 Good morning and welcome to CSS. I'm John Ultraman. I'm the Senior Vice President of the Brzezinski Chair in Global Security and Geo-Strategy and most importantly the Director of the Middle East Program. It is my pleasure to welcome back the Algerian Foreign Minister Rampana Mamada. He was here a little while ago and as we were walking up the stairs I said well I thought that before you came back you would fix a lot of things but his jobs only got harder. It is good that he's there because I don't know of very many Middle Eastern government officials who have the depth and breadth of experience that he brings to this. He's been the Foreign Minister of Algeria since 2013. Prior to that he was the African Union's Commissioner for Peace and Security from 2008 to 2013 during some of the time of his disturbances in Libya. Prior to taking up his position at the African Union Mr. Mamada serves as Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, represented Algeria as the ambassador to the United States, was the permanent representative to the United Nations and before that was chairman of the Board of Governors of the International Atomic Energy Agency. So of all the things going on all the things that keep us awake at night about the Middle East, he is one of the world's premier experts on all of them and he also represents his country. He does so ably. He's here for the strategic dialogue which he had yesterday with Secretary Kerry. He'll give some opening comments and then we'll open up the floor to discussion and I'm pleased to welcome back his Excellency Ramamana. Thank you very much. Thank you. Good morning ladies and gentlemen, ambassadors, dear friends. Actually when I was informed that I was invited to come back to this place I was wondering whether I made so many promises last time back in September that you wanted me to be accountable for what has been done and what is left aside and what kind of support I was in need of so that I could deliver on some of those promises. Well you are right to say that many things have been developing in the area from which I come and today as I did last time I wanted to tell you that Algeria, my country, is definitely confirming its action as a peace and security producing and exporting country. So not only we produce it for ourselves but we share it with others and I believe that to begin with I need to say even if I were to pass very quickly on some of these important elements that Algeria is perhaps the only country in our part of the world which has defeated terrorism. We have been fighting terrorism alone at a time when in so many places in the world including in this beautiful city where as you said I was representing my country the talk was essentially about political violence and I had so many times to protest that way of portraying the situation in my country. It was terrorism but many people were comfortable with other other options and I think at that time this kind of coverage, media coverage did not help to clarify issues in so much as the potential danger of extremism and nihilistic project that the Islamist movements were carrying represented to all of us. Anyway the Algerian response to terrorism and that explains why Algeria was successful was a holistic one. It was composed obviously of military and security components and I believe that Algeria has proven that it could in a very short period of time build a doctrine, equip armed forces and police security forces in such a way that it would coordinate very closely with the people, with the patriots, there are groups of volunteers in the fight against terrorism called patriots and I believe that the people's contribution to the fight of terrorism was of paramount importance. I can mention women leading demonstrations in the street of the country. I mentioned youth refusing to accept the nihilistic ideology of the terrorist groups but I can also mention the role that the government, local communities have been actively playing to address the root causes of some of the frustrations, some of the hard feelings that would lead or encourage marginalized youth to resort to violence as a way for them to reject the difficult conditions under which they were, some of them were living. At the same time there was a political component to this global response of Algeria to terrorism and it has been symbolized by a number of laws which were passed in the country. There was a law called the Rahma that is some sort of a pardon, nation's pardon to the people who were taking weapons against the country then followed by the very forward-looking and all-encompassing policies adopted by President Bouteflika that was a law on civil concord followed by a national reconciliation law and code and I believe that this has helped tremendously to win over terrorism and to isolate the pockets of die-hard elements within the groups and those are the ones who eventually under heavy pressure from the security forces had to go outside of the country and to play a leading role in groups such as Akim and perhaps to a much smaller extent some of the groups in the Middle East. Algeria at the same time has been instrumental in encouraging a regional and global counter-terrorism strategy. We have been able to sensitize the entire world to the dangers of terrorism and we have been able to build with our fellow African countries, with the Arab countries also a number of instruments, legal instruments but also putting in place institutions such as the African Center in Algiers which follows very closely