 The victory of the Conservative Party of Boris Johnson last Friday was greeted, of course, with a wave of jubilation in all the stock exchanges, the bankers, the capitalists of the world. Of course they were delighted, naturally, at this result, but not as delighted as some other people I could mention, the people who were really interested in a Tory victory and the defeat of the Labour Party. I'm referring, of course, to the closet Conservatives and Lib Dems in the present Parliamentary Labour Party. The fact of the matter is, you see, that these ladies and gentlemen have been preparing for a Labour defeat and willing and wishing for a Labour defeat ever since 2017, when their nose was put out of the joint by the fact that Jeremy Corbyn, despite all the predictions of the pundits and the 20% lead that the Conservatives had at that time, succeeded in galvanising the Labour Party, the Labour movement, in a marvellous campaign which almost led to the defeat of the Conservatives at that time. And despite what is said, and a lot is being said at the moment, we'll come to that in a minute, despite everything that's said about Jeremy Corbyn, the fact of the matter is this, one man, through his courageous activity, succeeded in galvanising and mobilising the enthusiasm of a whole generation of workers, of young people in particular, the youth, who overwhelmingly support Labour now, also to galvanise the Labour Party, and to give it a new lease of life. I think somebody said, an old friend of mine said on television recently, that he actually recovered the soul of the Labour Party, and that's a fair comment. Until that time as much, the Labour Party was pretty dead under the dead hand of the old Blairites who dominated and crushed the living daylights out of the Labour Party and destroyed its essence and thereby alienated a whole layer of the electorate. This fact must be stressed. Yes, they wanted Labour to be defeated because a Corbyn victory would not have suited them. Of course, a Corbyn victory would have suited the capitalist class, the bankers and capitalists, even less. There never has been, I think, in the whole history of British politics, such a venomous campaign of vilification and attempt to demonise or destroy an individual politician personally and politically as the vile attacks which have been constantly levelled against Jeremy Corbyn ever since he was elected Labour leader. These attacks, by the way, ought to tell us something. If a Labour leader is praised by the capitalist press, as Tony Blair undoubtedly was praised by the capitalist press, they should ask themselves the question that the old German social democratic leader August Bebel said before the First World War when the press one day praised him. He said, what have I done wrong? What has old Bebel done wrong that they should praise me? Well, that's quite an accurate assessment of the attitude of our wonderful free press. Free for what, I might ask? Certainly free for many pretends of telling the truth. Free for many loyalty to the British public and its interests. Yes, but not at all free from the shackles of big business and for the dictates of the ruling class, because those are the interests which are served by our wonderful media and how well they fulfilled that role in the recent election campaign. I say a campaign of vilification? There's unknown, it's unprecedented. I think I can't think of any example in my lifetime, this is quite long, of any individual that was so attacked and so vilified as Jeremy Corbyn and that should tell us something. Why was Corbyn the object of such hatred, such attacks on the part of the ruling class? Only for one reason, behind the hatred, there was another emotion, another passion if you like and that was fear. Oh yes, fear. This man, he's got his faults. My criticism of Jeremy Corbyn, he's free to criticize anyone else. Yes, but let's give him his new. Under colossal pressure and intolerable circumstances, he stuck to his guns and he actually proposed a programme, a radical programme which went directly against the interests of big businesses, the city of London and so on, the fat cats. This is what they feared and above all they feared a Labour government rather, under Jeremy Corbyn, under these circumstances, under the pressure of the working class could have gone even further than what he proposed. Now they're trying to say, oh it was the programme, the programme was rejected and so on. The financial times the other day said that the socialist programme performed by the Labour Party has been now tested to destruction. Well, not so, not at all true. As a matter of fact, the basic ideas of Labour's programmes of nationalising the railway, the fat cats of the energy companies and so on, got a tremendous impact. The restoration of the pensions which had been stolen from the whole generation of unfortunate women and other things the national had, all this did connect in a big way. Unfortunately it was cut across by Brexit, I think that was the main thing, it's true Brexit, but this poisonous thing which is divided the whole country. And let's call a spade a shovel. What is Brexit? What's the whole business about? It's a struggle between two wings of the ruling class. Now the more or no less the interest of the working people of Britain don't enter into this, not in the slightest degree. And there's no way that any serious socialist should support either side in this gang of Brexiteers or Remainers if it comes to that. Yes, Labour did suffer as a result of ambiguous or confused position on Brexit. That's not an accident. That's the difference you know with 2017. In 2017 the same Labour Party that by the same leader Jeremy Corbyn got a wonderful result on the basis of a laughing radical program, so that the financial times is simply not telling the truth, but there was a difference. In 2017 Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour Party stated that they would respect the result of the referendum but they would fight. That's correct. They would fight to defend conditions, wages and the interests of the working people. That was a fair enough position to take. And that would have connected with millions of poor people of Labour, ex-supporters traditionally in the North East and in Wales who've got nothing out of EU membership, who have suffered, were still suffering terrible privation, poverty and employment