 Well, hello everyone, good to see you online. So it's my pleasure to introduce our speaker for today, Mathalia Pablo. Mathalia is a post-doctoral researcher at the University of Cyprus, and she did her PhD at the University of Chicago in the States, where we looked at the multiple syntax of Cypriot, Cypriot Greek, but Mathalia also works on the endangered Arabic variety of northern Cyprus, and that is what we're going to be hearing about today. So thank you very much, Nathalia. Thank you. Thank you for having me. So I'm here to talk to you about my research as a post-doctoral researcher at the University of Cyprus. This is research on SANA, the name of the language of the Arabic dialect variety that was given to the Cyprus Arabic by the speakers themselves. So also known more officially as Cypriot Maramite Arabic. Okay. So here's an outline of my talk. I'm going to start by giving you a brief background for the community and for the SANA language as well. And then I'll talk to you about some experiments that I've been doing to respect to vocabulary, my apologies for language. And then I will talk about more research and language attitudes in the community and then some concluding remarks about future thoughts and future objectives. Okay, so the SANA is working on the island of Cyprus. This is a three-year-old community in Cyprus. This is a novelty. It's specifically spoken at a single village. The village is called Maramite. You can see at the north-western part of Cyprus. That's also the Cypriot of Cyprus, which you can see marked as yellow there. Whereas the southern part is a public of Cyprus, which is the main region of Cyprus. So it's a severely endangered language by UNESCO, right? So it's really important for us to document the study of language and the grammar before it becomes a thing, right? So the village is known as, it's called by all names, all languages spoken in Cyprus, Cypriot Greek, which is the dance over there. The local variety, Turkish and SANA, Cypriot Maramite Arabic. So you can see all different names of the village there. And just some pictures of how things look like, especially after the war that I'm going to refer to in a few slides. Some of the buildings that you can see look abandoned, right? Some more pictures here. It's a very interesting village, a very interesting fieldwork site to work at. Because first of all, it's marked the lingual. You can see that on the road signs, both Turkish, Greek and English are used, right? Which is probably the only place in Cyprus where you can see all these three languages on the road signs. So a little bit of history of how the community was created in Cyprus, right? So Maramites actually date back to the late 7th century when they left Syria and Lebanon, according to the literature. By the early 14th century, their number increased about 80,000 in 72 villages. So today, Cyprus has a population close to a million. You can imagine back then it was much less people and had an 80,000 Maramites. That was a big part of the population, right? Now with the establishment of the Republic of Cyprus in 1960, Maramites were recognized as a religious group and they actually today represented by an elected representative. Before 1974, which was an important year for Cyprus because the Caucasian invasion happened, which is today's current status quo. For Machetes, the village where everything was happening, was inhabited by more than a thousand Maramites, bilingual in Cypriot Greek and Arabic. And the number of persons in for Machetes has decreased from 2000 in December of 74 to actually 150 persons today, according to work in 2004, right? I can tell you from my own work today, that's even worse. According to the official demographic data of 2011, there were 5000 Maramites in Cyprus, 75% of them in Nicosia, which is the capital of Cyprus. And it's actually divided capital, so they were mostly on the south part. 15% were living in Rimasol, the south part, 5% in Larnaca, and yet 5% in different villages, amongst them being called Machetes, where we found them today. So Cyprus Maronite Arabic and Cypriot Arabic, called Machetes Arabic, you can find all sorts of names within the literature. It refers to an Arabic dialect. It mainly contains Arabic words. And according to the literature, it's not easily understood by speakers of modern Arabic, right? And that's because of the linguistic isolation, the geographic isolation of the community from the rest of the Arabic world. The words that you may see are either, have either partially changed or retained, I think, a tick form, their old form, okay? It's classified, it's discussed as a peripheral Arabic vernacular, and speakers, as I said before, are bilingual in both Arabic and Cypriot Greek. Words of Arabic origin retain the Arabic morphology and Cypriot Greek words, show Greek morphology with some exceptions. And as we will see today, there's also mixing between Arabic and Greek in certain cases, okay? Just if you want to have some kind of metric out of 630 words, according to Newton's and all their work, 38% of the speakers. Just to give you an idea, this is some of the, some of the data that I have is from a narrative from one of the speakers, describing how to make the traditional food, one of the traditional food in the atabili, which is the pasta, pasta of the hand of the public. And what we can see there, in idea, you can describe, right, appropriate of the slide, contains all of Arabic, but also in Greek words. Okay, so you, the speakers, when they speak, within the sentence, inter-centrally, inter-centrally, within the word, they switch from Arabic to Greek quite often, okay? And that's just, I mean, their translation provided there. Okay. So today, the use of the Kormakidis Arabic is restricted to the home where the range of language registers employed is