 CHAPTER XVI. THE PRESS, 1868 At ten o'clock of a July night, in heat that made the tropical range-hour simmer, the Adams family and the Motley family clambered down the side of their cunard steamer into the government tugboat, which set them ashore in black darkness at the end of some north river pier. Had they been Tyrion traders of the year BC-1000, landing from a galley fresh from Gibraltar, they could hardly have been stranger on the shore of a world, so changed from what it had been ten years before. The historian of the Dutch, no longer historian but diplomatist, started up an unknown street in company with the private secretary who had become a private citizen, in search of carriages to convey the two parties to the Brevoort House. The pursuit was arduous but successful. Toward midnight they found shelter once more in their native land. How much its character had changed or was changing they could not wholly know, and they could but partly feel. For that matter the land itself knew no more than they. Society in America was always trying, almost as blindly as an earthworm, to realize and understand itself, to catch up with its own head and to twist about in search of its tail. Society offered the profile of a long, straggling caravan stretching loosely toward the prairies, its few score of leaders far in advance, and its millions of immigrants, Negroes and Indians far in the rear, somewhere in archaic time. It enjoyed the vast advantage over Europe that all seemed for the moment to move in one direction, while Europe wasted most of its energy in trying several contradictory movements at once. But whenever Europe or Asia should be polarized or oriented toward the same point, America might easily lose her lead. Meanwhile each newcomer needed to slip into a place as near the head of the caravan as possible, and needed most to know where the leaders could be found. One could divine pretty nearly where the force lay, since the last ten years had given to the great mechanical energies coal, iron, steam, a distinct superiority in power over the old industrial elements, agriculture, handwork and learning. But the result of this revolution on a survivor from the fifties resembled the action of the earthworm. He twisted about in vain to recover his starting point. He could no longer see his own trail. He had become an astray, a flotsam or jetsam of wreckage, a belated reveler, or a scholar gypsy like Matthew Arnold's. His world was dead. Not a Polish Jew fresh from Warsaw or Krakow, not a furtive Yakob or Isaac still reeking of the ghetto, snarling a weird Yiddish to the officers of the customs, but had a keener instinct, an intense energy and a freer hand than he, American of Americans, with heaven knew how many Puritans and patriots behind him, and an education that had cost a civil war. He made no complaint and found no fault with his time. He was no worse off than the Indians or the buffalo who had been ejected from their heritage by his own people. But he vehemently insisted that he was not himself at fault. The defeat was not due to him, nor yet to any superiority of his rivals. He had been unfairly forced out of the track and must get back into it as best he could. Uncomfort he could enjoy to the full. Little as he might be fitted for the work that was before him, he had only to look at his father and motley to see figures less fitted for it than he. All were equally survivals from the forties, Brickabrack from the time of Louis Philippe, stylists, doctrinaires, ornaments that had been more or less suited to the colonial architecture, but which never had much value in Des Brosses Street or Fifth Avenue. They could scarcely have earned five dollars a day in any modern industry. The men who commanded high pay were, as a rule, not ornamental. Even Commodore Vanderbilt and Jay Gould lacked social charm. Doubtless the country needed ornament, needed it very badly indeed, but it needed energy still more and capital most of all, for its supply was ridiculously out of proportion to its wants. On the new scale of power merely to make the continent habitable for civilized people would require an immediate outlay that would have bankrupted the world. As yet no portion of the world except a few narrow stretches of Western Europe had ever been tolerably provided with the essentials of comfort and convenience. To fit out an entire continent with roads and the decencies of life would exhaust the credit of the entire planet. Such an estimate seemed outrageous to a Texan member of Congress who loved the simplicity of nature's noblemen. But the mere suggestion that a sun existed above him would outrage the self-respect of a deep-sea fish that carried a lantern on the end of its nose. From the moment that railways were introduced life took on extravagance. Thus the belated reveler who landed in the dark at the Des Brosses Street ferry found his energies exhausted in the effort to see his own length. The new Americans, of whom he was to be one, must, whether they were fit or unfit, create a world of their own, a science, a society, a philosophy, a universe where they had not yet created a road or even learned to dig their own iron. They had no time for thought, they saw and could see nothing beyond their day's work. Their attitude to the universe outside them was that of a deep-sea fish. Above all they naturally and intensely disliked to be told what to do and how to do it, by men who took their ideas and their methods from the abstract theories of history, philosophy, or theology. They knew enough to know that their world was one of energies quite new. All this the newcomer understood and accepted since he could not help himself and saw that the American could help himself as little as the newcomer. But the fact remained that the more he knew the less he was educated. Society knew as much as this and seemed rather inclined to boast of it, at least on the stump. But the leaders of industry betrayed no sentiment, popular or other. They used, without calm, whatever instruments they found at hand. They had been obliged in 1861 to turn aside and waste immense energy in settling what had been settled a thousand years before and should never have been revived. At prodigious expense, by sheer force, they broke resistance down, leaving everything but the mere fact of power untouched since nothing else had a solution. Race and thought were beyond reach. Having cleared its path so far, society went back to its work and threw itself on that which stood first, its roads. The field was vast, altogether beyond its power to control off hand, and society dropped every thought of dealing with anything more than the single fraction called a railway system. This relatively small part of its task was still so big as to need the energies of a generation, for it required all the new machinery to be created. Capital, banks, mines, furnaces, shops, powerhouses, technical knowledge, mechanical population, together with a steady remodeling of social and political habits, ideas and institutions to fit the new scale and suit the new conditions. The generation between 1865 and 1895 was already mortgaged to the railways, and no one knew it better than the generation itself. Whether Henry Adams knew it or not, he knew enough to act as though he did. He reached Quincy once more, ready for the new start. His brother Charles had determined to strike for the railroads. Henry was to strike for the press, and they hoped to play into each other's hands. They had great need, for they found no one else to play with. After discovering the worthlessness of a so-called education, they had still to discover the worthlessness of so-called social connection. No young man had a larger acquaintance and relationship than Henry Adams, yet he knew no one who could help him. He was for sale in the open market. So were many of his friends. All the world knew it, and knew, too, that they were cheap, to be bought at the price of a mechanic. There was no concealment, no delicacy, and no illusion about it. Neither he nor his friends complained, but he felt sometimes a little surprised that as far as he knew no one, seeking in the labour market, ever so much as inquired about their fitness. The want of solidarity between old and young seemed American. The young man was required to impose himself, by the usual business methods, as a necessity on his elders, in order to compel them to buy him as an investment. As Adams felt it, he was in a manner expected to blackmail. Many a young man complained to him in afterlife of the same experience, which became a matter of curious reflection as he grew old. The labour market of good society was ill-organised. Boston seemed to offer no market for educated labour. A peculiar and perplexing amalgam Boston always was, and although it had changed much in ten years, it was not less perplexing. One no longer dined at two o'clock, one could no longer skate on Back Bay, one heard talk of Bostonians worth five millions or more as something not incredible. Yet the place still seemed simple, and less restless-minded than ever before. In the line that Adams had chosen to follow, he needed more than all else the help of the press, but any shadow of hope on that side vanished instantly. The less one meddled with the Boston press the better. All the newspaper men were clear on that point. The same was true of politics. Boston meant business. The Bostonians were building railways. Adams would have liked to help in building railways, but had no education. He was not fit. He passed three or four months thus visiting relations, renewing friendships and studying the situation. At thirty years old the man who had not yet got further than to study the situation is lost or near it. He could see nothing in the situation that could be of use to him. His friends had won no more from it than he. His brother Charles, after three years of civil life, was no better off than himself, except for being married and in greater need of income. His brother John had become a brilliant political leader on the wrong side. No one had yet regained the lost ground of the war. He went to Newport and tried to be fashionable, but even in the simple life of 1868 he failed as fashion. All the style he had learned so painfully in London was worse than useless in America where every standard was different. Newport was charming, but had asked for no education and gave none. What it gave was much gayer and pleasanter, and one enjoyed it amazingly, but friendships in that society were a kind of social partnership, like the classes at college, not education but the subjects of education. All were doing the same thing and asking the same question of the future. None could help. Society seemed founded on the law that all was for the best New Yorkers in the best of Newports, and that all young people were rich if they could waltz. It was a new version of the ant in the grasshopper. At the end of three months the only person among the hundreds he had met who had offered him a word of encouragement or had showed a sign of acquaintance with his doings was Edward Atkinson. Boston was cool toward sons, whether prodigals or other, and needed much time to make up its mind what to do for them, time which Adams at thirty years old could hardly spare. He had not the courage or self-confidence to hire an office in State Street as so many of his friends did, and doze there alone, vacuity within and a snowstorm outside, waiting for fortune to knock at the door or hoping to find her asleep in the elevator or on the staircase since elevators were not yet in use. Whether this