and who feel neglected and rejected if you like by the political elite in Westminster. It would have connected. It did connect in 2017. The proof is there in the statistics. Yes, but there was a change. What was the change? The change was that under intense pressure from the Remainers, that's to say the Blairites in the Parliamentary Labour Party, Labour and Corbyn was pushed and pushed and pushed into a position which was, if it wasn't the Remainers, it was very close to Remain. That certainly alienated and repulsed many people, workers in the North East, who felt that this was enough, that Labour was trying to block their aspirations, that Labour was being undemocratic, was trying to stop Brexit by undemocratic means and so on and so forth. There you can see the revolt of many people in the North who are not conservatives, they're not Tories, they didn't vote for Boris Johnson or for the conservatives with any enthusiasm whatsoever, but purely on this poisonous question of Brexit. Who's responsible? You know, I was quite amused this morning to hear on the news that Emily Thornberry was now thrown a hat into the ring, it seems, looking for Jeremy Corbyn's job. You say, oh no, in private, she's going to say this in panorama tonight, apparently. What's that problem with interest? Oh yes, in private, if you please, in private, she warned before the election that Labour would lose because they had an ambiguous position on the EU, on Brexit. Oh yes, yes, and if we'd have accepted her advice and the advice of Sir Keir Starmer, what would the position have been? For Labour to abandon its ambiguous position and unambiguously embrace the EU and all its works. Abandon Brexit, yes. That would be like a red rag to a bolt of the people in the North, far from the peasant defeat would have been turned into an absolute catastrophe if the advice of these people had been heard. Incidentally, lots of people say lots of things in private, which are entirely meaningless and can't be proven one way or the other. But in any case, what I'm saying is this, that ultimately it was the bad policy, the wrong policy of the Blairites who represent what? What do these Blairites and the Peel represent? The interest of the Labour movement, the interest of working people? Far from it. They are a fifth column, a Trojan horse, representing the interest of the business class, of big business within the Labour Party. That's their interest. And since big businesses remain as a favour of staying in the EU, these guys, these girls and boys are also in favour of staying in the EU. Nothing more, no less. And now they've all come out of the woodwork now to heap abuse once again on the head of Jeremy Corbyn. These people in the Parliamentary Labour Party have had nothing on their mind for years. For years, since Corbyn was elected, they've had nothing on their mind. Only one objective, to get rid of Jeremy Corbyn. Now they seem to have succeeded, at least partially. Unfortunately, and it is very unfortunate, that Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell have announced that they're going to step down. Not immediately, it's true. And these gangsters now are pressurising them. No, no, that's not good enough. They must step down immediately. Yes, in order that they can stick the knife in and move, push the Labour Party they hope far to the right. If they could get away with it, this would really be a catastrophe if they could get away with it. But I don't think they will get away with it. I mean, what future would they be familiar with? To return to this gang, this Blairite version of Toryism, that's what it boils down to, closet Tories, that's all these people are. What future would that represent? And how they hate Corbyn. You see that on election night. Even before the result was announced. Immediately after the exit poll was announced, they were gathering like, I don't know, like a witch's Sabbath in the TV studio. All the old corpses, like as I said in an article, it reminded me of the old horror film, you know, the black and white horror film, The Night of the Living Dead. There they were, Ed Balls, Jack Straw was there, Alan Johnson, all these people. Yes, who was demanding now the expulsion of my mental brother. He wants the moment to be out of the Labour Party. Oh yes, of course he does. Now, let's call a spader shovel. These people want to blame everything on Jeremy Corbyn. He's responsible, only one man's responsible, which is a lie. It's a complete, damnable lie. If anyone's responsible for the sabotage of Labour campaign, it's these ladies and gentlemen sitting comfortably in the PLP. Oh yes, Jeremy Corbyn made mistakes. Did Jeremy Corbyn make mistakes? Yes, I think in fairness, I have to say personally, I think that Jeremy did make some mistakes. Not the mistakes that these people are barking and being and crowing about. Not those mistakes, other mistakes. Now I speak to you as, you know, as a Marxist, as a dedicated Marxist. And you know, there is a difference. I made my position clear. I greatly admire Jeremy Corbyn as an individual, as a human being and as a dedicated socialist. And Jeremy Corbyn has all our support. He had our support, all the time that he's been elected in the fight against the right wing. He continues to have that support and that respect. Yes, but I have to say this as one friend to another. You know, a good friend is not somebody that always pats you on the back and says, well, you're right, of course, you're right when you're clearly wrong. Jeremy Corbyn is a dedicated socialist. Yes, but he's not really a Marxist, Jeremy. Not really a Marxist. He's what I would call, say with John McDonough, no friend of mine. He's what I would call a left reformist, an honest left reformist, a dedicated, courageous left reformist, but a left reformist. I basically still believe that it's possible to deform capitalism in a certain way. All the reforms that he proposed, whether we accept, we support those reforms. We support any movement to protect and defend the living standards and conditions of working people. That goes without saying, has a complete support. Yes, but the problem with left reformism, what I would sum it up in this way. It's very good as far as it goes, but it doesn't go far enough. That's what I would say. And the trouble is that left reformists tend to compromise. They tend to retreat. They're too nice, if you