understandably also fairly narrow. Its speakers sudden uprooting from their traditionally rural habitat and their settlement in a modern urban context, having confronted them with the host of novel life situations in which Cypriot Greek is undoubtedly a more serviceable linguistic medium. Right, so describing the situation as it happened with the resettlement of the of the village, happy dance to different parts of Cyprus. In 2007, the government of Cyprus recognized Cypriot Maronite Arabic, Sana, as a minority language, protected as regional language by the Council of Europe. Since then, there's been effort in Cyprus funded by the Cyprus Ministry of Education and Culture to document and especially to revitalize the language by teaching it in different classes. Such examples are afternoon classes offered by the Cyprus Ministry of Education, and classes offered by the primary school items. Okay, so within this context, another important piece of information is that we have this table here that you can see analyzing the level of competence that people have in Sana. And as you can see here, the numbers are very good over excellent speakers decrease as you go to the university, right, and, and that's of course very interesting and linguistically speaking, and also motivation for the project that that I'm doing here. So this is the call project. So within this project, the purpose is to identify whether we have different groups of speakers within the Sana community, where we can identify some of the speakers, possibly the younger speakers, both of us and enough of you is also involved in this research, and this is research funded by the University of Cyprus. So within this project, the purpose is to identify whether we have different groups of speakers within the Sana community, where we can identify some of the speakers, possibly the younger speakers, as the caretaker speakers. Right, so what do we mean when we talk about caretaker speakers. Well, as you can see in the first code there. The first definition of it would be in the context of integration, right, so second generation immigrants, the children of first generation in grants, living in an environment from an early age. This is not the only context where we talk about heritage figures, we also talk about heritage figures in minority context, such as the one that we have here. We have a language spoken by the wider community in the host country, such as in this case, which has more official status, Greek, right, then minority language Sana in this case is going to be the heritage language. We have other keywords such as dominance here, right, when people talk about caretaker speakers by email speakers in the time sequential, raising home for a language other than the dominant language of the community is spoken. Right. And, again, another code there, right, language studies spreading at a level to children, but it's not the dominant language is going to be there. So, what we keep from this is that a heritage sticker acquires the heritage language, that's right through the natural process of language acquisition. And given all the above the study of heritage languages, then should target to compare the grammar heritage language stickers developed in this acquisition process, and the grammar that they should have a fire. We're talking about comparing different groups of people here. So heritage language stickers then are adults exposed to language from birth. The best appeared to deviate from the second meaning black master so we expect to see differences there expect to see deviations from the grammar of the group that we want to identify heritage speakers to the grammar of the group that we take to be the most competent speakers of that community. So within the context work by Polinsky defining the group that she called the day sign language book, right. They sign language book, and the first generation in the respective communities. In the case that you're actually studying an integration context right. In the case of Santa that's not the case obviously what's nothing about an endangered language. It does not have a geographically separate conglomerate as people don't even know the exact location where they come from support of their technologies and things like that, of the place. The place they came from, but essentially they are what the police don't support immigrants in their own country so doing research in applying this method essentially means that you need to construct. Who is going to be the baseline group and who's going to be the heritage language group. Okay, and of course we're looking for things like different structural organization when you compare the grammars of these groups. Transfer effects, attrition, and so on. Okay, so we decided to start with the hypothesis that now it will be appropriate all kind of speakers share the same level of competence independently of their place of residence. And what we need to show is that speakers from all south and we're exposed to security, as your dominant language to not share the same competence with the son of speakers, who mostly now lives in got my babies. They're taken to be the baseline group and they're taken to be the most competent group of the community. Right. Okay, so the secret equipment, the first place of the project involved actually doing footwork with the speakers. The stickers that I work with from around 65 years or older. And the participation sessions me asking a lot of questions of how do you say X and how do you say why, as well as giving narratives describing in some different stories on the past. And their input, their grammar, their language was taken for purposes of this project to be the baseline grammar, right, so the most competent version of what we call so now today. Speaker interaction was allowed. Oftentimes, speakers would