terrorism throughout the continent and obviously Algeria was one of the founding members of the Global Forum Against Terrorism which in which we work very actively with the US and other countries. So the Algeria's counter-terrorism strategy had a very deep and positive impact on a number of areas. First, you can see looking through the papers and the statistics which are being released that Algeria has at least a very small number of its citizens engaged in role within Daesh. I compared with our neighboring countries which are smaller in size or in the population. Algeria has only few dozens, few dozens and I believe that this is because of the ordeal that the Algerians have built through and I think they have been immune in a way to this suicidal adventure outside of the national borders. I believe that that is something very important and obviously, though Algeria is not giving its own situation as an example for others but we remain very committed to struggling against terrorism and we have opened our schools, our military training institutions, our security services, sharing information and analysis with others in order to avoid the repetition of all the tragedies that we have been through as a country. And quite naturally, as I said, as a country which produces peace and security for itself and exports it and shares it with others, we have been focusing on the Sahara region because we believe that the security in the northern African region, especially as far as Algeria is concerned, Algeria which is deeply Sahara in country when you look at the borders that Algeria shares with Mali and Niger, Algeria is directly involved in the Sahara dynamics. So Algeria has been playing a role both within the African Union as you said and also bilaterally with each one of the countries in the region and with the consequences and implications of the Libyan crisis in mind in terms of weapons and in terms of terrorists moving back and forth from this northern Mali region to the Libyan territory. I think Algeria has been in a position to not only assist the governments in strengthening their own security institutions to take responsibility for themselves within their borders in fighting terrorism but Algeria also has explained and convinced I think a number of governments that addressing some of the legitimate concerns of the people in those regions would help tremendously in isolating terrorist groups while restoring peace, stability and security for the benefit of a normal life to the people in those countries. So I believe that once you are faced with this kind of murky situation that once existed in northern Mali with terrorist groups and Malian political military groups defeating the army and excluding the institutions of the government from any physical presence on two-thirds of the Malian territory it has become a direct threat to our own national security as well as to the security of other nations in the region. So Algeria has worked very discreetly and I believe efficiently in offering a way out through negotiated settlement that would address some of the legitimate grievances and claims of the population in the northern part of Mali while at the same time distancing themselves from the terrorist groups and make it easier for the international community to mobilize in order to fight and defeat terrorism. Let me say here that what we have put in place in terms of negotiation process for northern Mali was a quite creative and efficient mechanism. Not only we managed to have all those countries and organizations that have the potential of contributing efficiently to the success of this mediation, we have managed to put them together. Some of them did have a UN mandate, others had a regional organization mandate, but all of them accepted to work with Algeria in a mediation team led by Algeria in order to make sure that there will be no possibility open to the groups or the movements to practice the usual forum shopping exercise by going here and there in order to divide the international community and to pick and choose among the mediators the ones that are likely to be more inclined to support or to be comprehensive or to understand their claims. So we managed to have all a fair representation of the international community in the mediation team. At the same time with the exception of the terrorist groups which are well known in northern Mali we managed to have all the political military groups taking part in the discussions and negotiations in Algiers. We also decided that until such a time when a democratic exercise will decide who is genuinely representative of the people in the region you should also invite the civil society, invite the tribes and the communities to come and speak and share with us their views on the future of the region. I think we have done so and within eight months we have been able to produce a draft agreement and to have it accepted by most of the participants and they believe there will be good news in the near future as far as those who have not yet signed they will be doing that in the foreseeable future. So this is something that is really a game changer as far as the situation in the Sahel region is concerned because not only it shows that we can resolve peacefully one of the most complex crises in the region that has been there for the last 50 years. By the way, this is not a recent phenomena but it has taken some shape and some dimensions that it had never had in the past precisely because of the criminal economy that was built in the northern part of