course would have offered his best chance, he never knew. It was one of the points in practical education which most needed a clear understanding, and he could never reach it. His father and mother would have been glad to see him stay with them and begin reading Blackstone again, and he showed no very filial tenderness by abruptly breaking that tie that had lasted so long. After all, perhaps Beacon Street was as good as any other street for his objects in life. Possibly his easiest and surest path was from Beacon Street to State Street and back again all these days of his years. Who could tell? Even after life was over, the doubt could not be determined. In thus sacrificing his heritage, he only followed the path that had led him from the beginning. Boston was full of his brothers. He had reckoned from childhood on outlawry as his peculiar birthright. The mere thought of beginning life again in Mount Vernon Street lowered the pulsations of his heart. This is a story of education, not a mere lesson of life, and with education temperament has in strictness nothing to do, although in practice they run close together. Neither by temperament nor by education was he fitted for Boston. He had drifted far away and behind his companions there. No one trusted his temperament or education. He had to go. Since no other path seemed to offer itself, he stuck to his plan of joining the press and selected Washington as the shortest road to New York. But in 1868 Washington stood outside the social pail. No Bostonian had ever gone there. One announced oneself as an adventurer and an office-seeker, a person of deplorably bad judgment, and the charges were true. The chances of ending in the gutter were at best even. The risk was the greater in Adams's case, because he had no very clear idea what to do when he got there. That he must educate himself over again for objects quite new, in an air altogether hostile to his old educations was the only certainty. But how he was to do it? How he was to convert the idler in rotten row into the lobbyist of the capital? He had not an idea, and no one to teach him. The question of money is rarely serious for a young American unless he is married, and money never troubled Adams more than others. Not because he had it, but because he could do without it. Like most people in Washington who all lived on the income of bricklayers. But with or without money he met the difficulty that after getting to Washington, in order to go on the press, it was necessary to seek a press to go on. For large work he could count on the North American review, but this was scarcely a press. For current discussion and correspondence he could depend on the New York nation. But what he needed was a New York daily, and no New York daily needed him. He lost his one chance by the death of Henry J. Raymond. The Tribune, under Horace Greeley, was out of the question for both political and personal reasons, and because White Law Reed had already undertaken that singularly venturesome position amid difficulties that would have swamped Adams in four and twenty hours. Charles A. Dana had made the son a very successful as well as very amusing paper, but had hurt his own social position in doing it, and Adams knew himself well enough to know that he could never please himself and Dana too. With the best intentions he must always fail as a blaggard, and at that time a strong dash of blaggardism was life to the son. As for the New York Herald, it was a despotic empire admitting no personality but that of Bennett. Thus for the moment the New York daily press offered no field except the free trade Holy Land of the Evening Post under William Cullen Bryant, while beside it lay only the elevated plateau of the New Jerusalem occupied by Godkin and the Nation. Much as Adams liked Godkin, and glad as he was to creep under the shelter of the Evening Post and the Nation, he was well aware that he should find there only the same circle of readers that he reached in the North American Review. The outlook was dim, but it was all he had, and at Washington except for the personal friendship of Mr. Everts, who was then Attorney General and living there, he would stand in solitude much like that of London in 1861. Everts did what no one in Boston seemed to care for doing. He held out a hand to the young man. Whether Boston, like Salem, really shunned strangers or whether Everts was an exception even in New York, he had the social instinct which Boston had not. Generous by nature, prodigal in hospitality, fond of young people and a born man of the world, Everts gave and took liberally without scruple and accepted the world without fearing or abusing it. His wit was the least part of his social attraction. His talk was broad and free, he laughed where he could, he joked if a joke was possible. He was true to his friends, and never lost his temper or became ill-natured. Like all New Yorkers he was decidedly not a Bostonian, but he was what one might call a transplanted New Englander, like General Sherman, a variety grown in rancor soil. In the course of life and in widely different countries, Adams incurred heavy debts of gratitude to persons on whom he had no claim, and to whom he could seldom make return. Perhaps half a dozen such debts remained unpaid at last, although six is a large number as lives go. But kindness seldom came more happily than when Mr. Everts took him to Washington in October 1868. Adams accepted the hospitality of the sleeper with deep gratitude, the more because his first struggle with a sleeping car made him doubt the value to him of a Pullman civilization. But he was even more grateful for the shelter of Mr. Everts' house in H Street at the corner of 14th, where he abode in safety and content till he found rooms in the roomless village. To him the village seemed unchanged. Had he not known that a great war and eight years of astonishing movement had passed over it he would have noticed nothing that betrayed growth. As of old houses were few, rooms fewer, even the men were the same. No one seemed to miss the usual comforts of civilization, and Adams was glad to get rid of them, for his best chance lay in the eighteenth century. The first step, of course, was the making of acquaintance, and the first acquaintance was naturally the President, to whom an aspirant to the press officially paid respect. Everts immediately took him to the White House and presented him to President Andrew Johnson. The interview was brief, and consisted in the stock remark common to monarchs and valets, that the young man looked even younger than he was. The young man felt even younger than he looked. He never saw the President again, and never felt a wish to see him. For Andrew Johnson was not the sort of man whom a young reformer of thirty, with two or three foreign educations, was likely to see with enthusiasm. Yet, musing over the interview as a matter of education, long years afterwards, he could not help recalling the President's figure with a distinctness that surprised him. The old-fashioned southern senator and statesman sat in his chair at his desk with a look of self-esteem that had its value. None doubted. All were great men. Some, no doubt, were greater than others, but all were statesmen, and all were supported, lifted, inspired by the moral certainty of rightness. To them the universe was serious, even solemn. But it was their universe, a southern conception of right. Lamar used to say that he never entertained a doubt of the soundness of the southern system, until he found that slavery could not stand a war. Slavery was only a part of the southern system, and the life of it all, the vigor, the poetry, was its moral certainty of self. The Southerner could not doubt, and this self-assurance not only gave Andrew Johnson the look of a true President, but actually made him one. When Adams came to look back on it afterwards, he was surprised to realize how strong the executive was in 1868—perhaps the strongest he was ever to see. Certainly he never again found himself so well satisfied or so much at home. Seward was still Secretary of State. Hardly yet an old man, though showing marks of time and violence, Mr. Seward seemed little changed in these eight years. He was the same, with a difference. Perhaps he, unlike Adams, had at last gone on education and all he wanted. Perhaps he had resigned himself to doing without it. Whatever the reason, although his manner was as roughly kind as ever and his talk as free, he appeared to have closed his account with the public. He no longer seemed to care. He asked nothing, gave nothing, and invited no support. He talked little of himself or of others, and waited only for his discharge. Adams was well pleased to be near him in these last days of his power and fame, and went much to his house in the evenings when he was sure to be at his wist. At last, as the end drew near, wanting to feel that the great man, the only chief he ever served even as a volunteer, recognized some personal relation, he asked Mr. Seward to dine with him one evening in his rooms, and play his game of wist there as he did every night in his own house. Mr. Seward came and had his wist, and Adams remembered his rough parting speech—a very sensible entertainment. It was the only favor he ever asked of Mr. Seward, and the only one he ever accepted. Thus, as a teacher of wisdom, after twenty years of example, Governor Seward passed out of one's life, and Adams lost what should have been his firmest ally. But in truth the State Department had ceased to be the center of his interest, and the Treasury had taken its place. The Secretary of the Treasury was a man new to politics, Hugh McCulloch, not a person of much importance in the eyes of practical politicians, such as young members of the press meant themselves to become. But they all liked Mr. McCulloch, though they thought him a stop-gap rather than a force. Had they known what sort of forces the Treasury was to offer them for support in the generation to come, they might have reflected a long while on their estimate of McCulloch. Adams was fated to watch the flittings of many more Secretaries than he ever cared to know, and he rather came back in the end to the idea that McCulloch was the best of them, although he seemed to represent everything that one liked least. He was no politician, he had no party, and no power. He was not fashionable or decorative. He was a banker, and toward bankers Adams felt the narrow prejudice which the serf feels to the overseer, for he knew he must obey, and he knew that the helpless showed only their helplessness when they tempered obedience by mockery. The world, after 1865, became a banker's world, and no banker would ever trust one who had deserted State Street and had gone to Washington with purposes of doubtful credit or of no credit at all, for he could not have put up enough collateral to borrow five thousand dollars of any bank in America. The banker never would trust him, and he would never trust the banker. To him the banking mind was obnoxious, and this antipathy caused him the more surprise at finding McCulloch the broadest, most liberal, most genial, and most practical public man in Washington. There could be no doubt of it. The burden of the Treasury at that time was very great. The whole financial system was in chaos. Every part of it required reform. The utmost experience, tact, and skill could not make the machine work smoothly. No one knew how well McCulloch did it until his successor took it in charge and tried to correct his methods. Adams did not know enough to appreciate McCulloch's technical