 Thank you very much. Good afternoon to everyone. I'm very happy to be here. It's my first time, but I won't be here. So I'm going to be talking about today about what we can change, politics, religion, and social interaction at an early colonial site. I'll tell you this pretty much. So the research study I present is part of the Gafanyan Project from the Ministry of Cultural Development. And this is the biggest comprehensive effort aimed to investigate the income route network and its associated sites during the late intermediate period, the late horizon, and the early colonial period. As it has been widely discussed in the literature, the Spanish conquest represented a very complex period in the U.S. in which a new political, economic, and social order was imposed, while local people were already going through a crisis, especially a demographic one that reduced the population at an exorbitant rate even before the study arts arrived. Changes during the early stages of the economy can be seen through the archaeological record, where the architecture and material culture reflect a transition period and a resistance of local traditions to succeed beyond these changes. However, there are still only a few studies focusing on this period of time for the Leningan. So in this context, I will talk about Nierimina, an archaeological site that was built during the second half of the 16th century, and it is an early colonial town that shows syncretic elements in its architecture, probably reflecting this complex transition period. So here's the site of Nierimina. This is the Lening Valley, and it's located approximately 40 kilometers from Bacacan. Here's the Rimmel Valley and the city of Rima. It's around two hours in car from Rima. So what do we know for the late periods in the Lening Valley? We know that it was probably very densely populated in the late first valley periods. During the LIP and the late Corbison, the Ichmas and the Incas built and occupied several sites along the valley, such as Pampa de Flores, Ijerales, Pantilma, Huaycan de Cieneguilla, and Moya, among others. And although we have previously proposed that there's some type of variation in the characteristics of the architecture in these sites that probably reflect social and political differences, all of them are multi-component sites. These sites have domestic and public spaces and cemeteries. And also, so this is an example, this is the site of Chantai, and you can see how it has like an agglutinated architecture. This is very similar to what we found in all the sites that I have pointed up here. And in the case of the domestic compounds in all of these sites, they are formed by a series of agglutinated rooms around patios and surrounded by perimeter walls. So here is one example of one of these compounds in Moya. It has a perimeter wall and then all the rooms agglutinated inside around patios. So the architecture of Nieve Nieve contrasts with the pattern and it is unique in this area. This site is located in the middle valley at about 800 meters of oxy level and it is in an area known as the Chope Yunda. It stands near one of the main roads that form part of the Inca network. The one going, sorry, so we can see here the site. I only mark here the road, but it's supposed to continue at least. I'm not sure if it goes this way or this way, but then it goes around this way. But it's only preserved in this area. Okay, so this road that went from Pachacama to the Inca administrative center of Hatun Sousa located in the central highlands of Peru. A few meters east there's another settlement called Abiyay. Okay, this is Abiyay. This site has at least two occupations. What probably they came to the late chorus. So, while the Aminiya shows this agglutinated architecture in one of its sectors, in this sector here, which is similar to what we've seen for the rest of the valley, what calls our attention is a presence of these 16 rectangular architectural compounds. They are located along streets forming a bridge as well, and also the presence of a church. So this is a very regular autogonal pattern that does not appear in any other site in the valley. And for us, this period suggests a Spanish army. So, during 2016, we excavated one of the compounds, compound nine. Actually, we excavated the whole compound for conservation purposes. And then we also put some units in here, another one here, here, inside the church outside and here near the task. So, what did we found in this excavation? Well, the evidence recovered, as well as the architectonic characteristics seemed to indicate that the site was built during the second half of the 16th century and probably occupied at least until the first decades of the 17th century. We recorded a maximum of two occupational floors in most units. Most of the ceramic material we found correspond to local styles, although we found also early green-glazed and Panama-style ceramics associated to the occupational floors. We also found some of these beads called the Nueva Cadiz beads. And all of these materials are affiliated to the second half of the 16th century and the first half of the 17th century. So we also found a funerary context at the Plaza by the church. So we were excavating actually inside the church and then we had something that looked like a wall and we wanted to see if it was, if it continued under the church wall. So we opened a small unit outside and we found this burial. It was in an extended position with a three-feet cross and hands over the chest, very similar to colonial burials found at other sites such as Guanugopapa and Patuxau State. So we can see that the site was probably built in two moments. So we have two orientations, the church and this sector here and then the 16 compounds in a different