the Republic of Mali. So I believe that this success I was reporting in September that we were deeply engaged in this so today I'm glad to report that the endeavor, the collective endeavor has been successful. As far as the Libyan crisis is concerned, first back in September I came before you here and say Libyan stakeholders have invited Algeria to offer its good offices in terms of facilitating an inclusive dialogue that would need to national reconciliation and to democratically elected institutions. I think we have done so. We have done so very efficiently again and very discreetly. We have been able to meet in Algeria, to invite and meet with more than 200 important figures of the Libyan society from all walks of life, people who came to Algeria to tell us about their dreams, their expectations, their hope, but also their conditions for national reconciliation and for a dialogue. At the same time, we have offered all the knowledge that we acquired, all the resources that we could mobilize to the UN-led operation under our good friend Bernardino Leod telling them we are not here to compete, rather we have to complement each other, we have to support each other and we have to move as fast as we could to better serve the Libyan brothers and sisters in resolving their differences and in moving forward around an agenda of peace and reconciliation. So Algeria's interactions with all the Libyan personalities, parties, groups, influential figures, I believe has helped to nurture the culture of peace and to launch a debate throughout Libya about the possibility of a different course for them to master their destiny. And I believe that many Libyans come to realize through this kind of dialogue, through also the example that Algeria has given about its own recent history, about all the contributions that Algeria has made to bring together different Palestinian factions also at a time when it was a precondition for them to be accepted as a key actor in a peace process. I believe that all has contributed. I should add here that basically Libyans and Algerians are the same people. We speak the same language, we have the same culture and for those who don't know it, we used to have an Algerian king in Libya. So I believe that we are uniquely qualified to assist. I'm not saying to make miracles but to assist the Libyans to overcome the difficult situation that they are in right now. So I believe that the Libyans, many Libyans, at least the ones who have been talking to us, come to realize that it's now time for each one of them to be part of the solution. I think for quite some time many Libyans thought that they had rights following the celebration of the collapse of the previous regime, but they didn't feel the emergency of building a new system of government so they would genuinely honor the reasons for which so many Libyans have given their lives, and that is to get rid once and for all of dictatorship and to look to the future in terms of one nation and the God, sharing aspirations, sharing hopes and also having the same future to build together. So I believe that Algeria's close, effective and very open cooperation with the United Nations, as well as with a number of key players is helpful, which is making a difference in so many aspects. We have had a pattern that the UN has developed in terms of bringing together a number of important groups of people in many places in North Africa and even in Europe, so we are contributing to that. We don't think that it's up to us to tell Bernardino Leon how to proceed. He has enough experience and wisdom to take advantage of all these pieces which are being built here and there so that ultimately he could offer a package that would genuinely respond to the needs of the Libya solution, a genuine one that would put back the country on track. Algeria's guiding principles in peacemaking, I believe that you have all heard that we strongly believe that there can be no military solutions in these kind of situations and on top of that, more importantly perhaps, no foreign military intervention. We believe that it's a factor that is complicating the issues and not helping to clarify and to make it easier for the people to sit together and to reach acceptable solutions to their differences. We believe that peaceful settlement of all disputes should be pursued as the only way forward under all these circumstances. We believe also that there is a need to address comprehensively the root causes of crisis and conflicts. The inclusiveness, obviously, you don't need to select with whom you talk as long as the people belong to the same country. Clearly, this excludes terrorist groups who themselves, I think, exclude themselves by virtue of not believing in any civilized way of resolving problems. And we believe also that as much as possible, we need to work as a team. We need unified efforts, harmonized efforts at mediating situations, conflictual situations within a coordinated strategy, mediation strategy, and we think that regional organizations, international organizations, by regional, I mean first of all and first and foremost in the case of Libya, the immediate neighboring countries which have established a grouping, then of course with the support of the Arab League and the African Union and obviously the UN having an overall mandate is leading the entire effort. So teamwork, mediation teams, this is key for a successful work and outcome. This is what made Algeria, as you know, built a well-established tradition in peacemaking. I think the recently