skill, but he was struck at his open and generous treatment of young man. Of all rare qualities this was, in Adams's experience, the rarest. As a rule officials dread interference. The strongest often resent it most. Any official who admits equality in discussion of his official course feels it to be an act of virtue. After a few months or years he tires of the effort. Every friend in power is a friend lost. This rule is so nearly absolute that it may be taken in practice as admitting no exception. Apparent exceptions exist, and McCulloch was one of them. McCulloch had been spared the gluttonous selfishness and infantile jealousy which are the commoner results of early political education. He had neither past nor future, and could afford to be careless of his company. Adams found him surrounded by all the active and intelligent young men in the country. Full of faith, greedy for work, eager for reform, energetic, confident, capable, quick of study, charmed with a fight, equally ready to defend or attack, they were unselfish and even as young men went, honest. They came mostly from the army with the spirit of the volunteers. Frank Walker, Frank Barlow, Frank Bartlett were types of the generation. Most of the press and much of the public, especially in the West, shared their ideas. No one denied the need for reform. The whole government from top to bottom was rotten with the senility of what was antiquated and the instability of what was improvised. The currency was only one example. The tariff was another. But the whole fabric required reconstruction as much as in 1789, for the Constitution had become as antiquated as the Confederation. Sooner or later a shock must come, the more dangerous the longer postponed. The civil war had made a new system, in fact. The country would have to reorganize the machinery in practice and theory. One might discuss indefinitely the question which branch of government needed reform most urgently. All needed it enough, but no one denied that the finances were a scandal and a constant universal nuisance. The tariff was worse, though more interests upheld it. McCulloch had the singular merit of facing reform with large good nature and willing sympathy, outside of parties, jobs, bargains, corporations or intrigues, which Adams never was to meet again. Chaos often breeds life when order breeds habit. The civil war had bred life, the army bred courage. Young men of the volunteer type were not always docile under control, but they were handy in a fight. Adams was greatly pleased to be admitted as one of them. He found himself much more at home with them, more at home than he ever had been before, or was ever to be again, in the atmosphere of the treasury. He had no strong party passion and he felt as though he and his friends owned this administration, which, in its dying days, had neither friends nor future except in them. They were not the only allies. The whole government and all its branches was alive with them. Just at that moment the Supreme Court was about to take up the legal tender cases where Judge Curtis had been employed to argue against the constitutional power of the government to make an artificial standard of value in time of peace. Everett's was anxious to fix on a line of argument that should have a chance of standing up against that of Judge Curtis, and was puzzled to do it. He did not know which foot to put forward. About to deal with Judge Curtis, the last of the strong jurists of Marshall's school, he could risk no chances. In doubt the quickest way to clear one's mind is to discuss, and Everett's deliberately forced discussion. Day after day, driving, dining, walking, he provoked Adams to dispute his positions. He needed an anvil, he said, to hammer his ideas on. Adams was flattered at being an anvil, which is, after all, more solid than the hammer, and he did not feel called on to treat Mr. Everett's arguments with more respect than Mr. Everett's himself expressed for them, so he contradicted with freedom. Like most young men, he was much of a doctrinaire, and the question was, in any event, rather historical or political than legal. He could easily maintain, by way of argument, that the required power had never been given, and that no sound constitutional reason could possibly exist for authorizing the government to overthrow the standard of value without necessity in time of peace. The dispute itself had not much value for him, even as education, but it led to his seeking light from the Chief Justice himself. Following up the subject for his letters to the nation and his articles in the North American Review, Adams grew to be intimate with the Chief Justice, who, as one of the oldest and strongest leaders of the Free Soil Party, had claims to his personal regard, for the old Free Soilers were becoming few. Like all strong-willed and self-asserting men, Mr. Chase had the faults of his qualities. He was never easy to drive in harness or light in hand. He saw vividly what was wrong, and did not always allow for what was relatively right. He loved power as though he were still a senator. His position toward legal tender was awkward. As Secretary of the Treasury he had been its author. As Chief Justice he became its enemy. Legal tender caused no great pleasure or pain in the sum of life to a newspaper correspondent, but it served as a subject for letters, and the Chief Justice was very willing to win an ally in the press who would tell his story as he wished it to be read. The intimacy in Mr. Chase's house grew rapidly, and the alliance was no small help to the comforts of a struggling newspaper adventurer in Washington. No matter what one might think of his politics or temper, Mr. Chase was a dramatic figure of high senatorial rank, if also of certain senatorial faults, a valuable ally. As was sure sooner or later to happen, Adams one day met Charles Sumner on the street and instantly stopped to greet him. As though eight years of broken ties with a natural course of friendship, Sumner at once, and after exclamation of surprise, dropped back into the relation of hero to the schoolboy. Adams enjoyed accepting it. He was then thirty years old, and Sumner was fifty-seven. He had seen more of the world than Sumner ever dreamed of, and he felt a sort of amused curiosity to be treated once more as a child. At best the renewal of broken relations is a nervous matter, and in this case it bristled with thorns, for Sumner's quarrel with Mr. Adams had not been the most delicate of his ruptured relations, and he was liable to be sensitive in many ways that even Bostonians could hardly keep in constant mind. Yet it interested and fascinated Henry Adams as a new study of political humanity. The younger man knew that the meeting would have to come and was ready for it, if only as a newspaper need, but as Sumner it came as a surprise, and a disagreeable one, as Adams conceived. He learned something, a piece of practical education worth the effort, by watching Sumner's behaviour. He could see that many thoughts, mostly unpleasant, were passing through his mind, since he made no inquiry about any of the Adams family, or allusion to any of his friends or his residents abroad. He talked only of the present. To him, Adams in Washington should have seemed more or less of a critic, perhaps a spy, certainly an intriguer or adventurer like scores of others, a politician without party, a writer without principles, an office-seeker certain to beg for support. All this was, for his purposes, true. Adams could do him no good, and would be likely to do him all the harm in his power. Adams accepted it all, expected to be kept at arm's length, admitted that the reasons were just. He was the more surprised to see that Sumner invited a renewal of old relations. He found himself treated almost confidentially. Not only was he asked to make a fourth at Sumner's pleasant little dinners in the house on Lafayette Square, but he found himself admitted to the senator's study and informed of his views, policy, and purposes, which was sometimes even more astounding than his curious gaps or lapses of omniscience. On the whole, the relation was the queerest that Henry Adams ever kept up. He liked and admired Sumner, but thought his mind a pathological study. At times he inclined to think that Sumner felt his solitude and, in the political wilderness, craved educated society. But this hardly told the whole story. Sumner's mind had reached the calm of water, which receives and reflects images without absorbing them. It contained nothing but itself. The images from without, the objects mechanically perceived by the senses, existed by courtesy until the mental surface was ruffled, but never became part of the thought. Henry Adams roused no emotion. If he had roused a disagreeable one, he would have ceased to exist. The mind would have mechanically rejected his that had mechanically admitted him. Not that Sumner was more aggressively egoistic than other senators, conkling, for instance, but that with him the disease had affected the whole mind. It was chronic and absolute, while with other senators, for the most part, it was still acute. Perhaps for this very reason, Sumner was the more valuable acquaintance for a newspaper man. Adams found him most useful, perhaps quite the most useful of all these great authorities, who were the stock and trade of the newspaper business, the accumulated capital of a sulurian age. A few months or years more, and they were gone. In 1868 they were like the town itself, changing but not changed. Lafayette Square was a society. Within a few hundred yards of Mr. Clark Mills's nursery monument to the equestrian seat of Andrew Jackson, one found all one's acquaintance, as well as hotels, banks, markets, and national government. Beyond the square, the country began. No rich or fashionable stranger had yet discovered the town. No literary or scientific man, no artist, no gentleman without office or employment had ever lived there. It was rural, and its society was primitive. Scarcely a person in it had ever known life in a great city. Mr. Everts, Mr. Sam Hooper of Boston, and perhaps one or two of the diplomatists had alone mixed in that sort of world. The happy village was innocent of a club. The one-horse tram on F Street to the capital was ample for traffic. Every pleasant spring morning at the Pennsylvania Station society met to bid goodbye to its friends going off on the single express. The State Department was lodged in an infant asylum far out on 14th Street, while Mr. Mullet was constructing his architectural infant asylum next to the White House. The value of real estate had not increased since 1800, and the pavements were more impassable than the mud. All this favored a young man who had come to make a name. In four and twenty hours he could know everybody. In two days everybody knew him. After seven years arduous and unsuccessful effort to explore the outskirts of London society, the Washington world offered an easy and delightful repose. When he looked around him from the safe shelter of Mr. Everts' roof on the men he was to work with or against, he had to admit that nine-tenths of his acquired education was useless, and the other tenth harmful. He would have to begin again, from the beginning. He must learn to talk to the Western congressmen and to hide his own antecedents. The task was amusing. He could see nothing to prevent him from enjoying it, with immoral unconcern for all that had gone before and for anything that might follow. The lobby offered a spectacle almost picturesque. Few figures on the Paris stage were more entertaining