actually correct each other over which is going to be, which would be the most correct for you. And that's what I'm saying. They were given a language he's very questionnaire to see exactly what they think their languages are right that's an important question what you perceive your language to be. And, of course, they all said Santa, although they're also competent in in Greek. Right. And let's then move on to the first experiment. So, after all this work after the institution happened after we documented different aspects of the grammar to answer the question that was raised by the project. We had to design experiments and see whether younger speakers or speakers that are not so exposed to the language exposed to the community would actually speak Arabic in the same way. Cyprus Arabic in the same way as the older speakers. So the first experiment concerns realization. Right. So as you know, for an ounce of Arabic varieties are derived by attaching a plural morphine to the same concatenate. So, in the beginning of the year, we're going to grow from the quality, non concatenate. Okay. So it's in separate maronite Arabic, a lot of work documented the way you realize about that. So you have in the first table, the sound works and it's not in the traditional Arabic literature. In the second table, you have what is known as a broken program. Right. So you can see essentially the difference of the subject being added in the first case in the first table to pluralize now. Whereas in the second table, you can see a complete change of the work. Let's say you want to model other terms of morphology, more like a sub patient. Right. Now, more interestingly, and given the whole context of Greek and Arabic contact, we have code mixing happening when you try to immediately device the noun. Right. So when we want to say little mouth or little mouth, what happens to the speakers is that we have to use the Arabic words and then the Greek morphology. We use the Greek meaning here and the great suffix for for number for singular or fuller. But they get kind of cool, yeah. Essentially leading up to getting these number of suffixes that you see here. What's interesting is that there's actually grammatical restrictions about it. It's not just about, you know, switching from Arabic to Greek and having fun with the language, it's actually following street rules of grammar. Right. So, here what we can see is that once you switch to break, you have to state to break, you cannot switch to break here and then go back to using Arabic suffixes, Arabic morphology. And here, what you see is that when you want to produce a singular noun that you can't say doing. If you want to say little counts plural, we cannot use the quick plural morphology but keep the singular Arabic root. Right. You have to actually use both the plural Arabic root and the plural Greek morphology suffixes. So, that's interesting. And then more examples here. Again, if you want to say the little boy, this is a fully Arabic singular root singular suffix and break. If you want to say it in voice, again, you have to use the broken plural, the Arabic root, plus the Greek plural Arabic suffix. Okay, so there seems to be an agreement between the two languages when you go singular and or plural you have to do that in both cases. Right. And the research question that that the project is aggressive. This phenomenon then is doing young gear separate modern Arabic speakers know the correct plural form. Right. First of all, so do they know the difference between sound and broken plurals. And do they actually know when how to use a diminutive form in the way that we've seen here. Okay. So the questioner was about that. We have 14 participants. They, these were people attending the standard combinator revitalization that happens once a year. It's a great effort to get younger people to learn the language, right. So they were given questionnaires by me I was present in the class with them. And the questioner obviously included items that have to do with the sound and broken plurals, but as well. Yeah, as well as an additional category which was, which included controversial forms that speakers couldn't agree on. So there's nothing about working in the primary language that I can definitely talk about. He said, often speakers don't agree between them about the correct one right so as a researcher you have to include all possible options. They also announced a singular form, they were taken from a textbook that's part of this revitalization effort by the site which ministry, and they were asked to fill it out. So these were the items as you can see you have the options to be needed. So you have the forms of both singular and plural, broken and some plural were included. So, if you are competent in center, you know that we do it, it's not in the news guy plural, if we don't know how to realize the form, they remain in a safe and safe to get, we think you are. So it was testing both the knowledge of plural and diminutives. Okay, look a little bit like this, how these speakers again are bilingual, right. They were given the Greek word for the now, which have to correspond to the correct translation so they have to choose, which is the correct form. That's what we found. Okay, so the fact we are the non suffocates on the south, the broken for us and then the additional category, as you can see, they're not very good. Right, they don't know how to do yours for us and give you things together right, but broken for us are even harder for them. Okay. And this is participants under 30, again the same. The same results. Okay, so it cannot only be a matter of pluralization or diminutivization we have both plural diminutives and code mixing environments are problematic. I think it's an acceptable aspect of grammar for what we're going to call a language