like. That's my criticism of Jeremy and John. They're far too nice, they've been far too nice against these gangsters that are constantly attacking them. And I've been trying to destroy them for ever since they were elected. This is a mistake. It was a mistake. The first mistake was not to allow the rank and file of the Labour Party to carry through a process, a democratic process, I hasten to add, of deselections, of the MPs. Yes, these gangsters in the Parliament today, but they're demanding the right to remove Jeremy Corbyn because they don't approve of him. Don't they constituency parties have the right to do the same with them? To demand their removal if they don't approve of them? Of course they have that right, it's in the Constitution. And the overwhelming majority of party members were in favour of deslection. And it should and could have been carried out at that time, some years ago. It was stopped. Why? Because of a fear on the part of the NEC or the Labour leaders or the trade union leaders in particular, and momentum by the way, who scandalously backed away from this position, they were stopped from carrying out the only possible policy for saving the Labour Party. Which is to purge it. Boris Johnson, by the way, was quite right from his point of view. When he was attacked and criticised by elements of the Tory leaders, he got rid of them without any ceremony. He expelled them. Why should we not do the same now? With people who have consistently sabotaged Jeremy Corbyn from the word go, I think we should and I think that was a mistake that he was not done before. Same with anti-Semitism, which is clearly a smear which has been invented and used in an unscrupulous fashion by people who wish to destroy Jeremy Corbyn. That's the only purpose of it, believe me, my friends. I've been a member of the Labour Party for 60 years. In my life, I found a single member of the Labour Party who was anti-Semitic. No, never, not once. And the statistics proved the part, the tiny, infinite, less than 1%, that they've never been taken up even. This is a dirty smear which has been invented. It should have been tackled head on. It should have been exposed. For example, the monstrous idea that a person is a anti-Semitic because he criticises the state of Israel. Well, I don't accept that. And by the way, the head rabbi should be asked, what's your position on Jewish settlements in the West Bank? What's your position on the atrocious treatment of the Palestinians? Nobody's ever asked this question in any TV interview of anybody. This is anti-Semitism. Don't accept it. And it should have been met head on. By retreating, you achieve nothing by retreating. Every step back that you take, these individuals demand 10 more. It shows weakness, and weakness, my friends, invites aggression. And on the EU, I've already stated that Corbyn and the others were pushed into a position, a disastrous position, of in effect supporting, in so many words, supporting your remaining Palestinians. Not completely. That would have been another disaster. No, no, no, no, no. This idea of preserving unity by making constant concessions must cease. It can only be decided, it must be stopped. The rank and how these people are on the offensive, they really are. They've got the knives out constantly every day on the television and the press and on the radio all the time, attacking Corbyn, attacking Corbyn, attacking the left, attacking this, that and the other, all of them. They want to stage a counter-revolution that be warned. These people, these renegades, that's what they are, they want to stage a counter-revolution in the Labour Party. I don't think it will happen, but it will only happen if you, my friends, if we pull ourselves together, I can understand people are disappointed, maybe a bit disoriented and so on. A bit upset, yeah, I understand that. Yeah, okay, you can mourn for 24 hours, but we haven't got time, because the knives already, the war has been declared. The parliamentary right wing has declared war on the Labour Party. They're pushing their candidates with the support of the mass media and so on. There's a danger here, and it's a big danger. If you do not want the Corbyn revolution to be reversed, then you'd better get active, you'd better get stuck into the Labour Party. We must organise ourselves, mobilise ourselves to defend the gains, the big gains that we've made by the Labour Party, now the biggest party in Europe, by the way, as a result of the Corbyn revolution, we must defend it and push it further, carry it to the end. That's my advice, that's our slogan. Carry the Corbyn revolution out to the end. That means that we must show the same determination as the right wing. They're very determined, by the way. They're very aggressive, they're very audacious, because they have the support of the capitalist class and the media behind them. We, my friends and comrades said, so the same determination in staging our revolution from below, from below to clear out the house. Take a big broom and clear it out. Through democratic means, through deselections, that's the name of the game, that should be the slogan now. That's our answer to all the vicious campaign organised, the anti-Corbyn campaign organised from the leadership, from the parliamentary party itself. That's the only way to deal with it, because let's clear out this rubble, this rubbish that's in our way, and have a genuine democratic Labour Party controlled by the rank and file, which will preserve the heritages and the genuine ideas of Corbynism, improve them, develop them and carry the whole position to the end to fight for a Labour government. By the way, I've had this point, this victory of Boris Johnson, it's very fragile, it will not last. He will not be able to carry out his promises, particularly if they go down the road of a no deal of praxis, but they're on course to do that by the way. The whole thing will blow up in their face. The swing to the right, if you like, will be replaced by an enormous swing to the left, and therefore the left must stick to its guns. We don't change course. We develop a genuine left-wing policy, fight up until the Labour Party conference, clear out the house and prepare the grounds in an immeasurable space of time, for a Labour victory and a Labour government pledged to real socialist policies to transform Britain in the interest of working people.