and dramatic than old Sam Ward, who knew more of life than all the departments of the government together, including the Senate and the Smithsonian. Society had not much to give, but what it had it gave with an open hand. For the moment politics had ceased to disturb social relations. All parties were mixed up and jumbled together in a sort of tidal slack water. The government resembled Adams himself in the matter of education. All that had gone before was useless, and some of it was worse. The first effect of this leap into the unknown was the fit of low spirits new to the young man's education, due in part to the overpowering beauty and sweetness of the Maryland autumn, almost unendurable for its strain on one who had toned his life down to the November grays and browns of northern Europe. Life could not go on so beautiful and so sad. Luckily no one else felt it or knew it. He bore it as well as he could, and when he picked himself up winter had come, and he was settled in bachelor's quarters, as modest as those of a clerk in the departments, far out on G Street, toward Georgetown, where an old Finn named Dona, who had come out with the Russian minister's stockyl long before, had bought or built a new house. Congress had met. Two or three months remained to the old administration, but all interests centered in the new one. The town began to swarm with office seekers, among whom a young writer was lost. He drifted among them, unnoticed, glad to learn his work under cover of the confusion. He never aspired to become a regular reporter. He knew he should fail in trying a career so ambitious and energetic. But he picked up friends on the press—Northoff, Murrat Halstead, Henry Watterson, Sam Bowles—all reformers and all mixed and jumbled together in a tidal wave of expectation, waiting for General Grant to give orders. No one seemed to know much about it. Even senators had nothing to say. One could only make notes and study finance. In waiting he amused himself as he could. In the amusements of Washington education had no part, but the simplicity of the amusements proved the simplicity of everything else—ambitions, interests, thoughts, and knowledge. Proverbially Washington was a poor place for education. And, of course, young diplomats avoided or disliked it. But as a rule diplomats disliked every place except Paris, and the world contained only one Paris. They abused London more violently than Washington. They praised no post under the sun, and they were merely describing three-fourths of their stations when they complained that there were no theatres, no restaurants, no monde, no demimonde, no drives, no splendor, and, as Madame Struve used to say, no grandeza. This was all true. Washington was a mere political camp, as transient and temporary as a camp meeting for religious revival. But the diplomats had least reason to complain, since they were more sought for there than they would ever be elsewhere. For young men Washington was in one way paradise, since they were few and greatly in demand. After watching the abject unimportance of the young diplomat in London society, Adams found himself a young duke in Washington. He had ten years of youth to make up, and a ravenous appetite. Washington was the easiest society he had ever seen, and even the Bostonian became simple, good-natured, almost genial, in the softness of a Washington spring. Society went on excellently well, without houses, or carriages, or jewels, or toilets, or pavements, or shops, or grandeza of any sword. And the market was excellent as well as cheap. One could not stay there a month without loving the shabby town. Even the Washington girl, who was neither rich nor well-dressed, nor well-educated, nor clever, had singular charm and used it. According to Mr. Adams' father, this charm dated back as far as Monroe's administration, to his personal knowledge. Therefore, behind all the processes of political or financial or newspaper training, the social side of Washington was to be taken for granted as three fourths of existence. Its details matter nothing. Life ceased to be strenuous, and the victim thanked God for it. Politics and reform became the detail, and waltzing the profession. Adams was not alone. Senator Sumner had a private secretary, a young man named Moorfield Story, who became a dangerous example of frivolity. The new Attorney General, E. R. Hor, brought with him from Conqueror to Son, Sam Hor, whose example rivaled that of Story. Another impenitent was named Dewey, a young naval officer. Adams came far down in the list. He wished he had been higher. He could have spared a word of superannuated history, science, or politics to a reversed better in waltzing. He had no adequate notion of how little he knew, especially of women, and Washington offered no standard of comparison. All were profoundly ignorant together, and as indifferent as children to education. No one needed knowledge. Washington was happier without style. Certainly Adams was happier without it, happier than he had ever been before. Happier than anyone in the harsh world of strenuousness could dream of. This must be taken as background for such little education as he gained, but the life belonged to the eighteenth century, and in no way concerned education for the twentieth. In such an atmosphere one made no great pretense of hard work. If the world wants hard work, the world must pay for it, and if it will not pay, it has no fault to find with the worker. Thus far no one had made a suggestion of pay for any work that Adams had done or could do. If he worked at all, it was for social consideration, and social pleasure was his pay. For this he was willing to go on working, as an artist goes on painting when no one buys his pictures. Artists have done it from the beginning of time, and will do it after time has expired, since they cannot help themselves, and they find their return in the pride of their social superiority as they feel it. Society commonly abets them and encourages their attitude of contempt. The society of Washington was too simple and southern as yet to feel anarchistic longings, and it never read or saw what artists produced elsewhere, but it good-naturedly abetted them when it had the chance, and respected itself the more for the frailty. Adams found even the government at his service, and everyone willing to answer his questions. He worked after a fashion not very hard, but as much as the government would have required of him for nine hundred dollars a year, and his work defied frailty. He got more pleasure from writing than the world ever got from reading him, for his work was not amusing nor was he. One must not try to amuse moneylanders or investors, and this was the class to which he began by appealing. He gave three months to an article on the finances of the United States, just then a subject greatly needing treatment, and when he had finished it he sent it to London to his friend Henry Reeve, the ponderous editor of the Edinburgh Review. Reeve probably thought it good. At all events he said so, and he printed it in April. Of course it was reprinted in America, but in England such articles were still anonymous, and the author remained unknown. The author was not then asking for advertisement, and made no claim for credit. His object was literary. He wanted to win a place on the staff of the Edinburgh Review under the vast shadow of Lord Macaulay, and to a young American in 1868 such rank seemed colossal, the highest in the literary world, as it had been only five and twenty years before. Time and tide had flowed since then, but the position still flattered vanity, though it brought no other flattery or reward except the regular thirty pounds of pay, fifty dollars a month measured in time and labour. The Edinburgh article finished he set himself to work on a scheme for the North American Review. In England Lord Robert Sussle had invented for the London Quarterly an annual review of politics which he called the session. Adams stole the idea and the name. He thought he had been enough in Lord Robert's house in days of his struggle with adversity to excuse the theft, and began what he meant for a permanent series of annual political reviews which he hoped to make in time a political authority. With his sources of information and his social intimacies at Washington he could not help saying something that would command attention. He had the field to himself, and he meant to give himself a free hand as he went on. Whether the newspapers liked it or not they would have to reckon with him, for such a power once established was more effective than all the speeches in Congress or reports to the President that could be crammed into the government presses. The first of these sessions appeared in April but it could not be condensed into a single article and had to be supplemented in October by another which bore the title of Civil Service Reform and was really a part of the same review. A good deal of authentic history slipped into these papers. Whether anyone except his press associates ever read them he never knew and never greatly cared. The difference is slight to the influence of an author whether he is read by five hundred readers or by five hundred thousand. If he can select the five hundred he reaches the five hundred thousand. The fateful year 1870 was near at hand which was to mark the close of the literary epoch when quarterlies gave way to monthlies, letter press to illustration, volumes to pages. The outburst was brilliant. Bret Hart, Led, and Robert Louis Stevenson followed. Guy de Mont Poisson and Rudyard Kipling brought up the rear and dazzled the world. As usual Adams found himself fifty years behind his time but a number of belated wanderers kept him company and they produced on each other the effect or illusion of a public opinion. They straggled apart at longer and longer intervals through the procession but they were still within hearing distance of each other. The drift was still superficially conservative. Just as the church spoke with a parent authority so the quarterlies laid down an apparent law and no one could surely say where the real authority or the real law lay. Science did not know. Truths a priori held their own against truths purely relative. According to Lowell Wright was forever on the scaffold, wrong was forever on the throne, and most people still thought they believed it. Adams was not the only relic of the eighteenth century and he could still depend on a certain number of listeners, mostly respectable and some rich. Want of audience did not trouble him. He was well enough off in that respect and would have succeeded in all his calculations if this had been his only hazard. Where he broke down was at a point where he always suffered a wreck and where nine adventurers out of ten make their errors. One may be more or less certain of organized forces. One could never be certain of men. He belonged to the eighteenth century and the eighteenth century upset all his plans. For the moment America was more eighteenth century than himself. It reverted to the Stone Age. As education of a certain sort the story had probably a certain value, though he could never see it. One seldom can see much education in the buck of a bronco, even less in the kick of a mule. The lesson it teaches is only that of getting out of the animal's way. This was the lesson that Henry Adams had learned over and over again in politics since 1860. At least four-fifths of the American people, Adams among the rest, had united in the election of General Grant to the presidency and probably had been more or less affected