concluded Lausanne framework agreement in the case of the nuclear program of Iran is a reminder of the tremendous effort developed by Algeria long ago when we had to undertake a similar effort in order to gain the release of the 52 American diplomats held hostage in the U.S. Embassy in Tehran. They were held hostage for not less than 444 days. And I believe that the kind of arrangements or intellectual effort and creativity that was needed in Lausanne really is a good reminder of what our predecessors in Algeria have been through in order to finalize this kind of agreement and to make such a very significant contribution to peace and stability in the region. And I certainly do hope that the agreement which was concluded would lead to similar peace and stability outcomes for the region and for the entire world. Similarly, I need to remind you perhaps that the two-state solution in the Middle East that many people are talking about and taking it for granted, although unfortunately it is not yet being implemented, it was also born in Algiers when on the 15th of November 1988 at a special meeting of the National Palestinian Congress, the late President Yesra Arafat accepted Resolution 242 of the U.N. Security Council and announced the establishment of the Palestinian state, which was immediately recognized, fully recognized by Algeria. Since then the whole U.N. doctrine and the whole world diplomacy as far as the search for peace in the Middle East is concerned, were intimately linked to this major breakthrough which Arafat had led in Algiers on the 15th of November 1988. Closer to our borders on the Western Sahara and as you know, not less than 200,000 refugees from Western Sahara live on the Algerian territory for the last 40 years or so. Algeria has always been advocating a peaceful solution. We have always been for a referendum that would genuinely help us to find out what it is that the Saharawi people want for themselves as a future. And this is consistent with the International Court of Justice ruling which 40 years ago stated that the respective of a number of arguments which were put before it, the solution to the Western Sahara conflict should be through self-determination, a referendum for self-determination. So we stand by it and we are fully supportive of the United Nations, of Christopher Rose, our good friend, the special, the personal representative of the Secretary General. We believe at the same time that the international community has to realize that time has come to handle the Western Sahara issue in a more proactive way because the kind of business as usual approach that has been taken in dealing with this issue has had a very negative impact. Not only on the faith of the people themselves, their human rights being violated, being refugees outside their territory, but also as far as the region is concerned there is no regional integration moving forward and the overall climate in the region is not what some very objective factors should have made it to be. So time has come indeed to move forward and as far as Algeria is concerned our position on the Western Sahara issue is totally consistent with the UN doctrine on decolonization. Other contributions by Algeria very soon in New York, the ninth session of the nonproliferation of nuclear weapons conference will take place. It will be chaired by an Algerian young lady, Ambassador Taouz Faroukh, who is one of our most distinguished diplomats. And I believe that this shows how the Algerian, Algeria exporting peace stability in its region, also Algeria contributing to the global peace and security. Climate change here again, major issue for our lives, major issue for this particular year as we are preparing for a major summit to take place in December in Paris. Two very instrumental, very important diplomats are in charge of the negotiating process. Ambassador Daniel Rivesnader from the U.S. and Ambassador Ahmed Joghulaf from Algeria. And this I believe is something that shows also how deep, how action oriented the Algeria-U.S. partnership is and how I think promising it is in terms of outcome not only for our own bilateral relations but more importantly perhaps for the peace security and major challenging issues on the world community being resolved. So with that I think time has come for me to stop and to give the floor to the participants if they believe that there are issues on which I should be responding to questions. Thank you. Mr. Minister, thank you very much for that. If you'd like to say you've done enough work. But we're still going to ask you questions if we may. Thank you for that very thoughtful and broad ranging discussion. I'd like to open it up to questions and I'd like to ask everybody to identify yourself to only ask one question until we've had a chance to go around and to do me a favor, my pet peeve is people who make statements and their questions. So what do you think of my statement? So if you'd actually ask the minister, he's a wise man, we could ask him genuine questions. I would be grateful. Let me try to model that by starting off. I'm John Alter and I run the Middle East program here and the US-Algerian relationship has become much more of a partnership as I think you described partly due to your work and the work of Joan and others. And in the spirit not of coming to somebody's capital and telling them how to do their job, but in the spirit of a partner, as you look at American foreign policy, whenever I travel in the Arab world I hear complaint after complaint after complaint. Often