 of the session and their patience with my changing schedule and making this connection work across the ocean in a couple of time zones. It's a fantastic opportunity to present some of my data and thoughts on text-talk and functioning. Wait a second. I'm trying to fix the... There's nothing else. Just one? Yeah. Okay. Go ahead. This paper has a three-fold aim to present the diachronic evidence for textile production recovered over the previous decade of excavations of the Latin site of Gabi, evidence covering roughly a thousand years ago by history. To use this diachronic evidence for the excavations to examine changes in textile production across what I like to call the site's urbanizing boundary, this fuzzy line when the city moves from a group of proto-urban communities to a more unified and defile-involved urban entity. And finally, to focus in on a pattern that is clear at Gabi but also seems to be evident across the Italian peninsula, the disappearance of a particular suite of textile production tools and probably the associated production system, spools, tablets, and tablet weaving. Active forgetting offers an informative case study for understanding the relationship between community formation, craft production, and urbanization. I'm trying to make sure the slides are changing. The site that would become the Latin city of Gabi is located in central Latia, ancient Latham, approximately 18 kilometers southeast of Rome, along the ancient Via Prinestina. Moderately famous in our Latin literary sources for stone quarries, baths, special arteries, and particular toga style, at its urban height, Gabi occupied about 70 hectares of the slope of an extinct volcano. Over the past 12 years, the Gabi project under the auspices of the University of Michigan has a significant portion of the city center, discovering architecture and fine-stating from the Bronze Age of the Middle Ages here. Although there is occasional evidence for Bronze Age activity in the area, it is our hope that our excavations will reveal broad information. Initial occupation of Gabi can be most particularly dated to the early Iron Age, a period where social reorganization appears to be reflected in spatial reorganization across the city of central Italy. A majority of late Bronze Age settlements were expanded and populations came together at the sites that would undergo the process of state and urban formation in the fall centuries. Our technological circle in the last half century has suggested that these initial occupations were continuous or continuous. Instead, they were broken into different nodal occupation points scattered across the landscape. Each node likely representing a group tied together by actual effective kinship relations. Perhaps best represented in relation by Guayutili's survey work at Gabi in the 1970s here on the left, mine left, I think also your left, MBA's hysteria publication of the necropolis of Osterogalosa across the volcanic crater lake from Gabi. This work suggests the type of multi-nodal settlement pattern at the site during the early Iron Age. Environmental considerations and survey biases alone cannot explain the prevalence of this pattern at numerous sites with varying topographies and land cover. What must be the case is that we are seeing an intermediate form of social engagement between different groups. It is no longer the Bronze Age of the late 2nd millennium with its scattered fortified hilltop settlements. Hector or two in size and each likely representing a single one of these groups. We are all not at the urban state that first arrives at some Italian qualities already in the late 6th century, complete with massive temples on Stone Podia and Ashley City walls. That arrives at Gabi, it seems, in the 4th century with the imposition of an urban grid and the construction of fortification walls, acts of a community which is grown together to engage in mutually enacted monumental works. Instead, in the Iron Age, this decision has been made to join together to a degree. This creates a variety of questions for how this kind of settlement strategy must have actually functioned in every lane. When your nearest neighbors are tens of meters away rather than tens of kilometers. These tensions between nodal groups in the larger community as well as tensions within nodal groups is evident in the decision to move, choice which must have been agreed upon on an inter- and intra-group level with, as we see from survey data, some groups choosing not to be part of this experimental situation. Mechanisms for tying these individual groups together and avenues of negotiation and prevention from the urban communities out of the scattered but linked parts must have existed. Textile production evidence from Gabi suggests. Textile production evidence from Gabi suggests is one crucial mechanism of this negotiation. So at Gabi, our estimations of so-called areas C and D, here are the kind of cut-out, which I didn't make it clear. I hope you can kind of see that a little better. Is it particularly relevant for understanding social, economic, and other dynamics during this pre-urban formative period? The so-called area C and D complex represented one of the few parent-age total occupation areas which has been excavated from any central Italian site. And in particular excavations have revealed the elite core of this type of settlement. The not fully surviving due to a Republican period cistern dug in the middle of the node, we were able to recognize a series of phases spanning the Iron Age and post-archaic periods, about the eighth to late fifth centuries BCE, that followed an established pattern of development, quote-unquote, from huts to houses. The initial occupation took place in the eighth century, beginning as a cluster of smaller cuts. It was then redeveloped with larger hutch structures, circumscribed and enclosure walled in the seventh century. In the late 7th to early 6th century, a stone-built complex replaced the hut and continued to be modified until it's abandoned in the late 6th to early 5th century. Following a brief hiatus, I will discuss in a moment, a new elite residence was constructed that eventually modified, and was then eventually modified to resemble an atrium-style domicile by the second century BCE. So here we have more or less a continuous series of domestic occupations from the eighth century through the second first century BCE. Each phase of the hut house complex, up until the post century hiatus, is marked by the existence of infant cells situated around it in communication with the physical occupation structure. These tombs come with a wide variety of grave good assemblages of various types, including high-quality ceramic and bronze vessels, bronze personal adornments, and beads, pendants of amber, fions, bronze, silver, among other items. And Mojeta and Cohen have a number of articles out and forthcoming on this series of burials. These burials present clear evidence for social stratification, long-distance trade, as well as tantalizing clues that the cohabitation within the area of both elite burying these rich burials, and perhaps their non-elite pendants burying similar in simpler ceramic vessels