in their choice by the parallel they felt between Grant and Washington. Nothing could be more obvious. Grant represented order. He was a great soldier and the soldier always represented order. He may be as partisan as he pleased but a general who had organized and commanded half a million or a million men in the field must know how to administer. Even Washington, who was an education and experience a mere cave-dweller, had known how to organize a government and had found Jefferson's and Hamilton's to organize his departments. The task of bringing the government back to regular practices and of restoring moral and mechanical order to administration was not very difficult. It was ready to do it itself with a little encouragement. No doubt the confusion, especially in the old slave states and in the currency, was considerable, but the general disposition was good and everyone had echoed the famous phrase, let us have peace. Adams was young and easily deceived in spite of his diplomatic adventures, but even at twice his age he could not see that this reliance on Grant was unreasonable. Had Grant been a congressman one would have been on one's guard for one new the type. One never expected from a congressman more than good intentions and public spirit. Newspaper men, as a rule, had no great respect for the lower house. Senators had less and cabinet officers had none at all. Indeed one day when Adams was pleading with a cabinet officer for patience and tact and dealing with representatives, the secretary impatiently broke out, you can't use tact with a congressman. A congressman is a hog, you must take a stick and hit him on the snout. Adams knew far too little compared with the secretary to contradict him, though he thought the phrase somewhat harsh, even as applied to the average congressman of 1869. He saw little or nothing of later ones. But he knew a shorter way of silencing criticism. He had but to ask, if a congressman is a hog, what is a senator? This innocent question put in a candid spirit petrified any executive officer that ever sat a week in his office. Even Adams admitted that senators passed belief. The comic side of their egotism partly disguised as extravagance, but faction had gone so far under Andrew Johnson that at times the whole senate seemed to catch hysterics of nervous bucking without apparent reason. Great leaders like Sumner and Conkling could not be burlesque. They were more grotesque than ridicule could make them. Even Grant, who rarely sparkled in epigram, became witty on their account. But their egotism and factiousness were no laughing matter. They did permanent and terrible mischief, as Garfield and Blaine, and even McKinley and John Hay, were to feel. The most troublesome task of a reform president was that of bringing the senate back to decency. Therefore no one, and Henry Adams less than most, felt hope that any president chosen from the ranks of politics or politicians would raise the character of government, and by instinct, if not by reason, all the world united on Grant. The senate understood what the world expected and waited in silence for a struggle with Grant, more serious than that with Andrew Johnson. Newspaper men were alive with eagerness to support the president against the senate. The newspaper man is, more than most men, a double personality, and his person feels best satisfied in its double instincts when writing in one sense and thinking in another. All newspaper men, whatever they wrote, felt alike about the senate. Adams floated with the stream. He was eager to join in the fight, which he foresaw as sooner or later inevitable. He meant to support the executive in attacking the senate, and taking away its two-thirds vote and power of confirmation. Nor did he much care how it should be done, for he thought it safer to affect the revolution in 1870 than to wait until 1920. With this thought in his mind he went to the capital to hear the names announced, which should reveal the carefully guarded secret of Grant's cabinet. To the end of his life he wandered at the suddenness of the revolution, which actually, within five minutes, changed his intended future into an absurdity so laughable as to make him ashamed of it. He was to hear a long list of cabinet announcements not much weaker or more futile than that of Grant, and none of them made him blush, while Grant's nominations had the singular effect of making the hearer ashamed, not so much of Grant as of himself. He had made another total misconception of life, another inconceivable false start. Yet, unlikely as it seemed, he had missed his motive narrowly, and his intention had been more than sound, for the senators made no secret of saying with senatorial frankness that Grant's nominations betrayed his intent as plainly as they betrayed his incompetence. A great soldier might be a baby politician. Adams left the capital, much in the same and misty mental condition that he recalled as marking his railway journey to London on May 13th, 1861. He felt in himself what Gladstone bewailed so sadly, the incapacity of viewing things all round. He knew without absolutely saying it that Grant had cut short the life which Adams had laid out for himself in the future. After such a miscarriage no thought of effectual reform could revive for at least one generation, and he had no fancy for ineffectual politics. What course could he sail next? He had tried so many, and society had barred them all. For the moment he saw no hope but in following the stream on which he had launched himself. The new cabinet as individuals were not hostile. Subsequently Grant made changes in the list which were mostly welcome to a Bostonian, or should have been, although fatal to Adams. The name of Hamilton Fish as Secretary of State suggested extreme conservatism and probable deference to Sumner. The name of George S. Boutwell as Secretary of the Treasury suggested only a somewhat lugubrious joke. Mr. Boutwell could be described only as the opposite of Mr. McCulloch and meant inertia, or in plain words total extinction for anyone resembling Henry Adams. On the other hand the name of Jacob D. Cox as Secretary of the Interior suggested help and comfort, while that of Judge Hor as Attorney General promised friendship. On the whole the personal outlook merely for literary purposes seemed fairly cheerful, and the political outlook, though hazy, still depended on Grant himself. No one doubted that Grant's intention had been one of reform, that his aim had been to place his administration above politics, and until he should actually drive his supporters away one might hope to support him. One's little lantern must therefore be turned on Grant. One seemed to know him so well, and really knew so little. By chance it happened that Adam Badoe took the lower suite of rooms at Dona's, and as it was convenient to have one table the two men dined together and became intimate. Badoe was exceedingly social, though not an appearance imposing. He was stout, his face was red, and his habits were regularly irregular. But he was very intelligent, a good newspaper man, and an excellent military historian. His life of Grant was no ordinary book. Unlike most newspaper men he was a friendly critic of Grant, as suited an officer who had been on the General's staff. As a rule the newspaper correspondence in Washington were unfriendly and the lobbies skeptical. From that side one heard tales that made one's hair stand on end, and the old West Point Army officers were no more flattering. All described him as vicious, narrow, dull, and vindictive. Badoe, who had come to Washington for a consulate which was slow to reach him, resorted more or less to whiskey for encouragement, and became irritable besides being loquacious. He talked much about Grant and showed a certain artistic feeling for analysis of character, as a true literary critic would naturally do. Loyal to Grant, and still more so to Mrs. Grant, who acted as his patroness, he said nothing, even when far gone, that was offensive about either. But he held that no one except himself and Rawlins understood the General. To him Grant appeared as an intermittent energy, immensely powerful when awake, but passive and plastic in repose. He said that neither he nor the rest of the staff knew why Grant succeeded. They believed in him because of his success. For stretches of time his mind seemed torpid. Rawlins and the others would systematically talk their ideas into it for weeks, not directly but by discussion among themselves in his presence. In the end he would announce the idea as his own, without seeming conscious of the discussion, and would give the orders to carry it out with all the energy that belonged to his nature. They could never measure his character or be sure when he would act. They could never follow a mental process in his thought. They were not sure that he did think. In all this Adams took deep interest, for although he was not, like Bedot, waiting for Mrs. Grant's power of suggestion to act on the General's mind in order to germinate in a consulate or allegation, his portrait gallery of great men was becoming large, and it amused him to add an authentic likeness of the greatest General the world had seen since Napoleon. Bedot's analysis was rather delicate, infinitely superior to that of Sam Ward or Charles Nordov. Bedot took Adams to the White House one evening and introduced him to the President and Mrs. Grant. First and last he saw a dozen Presidents at the White House, and the most famous were by no means the most agreeable, but he found Grant the most curious object of study among them all. About no one did opinions differ so widely. Adams had no opinion or occasion to make one. A single word with Grant satisfied him that for his own good the fewer words he risked the better. Thus far in life he had met with but one man of the same intellectual or unintellectual type, Garibaldi. Of the two Garibaldi seemed to him a trifle the more intellectual, but in both the intellect counted for nothing, only the energy counted. The type was pre-intellectual, archaic, and would have seemed so even to the cave dwellers. Adam, according to legend, was such a man. In time one came to recognize the type in other men with differences and variations as normal. Men whose energies were the greater the less they wasted on thought. Men who sprang from the soil to power, apt to be distrustful of themselves and of others, shy, jealous, sometimes vindictive, more or less dull in outward appearance, always needing stimulants, but for whom action was the highest stimulant, the instinct of fight. Such men were forces of nature, energies of the prime, like the terispice, but they made short work of scholars. They had commanded thousands of such and saw no more in them than in others. The fact was certain it crushed argument and intellect at once. Adams did not feel grant as a hostile force, like Bedot he saw only an uncertain one. When in action he was superb and safe to follow, only when torpid he was dangerous. To deal with him one must stand near, like Rawlins, and practice more or less sympathetic habits. Simple-minded beyond the experience of Wall Street or State Street, he resorted, like most men, of the same intellectual caliber, to common places when at a loss for expression. Let us have peace, or the best way to treat a bad law is to execute it, or a score of such reversible sentences, generally to be gauged by their sententiousness. But sometimes he made one doubt his good faith, as when he seriously remarked to a particularly bright young woman that Venice would be a fine city if it