from your colleagues as ministers about what the US should be doing, what the US shouldn't be doing. As a friend, what would you advise the US to put more emphasis on than it currently does? And what do you think the US is focusing too much on that's distracting it from its important priorities? That's not an easy one and certainly discussions of that nature between France requires some degree of discretion and confidentiality. So I think I'm privileged to enjoy a good personal relation with Secretary Kerry and with a number of key officials in the administration. And I believe that they kindly encourage me to tell them what we think and they know us. I believe Algerians tend to be very end diplomatic with their friends. So the US being good friends, we are very end diplomatic in our interactions with the US. Of course we want them to do things that correspond to our own priorities obviously, but we understand also that the major superpower has also responsibilities, global responsibilities. And we acknowledge that it's quite a headache for any human being to balance all the conflicting commitments and engagements that they have. So I had the chance to congratulate John Kerry for his personal involvement in the Middle East process. I think it's worthwhile doing what we have done. It's important. It's major international crisis and we cannot afford to leave it unattended. And I believe that he has done what he needed to do and that the ball is in the camp that everybody knows. Do we have microphones? Here it's coming. Here we go. Bill Lawrence from CSID. I wanted to press you a little bit more on Libya. Algeria's position like Tunisia's has been admirably neutral unlike a lot of other states in the region. But one of the reasons Libya failed is because after the NATO intervention there wasn't much help on the ground. And Libyans proved unable to stabilize the situation despite political agreements. So I'm wondering in the post discussion Libya whether you think some foreign involvement simply to help stabilize Libya to sort of keep them from their worst demons is needed this time as it wasn't done last time? Well, I would choose in partial to describe the position of Algeria rather than neutral. I believe you cannot be neutral when such a tragedy develops at your borders when it is a brotherly people which is involved in it. And I believe that your own people, Algerian people themselves want us to be helpful. Helpful in any way we could within the framework of our own doctrine and the framework of our own principle of non-interfering in domestic affairs of countries. But let's be very candid about it. Non-interference does not mean indifference. We cannot be indifferent to the faith of the Libyan people. And even if we were to be neutral as you say and to look elsewhere, soon we will be reminded that we shared a lot of things with them including security. And therefore we'll have to be actively engaged in trying to change the situation for the better. Now, some kind of foreign involvement, of course, this reminds us of military intervention which I said has the potential to make things worse instead of resolving them. But when you say foreign involvement in terms of cooperation, Libya is a rich country and it needs post-conflict reconstruction and development effort. So, yes, we do need to help Libya and we'll do it according to the wishes of the Libyans themselves. But now it's their own responsibility to come out with an agreed package that would put together all these components, be they political, security, developmental, so that all of us could find our niche and try to have our value added in terms of helping the Libyans to once and for all get out of this tragic situation. Sir, right there, sir. Thank you. Mungid Dawadi from the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy. It's a pleasure meeting you, Mr. My question is about Tunisia. Tunisia shares with you a huge border. So, I would like to hear your impression about what is happening in Tunisia and especially what can Algeria do, whether in terms of advice or security, or even advice on the political arena of how to deal with balancing the needs of respecting human rights and advancing democracy, and also addressing the security situation that's very serious right now in Tunisia. Well, here again, I think the key word is non-interference in domestic affairs, but non-indifference at the same time. So, Algeria has been very instrumental, I believe, in helping Tunisia to succeed in leading a peaceful and inclusive transition. Both the current president is Excellency Mr. Bajikai Tsebsi, and the key player, Sheikh Raja Ghannoushi, used to travel frequently to Algiers during the interim period to sit with President Bouteflika and to seek his advice about the situation. And they believe that they do so not in terms of two neighboring countries consulting through diplomatic channels or through the ministers of affairs, but as friends who have been fighting together for the independence of our region, fighting together to give some better prospects of life for the people of the North African region, the Ma'arab region. So the role of Algeria has been key, I believe, in helping, in assisting. And then security-wise, Algeria shares everything with Tunisia, except boots on the ground. Except this, Algeria contributes by all means to strengthening or to the implementation of our joint strategy for border security, as well as exchange of intelligence, exchange of information, training, equipment, whatever you name it. So it's not, and by doing so, I think it's our duty to do so, but it's also a way to protect ourselves, to protect the region, and to assist in defeating terrorism. Now the Tunisian experience is a very important one. I think the way the transition was successfully completed is very exemplary, and I believe that it opens very bright horizons for the sisterly Tunisia. And we need, we do need in the current situation in the Arab and Muslim world, we need some success stories, and Tunisia is definitely one, and we are happy that we have it at our doors. Thank you. Hi, Malka from CSIS. Mr. Minister, you're here for the strategic dialogue, and as both you and John noted, the U.S.