in the same area. Although this relationship requires further clarification, and our dreams of excavating the non-elite habitation spaces related to this elite complex have not yet been realized. Alongside these infant burials, the other most notable and numerous suite of material excavated from this little settle is textile making tools. Four different types of objects have been created related to the production of textiles, and here it's this kind of mess of colors of the middle right is the area CD complex. These are spools, spindle whirls, loom weights, and tablets. Mostly it appears lost, dropped, or broken, and then reused in leveling fills, integral to maintaining even beaten earth floor circles across the area, sloping topography. The importance of textile production for nodal settlements in the area of Gavi has been apparent since Vieti Cisteri's work at Osterial Dolosa, but our excavations allowed out of her textile production to be contextualized into settlement and track of greater chronological specificity. Five minutes. Okay. The assemblage itself, numbering approximately 229 objects to date, is notable both for what is present and what is absent. Spindle whirls and so-called spools predominate, making up a quarter and two-thirds of the assemblage respectively. Loom weights are notably absent, only 16 have been recovered from the CD complex. This may be related to the manner in which these objects were disposed of after their use life came to an end. Lacking a clear destruction layer, it is possible that larger loom weights were less likely to end up in leveling fills than spindle whirls or spools, after all the use of loom weights in the areas attested at Osterial Dolosa. The profile of the spools in spindle whirls, however, suggests that the absence might not only down to different tapinomic journeys amongst objects. The majority of spindle whirls are light and weight, I'm one side behind, sorry, are light and weight between 8 and 30 spools, between 10 and 50 pins, perhaps hinting that they were used for spinning and weaving of lighter weight thread. The recovery of two pierced bone plaques from deposits belonging to the complex identified as tablets used in tablet weaving, suggests that this technique used to create elaborate belts and borders, but not practical for the production of more cotidian textile may have been carried out and prevalent in this complex. The prevalence of lightweight spools suggested by Greater Newton and Glava to be weights used for small scale or tablet weaving, the small size of most of the spindle whirls, as well as the discovery of tablet woven textile borders in the areas of Osterial Dolosa, further suggests that this nodal settlement may lack loom weights because spinning and tablet weaving were the predominant form of textile production within the elite corpus complex. If this is the case, more cotidian loom based textile weaving was carried out elsewhere, perhaps in other nodal settlements or in the settlements of non-elite dependence we have yet to discover. While more data will help elucidate this relationship, it is evident that this complex played an active role in tying this nodal community together both internally and with other communities in the area beyond. The various phases of the CD complex produced comparable sets of lightweight textile making tools suggesting that this particular technique was passed down across generations as one method of re-afiance of the social makeup of this particular nodal settlement. Here I think it's likely that tablet weaving was particularly a useful tool for reproducing elite identity. I can talk about more in the questions. It's clear about the fourth century that Gavi has transitioned from this multimodal series of communities to something more recognizably urban. The CD complex is abandoned, a grid plan imposed upon the site seen here from our geospatial survey, and this suggests more centralized authority and community action. At the same time, a series of new elite domestic structures are built that occupy the same space as part of this previous nodal settlement, particularly the house in plan on the right. Notably, many of the textile making tools so prevalent in the deposits belonging to the preceding three centuries are completely absent. Spools disappear along with associated small spindle walls. Loom rates remain, but they all seem to be in tertiary or further deposition. Across two domestic structures in one monumental building full of material dated to the first phases of newly urban Gavi, loom weights appear with greater frequency, but spools and spindle walls disappear. They do not reappear in our later antique deposits. Some type of violence disjunction perhaps related to an expansionist realm might explain certain aspects of the reorganization we see at Gavi, but the disappearance of spools between the VRK and post-RK period is not an isolated phenomenon at the site. Instead, the disappearance takes place across the Italian peninsula. I know of no spools or other textile making tools from post-RK settlement deposits, although I would love to hear more about it if anybody knows of this. At the moment that Italian buildings appeared across an urban boundary, this particular textile production system that was prevalent in the pre-urban period appears. Yeah, one minute left, more or less. So, since every two years when Gavi comes close to preserving a continuous habitation across this boundary, I will use the rest of my one minute to try to make suggestions as to why this disjunction takes place. We could be looking at shifting networks of display in exchange, necessitated by external focus on an external network or connected, especially groups, tablet weaving with its unique patterns might have been too individualized to effectively communicate status between urban sites. So, a common productive technique gave way to other methods that produced more ubiquitous visual styles. It's also possible that new technologies replaced this textile making process as markers of status or that exogenous markers such as dies, Hellenized textiles and Hellenized production techniques replaced tablet weaving out of the old and new. Rome cannot be discounted and we also probably move away from domestic production although this appears quite late along in the process, perhaps as more options for the acquisition of goods and the development of a monetized economy created greater market forces and it was no longer expedient to spend so much energy producing this type of textile. An increase in population within urban sites also may have met more unaligned producers and craft production moving outside of the weak hands. It's certainly not a model causal phenomenon, there are other things that can be suggested but it's also certain that these people who produced the tablet weaving did not all disappear across the Italian peninsula. Instead, they must have found better suited tools for this new urban environment and if we take a look at these practices we can perhaps understand the shifts as urban life across this fuzzy boundary between the pre-urban and urban Italian cities and I will wrap up there so I stay on time. Thank you.