were drained. In Mark Twain this suggestion would have taken rank among his best witticisms. In Grant it was a measure of simplicity, not singular. Robert E. Lee betrayed the same intellectual commonplace in a Virginian form, not to the same degree, but quite distinctly enough for one who knew the American. What worried Adams was not the commonplace, it was as usual his own education. Grant fretted and irritated him, like the terabracula, as a defiance of first principles. He had no right to exist. He should have been extinct for ages. The idea that as society grew older it grew one-sided, upset evolution and made of education a fraud. That two thousand years after Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar a man like Grant should be called, and should actually and truly be the highest product of the most advanced evolution, made evolution ludicrous. One must be as commonplace as Grant's own commonplaces to maintain such an absurdity. The progress of evolution from President Washington to President Grant was alone evidence enough to upset Darwin. Education became more perplexing at every phase. No theory was worth the pen that wrote it. America had no use for Adams because he was eighteenth century, and yet it worshipped Grant because he was archaic and should have lived in a cave and worn skins. Darwinists ought to conclude that America was reverting to the Stone Age, but the theory of reversion was more absurd than that of evolution. Grant's administration reverted to nothing. One could not catch a trait of the past still less of the future. It was not even sensibly American. Not an official in it except perhaps Rollins whom Adams never met, and who died in September, suggested an American idea. Yet this administration which upset Adams' whole life was not unfriendly. It was made up largely of friends. Secretary Fish was almost kind. He kept the tradition of New York social values. He was human and took no pleasure in giving pain. Adams felt no prejudice whatever in his favor, and he had nothing in mind or person to attract regard. His social gifts were not remarkable. He was not in the least magnetic. He was far from young. But he won confidence from the start and remained a friend to the finish. As far as concerned Mr. Fish, one felt rather happily suited, and one was still better off in the interior department with J. D. Cox. Indeed, if Cox had been in the Treasury and bowed well in the Interior, one would have been quite satisfied as far as personal relations went, while in the Attorney General's office Judge Horror seemed to fill every possible ideal, both personal and political. The difficulty was not the want of friends, and had the whole government been filled with them, it would have helped little without the President and the Treasury. Grant avowed from the start a policy of drift, and a policy of drift attaches only barnacles. At thirty one has no interest in becoming a barnacle, but even in that character Henry Adams would have been ill-seen. His friends were reformers, critics, doubtful and party allegiance, and he was himself an object of suspicion. Grant had no objects, wanted no help, wished for no champions. The executive asked only to be let alone. This was his meaning when he said, let us have peace. No one wanted to go into opposition. As for Adams, all his hopes of success in life turned on his finding and administration to support. He knew well enough the rules of self-interest. He was for sale, he wanted to be bought. His price was excessively cheap, for he did not even ask an office, and had his eye not on the government, but on New York. All he wanted was something to support, something that would let itself be supported. Luck went dead against him. For once he was fifty years in advance of his time. The old New Englander was apt to be a solitary animal, but the young New Englander was sometimes human. Judge Horror brought his son Sam to Washington, and Sam Horror loved largely and well. He taught Adams the charm of Washington Spring. Education for education none ever compared with the delight of this. The Potomac and its tributaries squandered beauty. Rock Creek was as wild as the Rocky Mountains. Here and there a Negro log cabin alone disturbed the Dogwood and the Judas Tree, the Azalea, and the Laurel. The tulip and the Chestnut gave no sense of struggle against a stingy nature. The soft, full outlines of the landscape carried no hidden horror of glaciers in its bosom. The brooding heat of the profligate vegetation, the cool charm of the running water, the terrific splendor of the June thunder-gust in the deep and solitary woods, were all sensual, animal, elemental. No European Spring had shown him the same intermixture of delicate grace and passionate depravity that marked the Maryland May. He loved it too much, as though it were Greek and half-human. He could not leave it but loitered on into July, falling into the southern ways of the summer village about Lafayette Square, as one whose rites of inheritance could not be questioned. Few Americans were so poor as to question them. In spite of the fatal deception or undeception about Grant's political character, Adams' first winter in Washington had so much amused him that he had not a thought of change. He loved it too much to question its value. What did he know about its value, or what did anyone know? His father knew more about it than anyone else in Boston, and he was amused to find that his father, whose recollections went back to 1820, betrayed for Washington much the same sentimental weakness, and described the society about President Monroe much as his son felt the society about President Johnson. He feared its effect on young men, with some justice, since it had been fatal to two of his brothers. But he understood the charm, and he knew that a life in Quincy or Boston was not likely to deaden it. Henry was in a savage humor on the subject of Boston. He saw Boutwells at every counter. He found a personal grief in every tree. Fifteen or twenty years afterwards, Clarence King used to amuse him by mourning over the narrow escape that nature had made in attaining perfection. Except for two mistakes the earth would have been a success. One of these errors was the inclination of the ecliptic, the other was the differentiation of the sexes, and the saddest thought about the last was that it should have been so modern. Adams and his splenetic temper held that both these unnecessary evils had wreaked their worst on Boston. The climate made eternal war on society, and sex was a species of crime. The ecliptic had inclined itself beyond recovery till life was as thin as the elm trees. Of course he was in the wrong. The thinness was in himself, not in Boston. But this is a story of education, and Adams was struggling to shape himself to his time. Boston was trying to do the same thing. Everywhere except in Washington Americans were toiling for the same object. Everyone complained of surroundings, except where, as at Washington, there were no surroundings to complain of. Boston kept its head better than its neighbors did, and very little time was needed to prove it, even to Adams' confusion. Before he got back to Quincy the summer was already half over, and in another six weeks the effects of President Grant's character showed themselves. They were startling, astounding, terrifying. The mystery that shrouded the famous classical attempt of J. Gould to corner gold in September 1869 had never been cleared up, or at least so far as to make it intelligible to Adams. Gould was led by the change at Washington into the belief that he could safely corner gold without interference from the government. He took a number of precautions which he admitted, and he spent a large sum of money, as he also testified, to obtain assurances which were not sufficient to have satisfied so astute a gambler, yet he made the venture. Any criminal lawyer must have begun investigation by insisting rigorously that no such man in such a position could be permitted to plead that he had taken and pursued such a course without assurances which did satisfy him. The plea was professionally inadmissible. This meant that any criminal lawyer would have been bound to start an investigation by insisting that Gould had assurances from the White House or the Treasury, since none other could have satisfied him. To young men wasting their summer at Quincy for want of someone to hire their services at three dollars a day, such a dramatic scandal was heaven sent. Charles and Henry Adams jumped at it, like salmon at a fly, with as much veracity as J. Gould or his arm d'amné Jim Fisk had ever shown for Eerie, and with his little fear of consequences. They risked something, no one could say what, but the people about the Eerie office were not regarded as lambs. The unravelling escane so tangled as that of the Eerie Railway was a task that might have given months of labour to the most efficient district attorney with all his official tools to work with. Charles took the railway history, Henry took the so-called Gould conspiracy, and they went to New York to work it up. The surface was in full view. They had no trouble in Wall Street and they paid their respects in person to the famous Jim Fisk in his Opera House Palace. But the New York side of the story helped Henry little. He needed to penetrate the political mystery, and for this purpose he had to wait for Congress to meet. At first he feared that Congress would suppress the scandal, but the congressional investigation was ordered and took place. He soon knew all that was to be known. The material for his essay was furnished by the government. Material furnished by a government seldom satisfies critics or historians, for it lies always under suspicion. Here was a mystery, and as usual the chief mystery was the means of making sure that any mystery existed. All Adams' great friends—fish, cocks, whore, Everts, Sumner, and their surroundings—were precisely the persons most mystified. They knew less than Adams did. They sought information and frankly admitted that their relations with the White House and the Treasury were not confidential. No one volunteered advice. No one offered suggestion. One got no light, even from the press, although press agents expressed in private the most damning convictions with their usual cynical frankness. The congressional committee took a quantity of evidence which it dared not probe and refused to analyze. Although the fault lay somewhere on the administration and could lie nowhere else, the trial always faded and died out at the point where any member of the administration became visible. Everyone dreaded depress inquiry. Adams himself feared finding out too much. He found out too much already when he saw in evidence that Jay Gould had actually succeeded in stretching his net over Grant's closest surroundings, and that Bootwell's incompetence was the bottom of Gould's calculation. With the conventional air of assumed confidence, everyone in public assured everyone else that the President himself was the saviour of the situation, and in private assured each other that if the President had not been caught this time he was sure to be trapped the next, for the ways of Wall Street were dark and double. All this was wildly exciting to Adams, that Grant should have fallen within six months into such a morass, or should have let Bootwell drop him into it, rendered the outlook for the next four years, probably eight, possibly twelve, mysterious, or frankly opaque, to a young man who had hitched his wagon, as Emerson told him, to the star of reform. The country