orientation. So this might be indicating two moments of construction for the site. But also we have the, as I was saying, we have two floors, two occupational floors. So probably there's also remodeling of these structures as we are going to see later. So at least two moments inside this sector. So and the buildings were immoral and extended also at least in two moments. So another interesting thing about the site is that the area used for the construction of the compounds was carefully planned. The land was divided in 16 rectangles. These rectangles all have the same size approximately 10 by 24 meters. And even though in some cases the constructions didn't occupy the whole area, none of the other compounds invaded that space. So we can see for example, three examples here. So the rectangle in this case was all these but it was only built in half of it. But then none of the other houses invaded this space. Actually the only ones that grew out of this rectangle were these three, one, two and three in this site where there was nothing else because here we have the hill. So that's likely the end of the site. So, okay, so these domestic compounds contain one, two or three houses, each one having its own access to one of the streets. So we have seven examples here. And these little arrows are marking the exits, the accesses to the streets. So for example, in this case there are two houses. This would be one house and this would be another house. So up at the church on the other hand it has a similar shape to as others already studied for the early colonial period in the Andes such as the ones located in Magdalena de Cabo, Mochuyacta, San Luis de Potosí at Lodatalta. I don't know how to say it in English so it has this shape, it's very special for a period of time. It's this part of the church is called the Apside. So it's the Apside or Chabal, that's the shape which is very characteristic. So we find that here and we've seen that in other early colonial sites. So based on ethno-history documentation we know that Neveneva is located in the edge of the territories controlled by the Itchmas. And that by the end of the later horizon this land was invaded by the Gaudios, a highland ethnic group looking for ideal lands to cultivate coca. The area between Chontai and Chiyago was known as Isicaya and it was occupied by Ten Ayos, four from the coastal region and six from the highlands. So Neveneva is here and we have that all this area was called Isicaya in the middle valley and that these people, the young people were coming here to cultivate coca. But, and also we know that for, so also we have a lot of historic information for this area. We know that there were the Producciones Toledanas that started in the year 1570. We have the Revisita de Isicaya that was published by Frank Salomon entirely in this book. We have the Guaruchiri manuscript that dates approximately from 1609. And the description, description of the relationship between the Gaudios and the Gaudios and the Orin Gaudios made by Diego David Labrisenio Corregidor de Guaruchiri. This is from 1586. This is of course beside all the information that you can get in the archives for these years. Okay, so we know that Isicaya became part of the Repartimiento de Guaruchiri which was divided in seven towns called Producciones or Pueblos de Invis. So we have San Damien de Checa, Santa María de Jesús de Guaruchiri, San Pedro de Buencaire, San Francisco de Isicaya, San Lorenzo de Quinti, Santa Ana de Chaucarima and San José de los Chorris. And all of these towns continue to be occupied until today. According to this information, the colonial town for the area of Isicaya would be San Francisco de Isicaya which is a small town located three kilometers east from New Venueva. So this is very interesting because we can see, well more or less, the distribution of the blocks and streets with the central plaza and the church. Most of these towns have grown bigger than the original plan, but basically maintaining the same order. Probably less in Guaruchiri which is like the biggest city of all these, the other ones are smaller towns. But they maintain the original group with the plaza and the church. Like a lot of other towns in the Highlands of Peru. So the construction of Producciones or Pueblos de Invis was part of an administrative reform implemented by Vice Roy Francisco Toledo since 1570. The main idea was to have people congregated in a smaller number of towns to be able to have a better control over the tax collection and evangelization process. Although there is evidence of several towns built before, these type of towns have particular characteristics in their layout and organization. Juan de Matienzo, who later accompanied Toledo in the reduction process, extensively described how these towns should be organized. So here is some of his description. And we can see some of these pictures at Nieme Nieme, such as the planning and blocks, the church and the presence of other buildings for our use for administrative functions. But also in the case of Compound 9, the one that we excavated the whole, it seems to have been used as the house of the local buraka. Although it occupies the same space as the other ones because remember I told you that 16 compounds have the same size. This one has thicker walls, taller walls and its internal distribution matches the instructions given by Toledo for the design of the houses of the Taseke. So if you carefully read the description, you'll see things like when they talk about the rooms and they talk about what they call a camera and the camera. So it's like one room and then you get into another room. They talk about how they shouldn't be sleeping on the floor. So they have these little walls on the floor and we think that they were using this