconographic analysis does not end with the identification of its figures separately but with the discovery of the key that compels a sense to their assemblage. In short, the mural by Anton Sanchez is obviously much more than the mere addition of St. John, St. Joachim, Jeremiah, Isaiah, Daniel, Engels. But before analyzing this in depth, we must remember that there are two key elements missing. The first one is the sculpted image of the Virgin and Child that once presided the Virgin sample. The one I have been showing in the slide does not correspond to it. It's just for you to form an idea about how it was. And the second feature that is now disappeared is the painted scene of the crucifixion on the lower part which is now completely disappeared. I confronted the question of the iconography of these wall paintings in an article published in 2018 whose second part was inspected in 2020. My thesis, at least at the iconographic program, represents the meeting at the Golden Gate in an depiction that is not narrative but dogmatic, intended to offer a visual representation of the immaculate conception whose doctrine was being expanded at that time. As we well know, the doctrine of the immaculate conception emerged in England in the 12th century in the writings of authors such as Edmer, Mokotson, Augustine, Scanderbully, and Osberg of Clare prior to Westminster in order to justify the celebration of the feast of the conception of the Virgin of the 8th of December. That feast was deeply rooted in the precise since the high middle 80s but was regarded with discomfort from the continent. This doctrine raised great controversy before it became widespread by the 15th century and was approved as a dogma in 1854. It was only at the time the doctrine became widespread that an iconographic formula based on the chapter 12 of the Book of Revelation was adopted for it. Before that date, the announcements to Jacqueline or the nativity of the Virgin were prepared in the biblical context and the meeting at the Bolton Gate was prepared in narrative context. From the second half of the 14th century in words, the latter substituted the foreman in the biblical context too. In any case, it's very difficult to determine when any of these images acquires an immaculist meaning as sometimes the very same images were used for both immaculist and immaculist purposes. Regarding the meeting at the Golden Gate, a variant was developed that the diverted from the standard a standard way of representing this scene fashioned upon the depiction of the visitation with the parents of the Virgin embracing each other with a respiratory instinct. Instead, the variant passionate upon the depiction of the annunciation saw with the parents of the Virgin completely separate and gesturing to each other. Jacqueline with an active pose of addressing playing the role of the kind of Gabriel and Anne with a passive attitude of reception and acceptation playing the role of Mary. In this variant they are both symmetrically displayed on each side of an architectural element or display that is clearly intended to be the Golden Gate of Jerusalem. I propose designating this alternative arrangement of the scene at the meeting at the Golden Gate the annunciation type as opposed to the standard visitation type. The annunciation type for the meeting at the Golden Gate is much more than a simple compositional device. As it visually merges the starting point of the life of Mary the conception and the starting point of the life of Jesus incarnation it emphasizes the start of the former so that the encounter becomes no longer an episode in the history of an average even sublime human being as other conception scenes but a few moments in the history of mankind consider the history of salvation. The message is that the salvation starts not with the conception of the Virgin an idea expressed by Edmer and by Osbert of Claire in the 1120s that soon became a commonplace among those who supported the peace of the conception of the Virgin. The annunciation type for the meeting at the Golden Gate appears significantly in the Winchester Salter of circa 1150-1160 and also in a standard glass window in 1215 before being used in Salamanca in 1262 in both cases the Winchester Salter and also in the Chartres Cathedral an immaculist intention has been convincingly argued in Salamanca the annunciation type for the meeting at the Golden Gate was enriched by the inclusion of the prophets the Virgin and the crucifixion this allowed conception an incarnation to be justified by pointing to passion and ultimately to redemption stating the active role of the Virgin in this crucial moment of the history of Mankind by sharing the sufferings of Christ according to the idea of compassion expressed in the crucifixion scene by the fainting Virgin that is now almost impossible to see but that was described by Gomet Moreno and is possible to see in all photographs. The fist of the conception in the second half of the 13th century but it was regarded with great reluctance generalization of the fist was to come only in the early 14th century in a process with the church of Santiago de Compostela and the church of Salamanca were to assume a leading role that suggests that this devotion was firmly established in them prior to this day Bishop Pedro Perez the president founder of the chapel and pattern of the wall paintings discussed here probably belonging to the group of learned clerics