might outlive it, but not he. The worst scandals of the eighteenth century were relatively harmless by the side of this, which smirched executive, judiciary, banks, corporate systems, professions, and people, all the great active forces of society, in one dirty cesspool of vulgar corruption. Only six months before this innocent young man, fresh from the cynicism of European diplomacy, had expected to enter an honorable career in the press as the champion and confidant of a new Washington, and already he foresaw a life of wasted energy, sweeping the stables of American society clean of the endless corruption which his second Washington was quite certain to breed. By vigorously shutting one's eyes, as though one were an assistant secretary, a writer for the press might ignore the eerie scandal, and still help his friends or allies in the government who were doing their best to give it an air of decency. But a few weeks showed that the eerie scandal was a mere incident, a rather vulgar Wall Street trap, into which, according to one's point of view, Grant had been drawn by Jay Gould, or Jay Gould had been misled by Grant. One could hardly doubt that both of them were astonished and disgusted by the result, but neither Jay Gould nor any other astute American mind, still less the complex Jew, could ever have accustomed itself to the incredible and inexplicable lapses of Grant's intelligence, and perhaps on the whole Gould was the less mischievous victim, if victims they both were. The same laxity that led Gould into a trap which might easily have become the penitentiary, led the United States Senate, the executive departments, and the judiciary into confusion, cross-purposes, and ill temper that would have been scandalous in a boarding school of girls. For satirists or comedians the study was rich and endless, and they exploited its corners with happy results. But a young man fresh from the rustic simplicity of London, noticed with horror that the grossest satires of the American senator and politician never failed to excite the laughter and applause of every audience. Rich and poor joined in throwing contempt on their own representatives. Society laughed a vacant and meaningless derision over its own failure. Nothing remained for a young man without position or power except to laugh too. Yet the spectacle was no laughing matter to him whatever it might be to the public. Society is immoral and immortal. It can afford to commit any kind of folly and indulge in any sort of vice, it cannot be killed, and the fragments that survive can always laugh at the dead. But a young man has only one chance and brief time to seize it. Anyone in power above him can extinguish the chance. He is horribly at the mercy of fools and cowards. One dull administration can rapidly drive out every active subordinate. At Washington in 1869 to 1870 every intelligent man about the government prepared to go. The people would have liked to go too for they stood helpless before the chaos. Some laughed and some raved. All were disgusted. But they had to content themselves by turning their backs and going to work harder than ever on their railroads and foundries. They were strong enough to carry even their politics. Only the helpless remained stranded in Washington. The shrewdest statesman of all was Mr. Butwell, who showed how he understood the situation by turning out of the treasury everyone who could interfere with his repose and then locking himself up in it alone. What he did there no one knew. His colleagues asked him in vain. Not a word could they get from him either in the cabinet or out of it, of suggestion or information on matters even of vital interest. The treasury as an active influence ceased to exist. Mr. Butwell waited with confidence for society to drag his department out of the mire as it was sure to do if he waited long enough. Warned by his friends in the cabinet as well as in the treasury that Mr. Butwell meant to invite no support and cared to receive none, Adams had only the state and interior departments left to serve. He wanted no better than to serve them. Opposition was his horror, pure waste of energy. A union with northern Democrats and southern rebels who never had much in common with any Adams and had never shown any warm interest about them except to drive them from public life. If Mr. Butwell turned him out of the treasury with the indifference or contempt that made even a beetle helpless, Mr. Fish opened the State Department freely and seemed to talk with as much openness as any newspaper man could ask. At all events, Adams could cling to this last plank of salvation and make himself perhaps the recognized champion of Mr. Fish in the New York Press. He never once thought of his disaster between Seward and Sumner in 1861. Such an accident could not occur again. Fish and Sumner were inseparable and their policy was sure to be safe enough for support. No mosquito could be so unlucky as to be caught a second time between a secretary and a senator who were both his friends. This dream of security lasted hardly longer than that of 1861. Adams saw Sumner take possession of the department and he approved. He saw Sumner seize the British mission from Motley and he was delighted. But when he renewed his relations with Sumner in the winter of 1869-70 he began slowly to grasp the idea that Sumner had a foreign policy of his own which he proposed also to force on the department. This was not all. Secretary Fish seemed to have vanished. Besides the Department of State over which he nominally presided in the infant asylum on 14th Street, there had risen a Department of Foreign Relations over which Senator Sumner ruled with a high hand at the Capitol. And finally one clearly made out a third foreign office in the War Department with President Grant himself for Chief, pressing a policy of extension in the West Indies which no Northeastern man ever approved. For his life Adams could not learn where to place himself among all these forces. Officially he would have followed the responsible Secretary of State but he could not find the Secretary. Fish seemed to be friendly towards Sumner and docile toward Grant but he asserted as yet no policy of his own. As for Grant's policy Adams never had a chance to know fully what it was. But as far as he did know he was ready to give it ardent support. The difficulty came only when he heard Sumner's views which as he had reason to know were always commands to be disregarded only by traitors. Little by little Sumner unfolded his foreign policy and Adams gasped with fresh astonishment at every new article of the creed. To his profound regret he heard Sumner begin by imposing his veto on all extension within the tropics which cost the island of St. Thomas to the United States besides the Bay of Samana as an alternative and ruin Grant's policy. Then he listened with incredulous stupor while Sumner unfolded his plan for concentrating and pressing every possible American claim against England with a view of compelling the session of Canada to the United States. Adams did not then know in fact he never knew or could find anyone to tell him what was going on behind the doors of the White House. He doubted whether Mr. Fish or Bancroft Davis knew much more than he. The game of cross purposes was as impenetrable in foreign affairs as in the gold conspiracy. President Grant let everyone go on but whom he supported Adams could not be expected to divine. One point alone seemed clear to a man no longer so very young who had lately come from a seven years residence in London. He thought he knew as much as anyone in Washington about England and he listened with the more perplexity to Mr. Sumner's talk because it opened to the gravest doubts of Sumner's sanity. If war was his object and Canada were worth it Sumner's scheme showed genius and Adams was ready to treat it seriously. But if he thought he could obtain Canada from England as a voluntary set off to the Alabama claims he driveled. On the point of fact Adams was as peremptory as Sumner on the point of policy but he could only wonder whether Mr. Fish would dare say it. When at last Mr. Fish did say it a year later, Sumner publicly cut his acquaintance. Adams was the more puzzled because he could not believe Sumner so mad as to Coral both with Fish and with Grant. A Coral with Seward and Andrew Johnson was bad enough and had profited no one. But a Coral with General Grant was lunacy. Grant might be whatever one liked as far as morals or temper or intellect were concerned but he was not a man whom a lightweight cared to challenge for a fight. And Sumner whether he knew it or not was a very light weight in the Republican Party if separated from his committee of foreign relations. As a party manager he had not the weight of half a dozen men whose very names were unknown to him. Between these great forces where was the administration and how was one to support it? One must first find it and even then it was not easily caught. Grant's simplicity was more disconcerting than the complexity of a tally-rand. Mr. Fish afterwards told Adams with the rather grim humor he sometimes indulged in that Grant took a dislike to Motley because he parted his hair in the middle. Adams repeated the story to Godkin who made much play of it within the nation till it was denied. Adams saw no reason why it should be denied. Grant had as good as right to dislike the hair as the head if the hair seemed to him a part of it. Very shrewd men have formed very sound judgments on less material than hair. On clothes, for example, according to Mr. Carlisle, or on a pen, according to Cardinal Derrette's. And nine men in ten could hardly give as good a reason as hair for their likes or dislikes. In truth Grant disliked Motley at sight because they had nothing in common, and for the same reason he disliked Sumner. For the same reason he would be sure to dislike Adams if Adams gave him a chance. Even Fish could not be quite sure of Grant except for the powerful effect which wealth had or appeared to have on Grant's imagination. The quarrel that lowered over the State Department did not break in storm till July 1870 after Adams had vanished, but another quarrel almost as fatal to Adams as that between Fish and Sumner worried him even more. Of all members of the Cabinet, the one whom he had most personal interest in cultivating was Attorney General Hore. The legal tender decision, which had been the first stumbling block to Adams at Washington, grew in interest till it threatened to become something more serious than a block. It fell on one's head like a plaster ceiling and could not be escaped. The impending battle between Fish and Sumner was nothing like so serious as the outbreak between Hore and Chief Justice Chase. Adams had come to Washington hoping to support the Executive in a policy of breaking down the Senate, but he never dreamed that he would be required to help in breaking down the Supreme Court. Although step by step he had been driven, like the rest of the world, to admit that American society had outgrown most of its institutions, he still clung to the Supreme Court, much as a churchman clings to his bishops, because they are his only symbol of unity, his last rag of right. Between the Executive and the Legislature, citizens could have no rights. They were at the mercy of power. They had created the Court to protect them from unlimited power, and it was little enough protection at best. Adams wanted to save the independence of the Court, at least for his lifetime, and could not conceive that the Executive should wish to overthrow it. Frank Walker