to put maybe some wood on top for sleeping. Also the patio, the kitchen area, et cetera. Here I'm gonna talk about this later because it shows two construction moments for the same compound. But although we have all this information, we have not been able to get to determine the exact time that Nieme Nieme was built and occupied. We do know that the name of the site does not appear in any historic record. Formally, the Spanish Reduction of San Francisco de Cicaya and most researchers have proposed that it is located where the modern city of Cicaya stands, the modern town. So this is very interesting because for us it's obviously a Reducción Colonial. When we talk about Reducciones, we're talking about a very limited time, very specific time. And then we have this town that is only three kilometers away and it has the same name. So obviously everyone thinks that this is a Reducción. I haven't been able to excavate this little town. I know for example from the church that the bell says 1720, so this is much later. So we're assuming that maybe at some point it moved but obviously the other one is also a Spanish town. So, however, Nieme Nieme would have also been a Reducción as I was saying, maybe built and occupied earlier. We have previously proposed that Nieme Nieme may have been the original Reducción of San Francisco de Cicaya and even that this was the site that was occupied during the revisita, a census that took place in 1588 and was entirely published by the Paraná Salón. So based on this detailed information, we established that at the time, the town had approximately 600 inhabitants. And even though only four of the igus were local, they congregated 80% of the population. So, for example, if the revisita says that there's as 708 people but only 652 are alive and then we have that a lot of the people, around 50 people recorded in this census were tributaries to the town but didn't live at the town. They were living in other places and this was recorded there. So we made an exercise to see if it was probably to 5,600 people in Nieme Nieme and you could, it's very estimated. So the thing is that we think that obviously these people weren't living there. They were saying that they were living there for the record but probably they went back to their chakras as soon as the Spanish. So, as I was saying, you're supposed to have these people from the highlands coming to cultivate the coca and you have these sticks for an igus but these igus have only 123 people, only 20% of the total population. So most of these people is local, is from the Middle Valley, it's not from the highlands. And these ones come from places in the valley and only as what Mora used to call these islas and they were probably bigger in prehistoric times and then decreased, the population decreased. So this is also interesting also, the internal distribution of this domestic, oh, sorry, no, this is, okay. So as well as we've seen before, Niveniere is different from the other Reducciones. For example, this is the town of Santa Ana, this is one of the Reducciones in what I showed before, you can see a little more detail here, which is also a Reducción Toledana, looks very similar to Machuyarta, which is a Reducción Santa Cruz de Tutte in the Colca Valley recorded by Steve Recky. So at Niveniere, for example, the orthogonal pattern shows rectangular blocks and the plaza is not located in the middle of the site. But another thing that I think is very interesting about this town is that it's a very small town that probably never grew bigger than the original Reducción. So if you can see the blocks here, they are sort of like abandoned or probably used only for agriculture. And they have the exact chain and actually then I tried to like measure it in the Google Earth and they have the same measurements as the ones that you can see here. All this is abandoned, I mean, this is an archeological site, so you have, this is what they reported. Also, also the internal distribution of these domestic compounds differ. At Niveniere, the compounds do not have space for the chakras, these small agricultural fields used by each family as it was stipulated by Toledo. The structures inside are agglodinated and their pattern looks almost identical to the internal distribution of domestic compounds dated to the later Hispanic periods in other sites of this valley. So this is how they look inside and they look very similar to what we've seen for prehistoric periods. Also, based on historic documentation, we know that a lot of people had their chakras outside of the town and they moved a lot and were actually living in other towns nearby and this is recorded in the census. So each compound has at least, okay, yes, so each compound has at least one house and each house is divided in a series of domestic cores formed by rooms distributed around the package. So this is how they divide it. So we think that this difference in the pattern may be due to several reasons. First, Niveniere might have been one of the first reducciones built in the repartimiento. However, the most important aspect would be that the site was built and occupied by local people. Even though Toledo established a Spanish administrative system, historic documentation, including the revisita in 1588, indicate that everyone living at the site was local. The Buraka, who at this time was Diego Chalca-Guamán, was the head of the largest local island, Cicaya and the assigned priest only visited from time to time. So as we have seen before, the pattern of the site is mainly Spanish. Although internally, the architecture reflects a continuity of local traditions and probably of a way of life and social organization that lasted through the first years of the colony. The only compound that differs from this