who were the forerunners of this devotion in Castile. My conclusion is that the style and layout of these wall paintings reflect the art developed in France and England the same as we said regarding the iconography at the time these wall paintings were created the ideas involved and the models in France and England so the artists who worked in Salamanca must have been familiar with them. How was this possible? Perhaps the fit of the understanding of the paintings on the east wall of the chapel of San Martin of the old cathedral of Salamanca lies in a well known personage the painter Peter of Spain recorded in the service of King Henry III of England from 1251 to 1262 it's a well known fact that the court of Henry III played a leading role in the reception of the new French styles in England and also that some artists were particularly favored by the model as it is manifest in the constant appeal for their services and in the privilege granted to them. This was the case in the 1250s of the painter named Peter of Spain who worked at Westminster both Palace and Abbey. His most important commission were the panels for the Lady Chapel of Westminster Abbey for which he was paid in 1258. Unfortunately neither this work nor any other by him survived so we cannot determine his style. His name raises the question whether he was actually a Spaniard or not. In 13th century England someone named of Spain could perfectly be an Englishman as this name has been recorded in Essex since the 12th century. Actually Christopher Wilson has recently stated that Peter of Spain belonged to a family from London but someone named of Spain could also be a Spaniard and could also be a Spaniard. One of the records about Peter of Spain known since the 19th century sets light on this point as I argued in an article published in 2005. In 1257 Peter of Spain was paid for accompanying a high-ranking personage beyond the sea. English historiography credited this personage first as a clerk of Toulouse and later as the Inviso a elect of Toulouse. Checking the original document which is preserved from the public record office makes it clear that the personage was not a clerical C. L. C. O. as John Rothboth transcribed in the 19th century but an elect of E. L. T. O. Thus the document undoubtedly refers to a bishop-elect and not to a clerk or a cleric. The problem arises when in search of the identity of this bishop-elect we realize that in 1257 there was no bishop-elect in Toulouse. Its sea has been occupied since 1232 by Rangón de Pelgar who died in 1270. In this historiography read the word adjoining to elect of as Toulouse T-H-O-L-O-S and interpreted it as Toulousano which is apparently coherent but this reading does not fit into the statistical evidence. If we closely examine the original document we realize that it actually does not with T-H-O-L-O-S but T-H-A-L-O-S which does not correspond with Toulousano nor unfortunately with any other diocese of this period. It becomes clear that some sort of mistake was made by the scribe and considering the historical circumstances of the document its only possible interpretation is that T-H-A-L-O-S Talos is a corrupted abbreviation for Toletano and that the document refers to Castilian empanther which means royal prince Don Sancio brother of King Alfonso the 10th of Castile and a piece of leg of Toledo between 1251 and 1259 when he was consecrated and acted as a piece of in his full right until his death in 1261. Impanthe Don Sancio visited England at the end of 1255 in a diplomatic mission described by Matthew Parish concerning the dispute between England and Castile about Cascone. On his return to Castile in January 1256 he was accompanied by Peter of Spain by order of King Henry III undoubtedly in my opinion for the very reason that our painter was of Castilian origin. The full content of the 1257 document hints that Peter of Spain at births before his lord after coming back from Castile and presents him with two seals as a proof of difference. I think that during the time he stayed in Castile Peter of Spain acted as a link between the English and the Castilian courts. Peter of Spain's profound knowledge of the Castilian language and customs by birth could facilitate the movement of the succession and basis sent by Henry III to the Castilian court a seemingly delicate moment for the relations between the two crowns. Actually once in Pantano-Sancho with Castile he went to the royal court which spent most of 1256 in the city of Segovia. Is it by chance that only six years later a painter who himself claims to be from Segovia Anton Sancho de Segovia signs a work reflecting the avant-garde of the European court of the time. Maybe it is by chance but my hypothesis is that the state of Peter of Spain Castile in 1256-1257 prompted the contact with and the training of local painters who were able to adopt the new styles of Paris and London. But accepting this implies accepting that the style of the painted chamber or the style of manuscripts like the well-known Lambert, Louis-Benguin and Abingdon apocalypses was already painted circa 1260 and I know this is problematic. What isn't disputable is that the paintings on the east wall of the chapel of Saint Martin of the old cathedral of Salamanca are a major work of the European art of the 13th century. Especially important we consider that many of the leading murals of both sides of the child have now disappeared. Thank you very much.