grammar for some speakers. And an interesting example here is what you see in red, right. This is the forms, these are the forms for jerks, we don't care essentially right. And what you see is that this is a lower performance from the nonsense. In a sense, confirming again that the broken for us are harder and more problematic when learning this language as a character speaker with less exposure. Okay, so what we gather from the literature is that this is not unexpected. So this is this is work from Albini and then my month 2014. Again, here. So we see that L2 imperatives figures for more accurate and defined some pluralism apology that is realizing broken plural morphology right so you can see the numbers. There in the broken, broken, you can see that the numbers are not going to solve it right so this is not an unexpected finding. Okay, so moving on to the second experiment this involved possessive constructions. Again, as you may know, the way to do possessives in Arabic and Cyprus Arabic as well is some of the ways is to employ phenomenal services or possessive particles right so in the first case, you have a constituent in which the head now is modified by a phenomenon suffix for now it's belonging to the lack of flexible class of the other parts we do it. So you have something that my mother should sound familiar to most of you. And you also have another type of construction that involves using the right now that the modifier where the modifier by now or phenomenon suffix attach to the genitive particle so you have something like cat, the fight, the world of the house where tell is the genitive marker. Okay. And tell is used for masculine, right, shiny for the need for plural. Right, and so you can have a fight telly and hot clay, shiny. Okay. So functions as a free morph in this language. It's followed by when it's followed by nominal modifier is no inflectional marking. It should sound phonologically similar to other Arabic dialects that you see. And again, the research question with respect to this phenomenon is can young years give a secret minor Arabic speakers differentiate between the different possessive constructions. Another question that was designed that were two conditions of a phenomenon suffix plus the other constructions of construction that we've seen. No emails were used again as feelers total 48 items was presented and participants of the questionnaire at my presence. So again, a little bit like this, like following the previous incident that we've seen, we had a column with a great translation and then you have to choose the correct Arabic form of that, or to say, I don't know, that's an option. And here things are a little bit better compared to the products results. You can see here, the genetic particles had an accuracy of 80%. So they were able to find the correct form 80%. And the predominant suffix 93%. Okay. And this is how the results change with younger city. From this two small experiments essentially what we gather is that broken plurals are problematic for younger speakers, while in possessive constructions the phenomenon suffix is less problematic than the news of death. So, in both cases, there is some vulnerability in terms of the grammar phenomenon that's involved. Right. So, if anything, we can identify this as a possible criteria, possible diagnostic of saying that these figures are not as proficient as competent, or claim that they're very good speakers on the basis of this evidence. Okay, so in our investigation of knowledge of Santa vocabulary in morphology, we have seen this kind of evidence again taken specifically for these. Group of heritage figures, and then follow up question that takes us to a different aspect of the work that we've been doing in Cyprus, other than baseline and heritage speakers as possible groups in this community. Do we need any other categories. And that takes me to work that we've been doing with for Stalina, Dr. Stalina for the professor at the end is Roman that you can see there. A sociolinguistic study on motivation and ideologies and attitudes, or in the Cypriot Maronite, I have become new. So in this project, we've tried to see whether a term that has been used in the literature in social and physical literature, the term of new speakers can be applied in this community. And the new speaker level for those of you who are not familiar to the term refers to people with little to no home or community exposure to minority language for given the opportunity to acquire the language through participation in educational programs and revitalization projects as adult language learners. Okay. So in other words, they relearn their community language after language shift of third in the community by taking classes so through from formal training. So for for this research what we did was to feed another questionnaire. This time an active questionnaire, and we adapted work by the only 2005, which examines the color and motivation will buy out instrumental orientation, learning the language for practical gain integrative orientation learning the language to interact with members of the same group. And the expectancy, the belief that they will do well in the class. And I showed them as part of the cultural heritage, emotions, effect, learner identity, whether they believe their members of the Maronite community and interest, more generally in learning new language. So the questionnaire look a little bit like this. Right, so you can see Santa's important to me because it is part of my culture. Santa is part of my identity. I like to speak Santa when I go to my village and consider myself a Maronite learning new languages is important learning new languages helps you become acquainted with other cultures is important with my career. If you have any finances, it will be easy to learn it. I will do well. I feel