pattern is the House of the Buraka. In this case, while it comprises several aspects from the Toledo instructions, the public spaces within the compound also remain a sense of local traditions. The main patio has a platform on one of its sides, which is accessed through lateral stairs, very similar to what we see in the Audiencias, the public buildings in some of these late-principal sites in the Looting Valley. Also, we have seen that the House of the Buraka has two construction places. It's the first one, and then it was extended this time. During the second one, a new larger patio was built and in the process, two rooms were eliminated. So this is the new patio in the second place and then these rooms, well, yeah, this, actually one room was eliminated because they had to make this corridor here. So we know, according to demographic records, that the population decreased rapidly, probably causing eventually the abandonment of the sites. For example, we know for 1588 that we have around 600 or 700 people meeting. There's the first visit that was around eight years before and there were at least 100 more people. And then we know, for example, from Ignacio de Rodinivia, priest of Zizikaya, that mentions that for 1641, the town only had 10 tributaries left. So in this scenario, it caused our attention that the Buraka would have decided to extend the house, specifically the space used for public activities. This patio was probably used to complicate people in order to discuss administrative matters. The decrease in the population caused several stress to the inhabitants who had to meet the established tax rate. In this context, the Buraka would have had to deal with more internal conflicts and consequently prioritize the expansion of the space. Even though the church represented new religious order, we have found at least one sanctuary located in one of the hills nearby. So all local sanctuaries were supposed to be destroyed during the process of the Paseo de la Trias. But as it is narrated in the Wadichiri manuscript, Leo Chaukawaman, the local kuraka, would have continued celebrated ceremonies for local deities during colonial times. So this is a sanctuary and it's located. So in conclusion, the town of Mioñeve would have been the result of a complex period of time in which the imposition of external policies brought radical changes while the local social, political, and religious order subsisted. This situation was not new for local inhabitants of the Burin Valley, who less than 60 years before experienced a similar situation when the Incas arrived at Burin Valley and negotiated through their elites to maintain the local poor. For questions before our next speaker, I think we have anything for Leo. No questions? Sure, I think I may have written about the one later period of social organization and then that transition, because I think you're saying some continuity, but are the compounds then as small as they were when you got into the blocks? I've got to have a clear sense of, are these blocks representing, say, two related families? Are they simply just people living in the same block? How does that translate to people and how have they been living in the same period of time before the transition to Burin? Oh, we have no idea, but it's very interesting. Like, if we assumed that the site of Niermueve is the town of Cicicaya, the Oduxeno Cicicaya, we would have a list of people living in that. So we could actually say that the house of the Qur'an and the house of Diego Chauta-Laumann, like Rukanei. So in that sense, we've made that exercise first to see how many people you can fit in the town. And you could fit the 600, but as I was saying, it has made it, probably they were not all living there. But also, we were trying to do that exercise to see between these 10 IU's and how many people you have in each IU. And it could have been divided and then you would have like three or four houses occupied by the largest IU, and then a couple by the next one and like that, you know. Also, we did this exercise to see how many families, extended families and nuclear families we had. So we've been playing a little bit with that data, but it's like, we can only assume this because the name of the site, there's no Niermueve in any historic records. So it's just like an exercise. The church is on the west. Am I right? That's unusual. Is that usually on the east? Yeah, on the, no, yeah, it's on the west, you're right. Yeah, and also we're not sure if it has a letter of entrance. I mean, probably it does, but the thing is that that wall was, is not in a very good condition. And when we excavated, because some archaeologists before were saying that this was probably a yanka that was turned into a church, but we haven't found any evidence that it was a yanka. It was built in only, in one moment, but yeah, the entrance is to the west and then it has a letter one that goes to the main plaza. Area to the south and west, I guess, that looked like it might be an LIP region. Did you find different evidence in that zone? Did you excavate in that zone compared to the gridded area? No, actually we didn't find a lot. The whole site doesn't have like a very long occupation, or at least that's what it seems in the excavation. But no, we didn't have a lot of evidence because that's why we excavated there, because we thought that was earlier. But also if that is earlier, and then you have the, that and the church were built first, or at least you have that and then someone came and built the church and then they built the other compounds. It doesn't make any sense because that style of church is dated to the Producciones Toledanas, which is 1570s, and then why would the other orthogonal structures look like that and not like the later ones?