-Algeria bilateral relationship has deepened significantly over the last few years. Can you tell us what are the most important aspects of U.S.-Algerian cooperation now in the region, and what are some of the areas that you'd like to see improvement on, and maybe a deepening of cooperation between the U.S. and Algeria? Thank you. Well, I believe the role of the governments, I mean, we live in a market economy now, so the role of the government is really to make it possible for business communities to sit together, to develop a vision of the future, and to cooperate in creating prosperity for both sides. So the tradition was that the U.S. was heavily involved in the energy sector. I think the U.S. is still very much involved in the energy sector, but this partnership is now expanding to other areas of business. We definitely know that agriculture, agro-business is a very important dimension, and that the U.S. has developed a very rich experience in this, and we have all to learn from the U.S. experience and to work together. But even tourism industry, tourism for the first time, has become one of the priorities of the five-year developmental plan of Algeria tourism. The U.S. definitely is leading a touristic country, so we need to work with the U.S. on this. All what relates to the services as well. I believe that the banking, insurance, and so many other things are also open to the cooperation with the U.S. We want to open up our economy, to diversify our economy, to modernize the economy. It is indeed undertaking a very important transformation, and we want all our partners to come and to assist in any way that they can. So I believe that we look much farther than Europe. We believe to a region which hopefully will be integrated. It has a huge potential, but we believe that North Africa, for that matter, cannot be considered as a region that should limit its horizons to one particular partner in the world. So the sky is the limit if you want me to summarize my thinking about this. All the way in the back. Yeah, on the right-hand side. Thank you very much. The complexities of relations between Algeria and France are well known. Now you have this strategic dialogue with the United States. Could you talk a little bit about the challenge of navigating the relationship between the French and the Americans, not just in terms of their relations with Algeria, but also in terms of the interests that they have throughout the African continent? Thank you. Well, thank you, Abdrahim. Don't you think that it's easier to navigate today between France and U.S. than in the past between Soviet Union and NATO? So we learned the hard way within non-aligned movement. So don't worry about us. I think we'll manage. We'll manage. As a matter of fact, we have excellent relations with both. And we meet frequently in the same way with Laurent Fabius. We have developed a very active strategy. The French is very much interested and involved now in rebuilding the industrial basis of the country. We work very much with them. And the security area, I think we also work very closely with the French and with the Americans for that matter on the Sahel region issues and a number of issues relating to fighting terrorism. I believe that our Algeria's relation with France is mature enough to develop in harmony or in competition with other partnerships that are consistent with the interests of Algeria. As you know, being from the region, you know how much Algerians are attached to the independence of the country. And therefore there is no worry to have about that. Thank you, Mr. Minister. It's a pleasure to have you here again. My name is Marisa Lino and I work for Northrop Grumman. My understanding is that the accord with Iran, that the P5 plus one has arrived at, the version that was published, it's a framework for an agreement. The version that was published in the U.S. and the version that was published in Farsi have some significant differences. Mostly, as I understand it, I'm not a Farsi speaker, leaving out some of the details that are in the English version in Farsi. My question, based not only on your current position, but also your experience at IAEA, how difficult do you see the path forward to a final agreement that will have to be identical in both versions? What are the obstacles ahead for a workable, enforceable agreement with Iran? You see, usually negotiators say that the devil is in the details. So obviously, not being a negotiator myself, I would not venture to discuss the nitty-gritty of the situation. But it's always the same way. You look at the glass and either you see it half full or half empty. For us, what happened is really a very significant way forward. We applaud all the negotiators. We have done a magnificent work. We think that this is exemplary. You need to resolve peacefully all these very complex and difficult