comfortable, or I feel ashamed, speaking some. Okay, so I put it so it's. Again, the procedure involved a questionnaire this time. This was administered to Google forms. I was first piloted with some of the members of the community to see, since we're not as a researcher, I'm not a member of the community, although I interact often with the community. Whether these were accurate, they could be accurate statements that could be involved right in the research. I was distributed to the community via two channels, the friend of the friend approach, Facebook posts, and pairways correlation coefficients in a correlation matrix short week correlation between the items in each factor, except the strong positive correlation in some of the factors integrated and interesting foreign language. Okay. So this research involved 90 participants, which were divided in three age groups most participants currently reside in because the end of capital, while only a small percentage of them. Over 80% of participants came to have close and frequent contact with the Maryland community right so here we can see the numbers. So different three age groups, three, right, 28% for example were between the ages of 18 to 35. From different places because you can make it is other yes besides come like this including the northern territory. Cyprus intensity of contact with modernity of frequency of visiting. Right. Okay, so these are the results essentially what we found is that the learner I can be right so whether they believe their members of the modernity are not actually has a highly scored as a motivational factor to learn the language. Right, so you can see that in the chart over there, where these right for the factor which was to work and we actually use secret are in time now for for career purposes for for financial gain and so on. Was the least quicker, right. Expectancy in this case did not show a clear. So we can see the results for the different groups. Again, showing that the learner identity is the strongest motivation. So we did statistical analysis on the results crystal well it saves test was employed for identifying differences between the responses of the three age groups of Santa speakers. The median response, the picking the average values of each questionnaire item each age group was the same for the three age groups essentially wouldn't find the difference for this result between the three age groups okay. So we're not rejecting this case analysis hypothesis, but that's probably because we needed a longer questionnaire with a larger number of items to factor or would speakers under 18 possibly changing their thoughts. So we tried this questionnaire in person. So we collected data, not only through the internet only to Google forms but also visiting the community where again, we had 14 members of the community filling out the questionnaire. They don't have to be speakers of Santa, right for this questionnaire. The majors were also included. And what we observe here is that there are some differences with respect to this to these two motivations. And there's the same learner identity motivation that we've seen in the online collection of data. Okay. So in this research, this is ongoing work we do interviews with new speakers who we call a new speaker, right. These are active students that are taking classes in sacred secret maranan Arabic in Santa. Again, these are offered afternoon classes and for students are offered in night as Marana school. Highlighted difficulties that they have with the use of Santa such as the lack of domains. So there's no practical use of the language. Right. But one of them said that is for his very she's very interested in the culture and feels like an ambassador for the community which strikes, you know, it was an interesting way of putting it. But generally others seem to be positive to them towards learning Santa as a minority language is an endangered language, and that native speakers might sometimes tease them for their use of language. Okay. For this project then what we found is that Santa is considered to be part of the identity part of the culture part of the care page of this community it's an important language in their particular. Therefore there's a positive attitude towards it for its learning towards using it. But it's not important for an entire process or anything like that. Okay, because of the lack of domains, and because of mainly being used in the home domain with your family. Okay, and this is a picture. This is a colleague of mine that the students are mostly who also works with the community. And here he's teaching some of them, the younger members of the community, the language as part of the revitalization process. And just to conclude, I think I should be right on time. So, the, from the questionnaires that we're looking at the grammar of the, of the speakers in this community essentially what we see is that there's heterogeneity right with the group is not homogeneous in terms of having the same grammar or the same competence in the grammar. And there is me. Sorry, that we need to look at different groups within the community, possibly defined by age differences, but also like exposure input intake of the language and so on. So heritage languages are interesting to study, right, because of different aspects that relate to bilingualism and multilingualism. But also because we see things like these vulnerable aspects of grammar right, what we see is that in this case is this two small phenomenon that we saw this much more out there right. So it's vulnerable in terms of acquiring them right, people are not so good at them, they're more problematic so there's interesting to write about questions, plus, but why that should be the case. Okay. Variation language change language contact are also issues that arise in this case. So