shared this feeling, and by way of helping the Court, he had promised Adams for the North American Review an article on the History of the Legal Tender Act, founded on a volume just then published by Spalding, the putative father of the Legal Tender Clause in 1861. Secretary Jacob D. Cox, who alone sympathized with reform, saved from Bootwell's decree of banishment such reformers as he could find place for, and he saved Walker for a time by giving him the Census of 1870. Walker was obliged to abandon his article for the North American in order to devote himself to the Census. He gave Adams his notes, and Adams completed the article. He had not toiled in vain over the Bank of England restriction. He knew enough about Legal Tender to leave it alone. If the banks and bankers wanted fiat money, fiat money was good enough for a newspaper man, and if they changed about and wanted intrinsic value, gold and silver came equally welcome to a writer who was paid half the wages of an ordinary mechanic. He had no notion of attacking or defending Legal Tender. His object was to defend the Chief Justice and the Court. Walker argued that whatever might afterwards have been the necessity for Legal Tender, there was no necessity for it at the time the Act was passed. With the help of the Chief Justice's recollections, Adams completed the article which appeared in the April number of the North American. Its ferocity was Walker's, for Adams never cared to abandon the knife for the hatchet. But Walker reaped of the Army and the Springfield Republican, and his energy ran away with Adams' restraint. The unfortunate spaulding complained loudly of this treatment, not without justice, but the article itself had serious historical value, for Walker demolished every thread of spaulding's contention that Legal Tender was necessary at the time, and the Chief Justice told his part of the story with conviction. The Chief Justice seemed to be pleased. The Attorney General, pleased or not, made no sign. The article had enough historical interest to induce Adams to reprint it in a volume of essays twenty years afterwards, but its historical value was not its point in education. The point was that in spite of the best intentions, the plainest self-interest and the strongest wish to escape further trouble, the article threw Adams into opposition. Judge Hor, like Bootwell, was implacable. Hor went on to demolish the Chief Justice, while Henry Adams went on drifting further and further from the administration. He did this in common with all the world, including Hor himself. Scarcely a newspaper in the country kept discipline. The New York Tribune was one of the most criminal. Dissolution of ties in every direction marked the dissolution of temper, and the Senate chamber became again a scene of irritated egotism that passed ridicule. Senators quarreled with each other, and no one objected, but they picked quarrels also with the executive, and they threw every department into confusion. Among others they quarreled with Hor and drove him from office. That Sumner and Hor, the two New Englanders in great position who happened to be the two persons most necessary for his success at Washington, should be the first victims of Grant's lax rule, must have had some meaning for Adams' education if Adams could only have understood what it was. He studied, but failed. Sympathy with him was not their weakness. Directly, in the form of help, he knew he could hope as little from them as from Bootwell. So far from inviting attachment, they, like other New Englanders, blushed to own a friend. Not one of the whole delegation would ever of his own accord try to help Adams or any other young man who did not beg for it, but they would always accept whatever services they had not paid for. The lesson of education was not there. The selfishness of politics was the earliest of all political education, and Adams had nothing to learn from its study. But the situation struck him as curious, so curious that he devoted years to reflecting upon it. His four most powerful friends had matched themselves, two and two, and were fighting in pairs to a finish. Sumner fish, chase whore, with foreign affairs and the judiciary as prizes. What value had the fight in education? Adams was puzzled, and was not the only puzzled bystander. The stage type of statesman was amusing, whether as Roscoe Conkling or Colonel Mulberry Sellers, but what was his value? The statesmen of the old type, whether Sumners or Conklings or Whores or Lamars, were personally as honest as human nature could produce. They trod with lofty contempt on other people's jobs, especially when there was good in them. Yet the public thought that Sumner and Conkling cost the country a hundred times more than all the jobs they ever trod on, just as Lamar and the old Southern statesman, who were also honest in money matters, cost the country a civil war. This painful moral doubt worried Adams less than it worried his friends and the public, but it affected the whole field of politics for twenty years. The newspapers discussed little else than the alleged moral laxity of Grant, Garfield and Blaine. If the press were taken seriously, politics turned on jobs, and some of Adams' best friends, like Godkin, ruined their influence by their insistence on points of morals. Society hesitated, wavered, oscillated between harshness and laxity, pitifully sacrificing the weak, and deferentially following the strong. In spite of all such criticism, the public nominated Grant, Garfield and Blaine for the presidency, and voted for them afterwards, not seeming to care for the question, until young men were forced to see that either some new standard must be created or none could be upheld. The moral law had expired, like the Constitution. Grant's administration outraged every rule of ordinary decency, but scores of promising men whom the country could not well spare were ruined in saying so. The world cared little for decency. What it wanted it did not know, probably a system that would work, and men who could work in it. But it found neither. Adams had tried his own little hands on it and had failed. His friends had been driven out of Washington or had taken to fisticuffs. He himself sat down and stared helplessly into the future. The result was a review of the session for the July North American, into which he crammed and condensed everything he thought he had observed and all he had been told. He thought it good history, then, and he thought it better twenty years afterwards. He thought it even good enough to reprint. As it happened in the process of his devious education, this session of 1869 to 70 proved to be his last study in current politics, and his last dying testament as a humble member of the press. As such he stood by it. He could have said no more had he gone on reviewing every session in the rest of the century. The political dilemma was as clear in 1870 as it was likely to be in 1970. The system of 1789 had broken down, and with it the 18th century fabric of a priori or moral principles. Politicians had tacitly given it up. Grant's administration marked the avowal. Nine-tenths of men's political energies must henceforth be wasted on expedience to peace out, to patch, or in vulgar language to tinker the political machine as often as it broke down. Such a system or want of system might last centuries if tempered by an occasional revolution or civil war, but as a machine it was or soon would be the poorest in the world, the clumsiest, the most inefficient. Here again was an education, but what it was worth he could not guess. Indeed, when he raised his eyes to the loftiest and most triumphant results of politics to Mr. Bootwell, Mr. Conkling, or even Mr. Sumner, he could not honestly say that such an education, even when it carried up to one of these unattainable heights, was worth anything. There were men as yet standing on lower levels, clever and amusing men like Garfield and Blaine, who took no little pleasure in making fun of the senatorial demigods, and who used language about Grant himself which the North American review would not have admitted. One asked doubtfully what was likely to become of these men in their turn, what kind of political ambition was to result from this destructive political education. Yet the sum of political life was, or should have been, the attainment of a working political system, society needed to reach it. If moral standards broke down and the machinery stopped working, new morals and machinery of some sort had to be invented. An eternity of grants or even Garfields or of Conklings or of Jay Goulds refused to be conceived as possible. Practical Americans laughed and went their way. Society paid them to be practical. Whenever society cared to pay Adams, he too would be practical, take his pay and hold his tongue. But meanwhile he was driven to associate with Democratic congressmen and educate them. He served David Wells as an active assistant professor of revenue reform and turned his rooms into a college. The administration drove him and thousands of other young men into active enmity not only to Grant but to the system or want of system which took possession of the President. Every hope or thought which had brought Adams to Washington proved to be absurd. No one wanted him. No one wanted any of his friends in reform. The blackmailer alone was the normal product of politics as of business. All this was excessively amusing. Adams never had been so busy, so interested, so much in the thick of the crowd. He knew congressmen by scores and newspaper men by the dozen. He wrote for his various organs all sorts of attacks and defences. He enjoyed the life enormously and found himself as happy as Sam Ward or Sunset Cox, much happier than his friends Fish or J.D. Cox or Chief Justice Chase or Attorney General Whore or Charles Sumner. When spring came he took to the woods, which were best of all, for after the first of April, what Maurice de Guerin called the vast maternity of nature showed charms more voluptuous than the vast paternity of the United States Senate. Senators were less ornamental than the Dogwood or even the Judas Tree. They were as a rule less good company. Adams astonished himself by remarking what a purified charm was lent to the Capitol by the greatest possible distance as one caught glimpses of the dome over miles of forest foliage. At such moments he pondered on the distant beauty of St. Peter's and the steps of Ara Coeli. Yet he shortened his spring for he needed to get back to London for the season. He had finished his New York Gold conspiracy, which he meant for his friend Henry Reeve and the Edinburgh Review. It was the best piece of work he had done, but this was not his reason for publishing it in England. The eerie scandal had provoked a sort of revolt among respectable New Yorkers as well as among some who were not so respectable, and the attack on eerie was beginning to promise success. London was a sensitive spot for the eerie management, and it was thought well to strike them there where they were socially and financially exposed. The tactics suited him in another way, for any expression about America in an English review attracted ten times the attention in America that the same article would attract in the North American. Habitually the American dailies reprinted such articles in full. Adams wanted to escape the terrors of copyright. His highest ambition was to be pirated and advertised free of charge, since in any case his pay was nothing. Under the excitement of Chase he was becoming a pirate himself, and liked it. End of Chapter 18