issues. I was telling you that my colleague, Ambassador Faroukhe, will be chairing the NPT review conference. We certainly hope that this agreement, framework agreement, of course, a lot of work will have to be done so that by the end of June an agreement can be signed. But we hope that at the conference in New York a few weeks from now, this agreement will give an impetus to the effort of the international community aiming at reaching some kind of processes, active processes for nuclear disarmament based on what has been already done, some also active endeavors in terms of strengthening nonproliferation of nuclear weapons and give more room to the peaceful uses of nuclear energy for development. So I think the word community is now incapacitated to look at the future with a renewed vision that yet it is possible in these very difficult situations to reach agreements that would preserve the basic objective of countering proliferation, making sure that there will be no proliferation of nuclear weapons or indeed as no proliferation of all weapons of mass destruction. We certainly hope also that this will help to launch very seriously our effort aiming at making of the Middle East a nuclear weapon free zone. So let's hope that many, many possibilities would be linked to the successful outcomes of the laws and negotiations. All the way back Stanley Roth. Stanley Roth, the Boeing company. In your remarks, Mr. Minister, you gave great emphasis to Algeria's role in counterterrorism, anti-terrorism, and you gave equal emphasis to non-interference, particularly not supporting military intervention. Isn't there ultimately a tension between these two positions? Couldn't you make the case that the bad guys are intervening militarily in supporting the terrorism in places whether it's Yemen or the battle against ISIS, that there is a need for a military component and that your country could make a contribution to it as part of its overall commitment to the counterterrorism campaign globally? Well, as I said, we do have our doctrine and we stick to it. At the same time, fighting terrorism implies a number of actions that need to be simultaneously taken. So the military component as important as it is is taking care of one way or the other and we believe that our qualitative contribution is in different nature. For instance, promoting deradicalization. We do have our own experience and in terms of preventive measure at large scale preventive measure, developing a worldwide program on deradicalization and having genuinely committed clerics, intellectuals to work indeed in a very coordinated manner on deradicalization to us is a contribution of very significant scope and outcomes. So I believe that we are one international community and there can be some division of labor. The good thing remains that we are, I think there is a very strong consensus of the international community on what needs to be done to defeat terrorism. There are some areas that need also to be further developed. We are fearful that Islamophobia throughout the world helps extremism instead of containing it. So therefore we would call on our partners in the north to help us on this particular one. I believe it's extremely important that within the dialogue between civilizations, religions, cultures that we succeed to develop an approach that would be fully respectful of the beliefs, the faiths of everybody. Back there, yes ma'am. The woman right there, there you go. Hi, Amanda Cadillac Rand. I was wondering if you could, I'm sorry, if you could speak about, a lot of people are talking about Libya's security situation deteriorates about the possibility of a UN force, like a peacekeeping force. Is there some sort of middle ground, I know you spoke before about how there's, I don't think that a military solution is the way to go, but then again is there something in the middle between acting as a negotiator on Algeria's part and actually becoming part of some sort of peacekeeping mission either through the Arab League or through the UN? Well again, what relates to the reform of the defense and security sector in Libya and some sort of international involvement in rebuilding the national armed forces and security forces of Libya as a key component of a package would necessarily be there and would necessarily call for a broad international cooperation and assistance. Our point is that these things should be integrated in this overall vision of the solution, the political package for Libya. I'm not here to make comments about the positions, different positions, conflicting positions between different Libyan parties, but I believe that the comprehensive approach is best because I cannot see how someone will relinquish a position or surrender a weapon if that person is not convinced that there is a future or an organized future within appropriate political setting. So there is a need for a comprehensive approach, there is a need for people to clearly know that what is required on their part involves also an equal engagement from another party and this is where the compromise is possible and they believe and it is this dynamic that Bernardino Leone assisted by all of us is trying to achieve. Mr. Minister, we are out of time but not out of issues and I think what that means is you have to promise to come back. Mr. Ambassador, Madam Ambassador, do you want me to come back? Good. The American government has spoken. Thank you very much for coming. Thank you very much to the Minister for his talk. We look forward to seeing you all again.