I'll leave you with this quote. It's not just Polinsky's paper that's going to appear heritage languages are no less complex than the corresponding baselines. They may differ from the latter because of the rearrangement of certain features and modification of operations, but such changes are all within the realm of natural language design. Okay. So thanks, of course, to the members of this great Maronite community, the Santa stickers that I worked with, and everyone else who has contributed my colleagues and co-authors and of course the University of Circus for funding this research. And this is, this is a t-shirt that has been given as a gift in one of them. Santa camps the past few years, I have one at home so as you can see it says because with each language that dies, dies a picture of the month. I'll leave you with that. I'll leave you with some selected references. Thank you. No need to take any questions here or in the chat. I should open the chat. Yes. Okay. Any questions. I have a small question. Just for clarification. So this was the summary slide for the first experiment. Do you mind going, going back to that slide. Yeah. Okay. So the first experiment was that the mini tips. Yes. Yeah, that was it. Okay. This is the point in red. I need clarification. So, So, can you explain that point for me? Yeah, so the two forms are both available in the community, according to the speakers that I've worked with. So if you want to say little birds, you can either say the nature, which is the, the broken plural root, plus the group morphology, often do is which is the sound. Sound plural root, but it's simply really plus the, the, the blue plural group morphology. Right. So what's interesting here is that while both forms are available. They're both included in the questionnaire. And there was a huge difference between finding the correct translation the correct form, not to us. Yeah, for little girls, compared to being do us. For some reason there's, there's something going on with the broken plural that makes it much harder for them to choose the correct form for them to to know to learn some. Yeah, I guess I was confused there because I thought I understood from some of the previous slides that you couldn't mix. Yeah, the Arabic singular. Yeah, you understood right it was the only instance of finding that. Yeah, so you're going to write to these examples. That's correct. So, of course, for some of the speakers, that would be the case. And then for some others, they would have both forms. So it was actually part of the additional category that I mentioned the controversial forms, the ones that are debatable whether they exist or not. So I did that as just for me to be sure that I'm testing everything that I can test. And can just just to understand so what is, what is this. It's not on this slide but this S plural, as opposed to this. It's the difference in gender. So the guy is where's the S is family. I see. So it's different. Yeah. And why are we getting new to plural here because you know why are we getting new to because the, the diminutive. So it's either a similar or feminine in the other case, right, so you have the option of doing both. That's just an independent fact about how secret we got my words. Okay. Yeah, but this is where I found when I was working with the figures back in 2017 2018. So I found more recently on that some speakers put it was not to be do it. Some people would say this sounds strange. So I was like, okay, how about I include everything in the questionnaire and then I let them decide and tell me essentially, you know, do you like this or not. Yeah. Other questions. We'll see. Yeah. And that was very exciting talking to so much stuff in the chapter, you know, processing. But, but one, one question I wonder what would the next step be to put the two variations together because it seems a little bit we looked at the structure variation. And you can see this variation, but then the social issues one. There's also different variations, but then one of the questions might be, is there a correlation between so is it, you know, and you see that that people have no particular motivation of learning language, a better program. But something along those lines. Yeah, perhaps. Well, the, the smaller, the smaller aspects part of the project, the possessives and diminutives are really small parts, small bits of the bigger picture right so what we're trying to see is what, what kind of phenomena are vulnerable when a fire in a language as a caretaker. And here there's possibly two of them, but that means essentially that you still have to test the entire series of other phenomena in the drama syntax semantics and what have you right. So we're not there yet. That's that's going to happen in the next few years, hopefully. And, yeah, with respect to connecting the social linguistics and this, I can give a clear answer to that now at the, but possibly, I don't know, possibly right when someone is so motivated to learn the language perhaps. Yeah, perhaps we can link that somehow to the grammar and to the proficiency that they show at the end, right when we do this, this experiments. I don't know. Yes, it will be interesting because it might not actually proficiency, it might, it might, it might be more conscious. So I think a little bit of, you know, that all the box stuff with black markers, they hear that people speak very differently. Yeah. Yeah, but then systematically those want to stay on the island in one way or the other. Yeah, yeah, exactly. Exactly. That you know, and it's interesting to the box purposes for knowledge, whether you have some type of the same person that the people. Yeah, it would be interesting that people use more grow controls. And then the question is what is the, yeah, but we'll take you out of the, out of the discussion of confidence something much smaller. Well, we, we also cannot give an answer to that now because the social and with the study that I mentioned, included all members of the community for somehow related to the, to the spirit my life. Right, you don't have to be taking classes. So they don't have to be active learners. So we can't really kind of put them in the same basket and say, okay, you have to separate them you have active learners for taking classes and this is their proficiency and this is the evidence for it. And then we have everyone else right. And that might also be harder to do because there's so few people, but actually learning Sunday taking classes. So I mentioned only two of them here also in purple right there's not that many. I've made maybe five so far for actually taking Santa classes. But I can imagine, even that, that there's no career prospects learning the language as a speaker maybe we're seeing this figure. There's not that much interesting the afternoon classes but hopefully we're going to, you know, with the research that's happening and with the revitalization efforts and with the talks that we're getting, we're going to make people interested in taking classes and then we can try and answer the question. That's it. Yeah, that's a great point. So I have a question about the process. I think you started off by saying that in kind of immigrant communities, for example, we go back to, but this isn't available in the case of minorities and so you define the, the oldest speakers of the language is kind of the correct speaker. So you use that to measure the heritage of the younger generation. Yes. And then your conclusion was that that involves their heritage speakers but I'm just a bit confused. For example, kind of how do we know that the older speakers themselves have been kind of the factor of the language or that you know these rules that you uncovered for example regarding rules maybe that's a recent innovation. This is all that's chronic is the key. It's just chronic analysis right that we don't, we don't have access to how things used to be a couple of years, a couple of decades ago. So essentially with the methodology that I'm telling here. I'm working with what I have essentially right that the short answer. The reason I chose the older speakers is because they're, they're very fluent, right. One reason for using narratives, as well in the presentation is to actually measure how fluent they are so you can do all sorts of different metrics and well you sort of counting different words they produce on many syllables to have some sort of idea. How do you define fluency, right. And so, you know, yeah, older speakers were the most fluent. In my experience, you would tell me where the most competent in that sense, I define those as the most competent group, the baseline group. And then everyone else is compared to that. So, it doesn't, it doesn't have to be the case that we only have one group of very big speakers, right, perhaps there's intermediate groups that that I haven't defined or it's seven years but this is only the beginning of what I hope to be future work kind of differentiating between different groups, finding out which phenomenon grammar actually fired in what way and so. Yeah. So, additional questions are curiosity. So the question is, you use the Romans for, for the art. Yeah. So, why do they use that and not the green trip just because I also saw the teaching chat and the numbers in that. So essentially, this is kind of like a simplified selling system that I use, you know, you can see some of the sounds that are borrowed like so I just based on from the idea of construction kind of. So, this is not what they're actually learning. Right. With the realization that court, people came up with, with a map of it. Since my Arabic is spoken is perfect, you know, people in fact to start learning how to write it as well. So, my colleagues, heroes, and they came up and they came up with an alphabet to teach, which is not like this right. I came up with this for the purpose of the research right. The security didn't seem to have problem with it. I was present when they were coming out the questionnaire. So the, the, you know, they could easily read, you know, it's readable. Yeah. But also related to what you asked. If, if this was someone knew more about the contents of sacred social, basically, they would also ask, why do you use the break up of it. Since they're going to use a secret break, secret break is also just both. It's not written. So, again, it's the same kind of question why did we decide to use that methodological thinking. And the reason behind that is because people are taught in standard modern breaking school. You may as well use that script so as to avoid any points of data, points of argument about, you know, you don't want them to focus on them. You don't want them to start discussing, oh, why did you write this in this way, you want them to be focused on the actual point of the question. Okay. Okay, we also have a question here in the chat. So, with regards to diminutives. Is there any kind of individual variation in terms of gender social class or education. I, I didn't I have, I have included those questions in the questionnaire I didn't analyze it here. So I can answer that right now. But yeah, that's a very good point. Those points are included in the questionnaire, the first page where you ask the speakers, you know, you know, gender. So questions are related to social class as a spoiser to the language and so on. So, good point. So thank you. I'll include techniques that the cameras there. Any more questions. Okay. Well, I think in that case it's six o'clock, not six o'clock five o'clock. Yeah. So let's wrap up there but thank you so much Natalia for a really interesting talk. Yeah, thank you all for coming.