 Next week, and this is true, all of this platform really needs no introduction, so today we have a conference and the next week is the, well in a matter of a few weeks, we can introduce the next week as the Chancellor of the Exchequer. For now, the very type he's been is the Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, but he is also someone who has been seen on picket lines and has had years of struggle, of supported workers in struggle, being on picket lines and being in discussions with socialists about the movements, and that's why we're pleased to see him at the top table, and he's finished to hear along with Jeremy at the top table. So I won't say any more, but I'll introduce John. Thanks a lot. I'm going to do one of those worst things to speak and then go. I'm sorry about that. I'm having a relatively quiet time today. There's a whole set of other reasons I need to be speaking out there, just as a matter of solidarity to be honest with you. When we were coming here, Andy and I, Andy is our manifesto, so we were talking about, we were at a meeting, 95 annual, at the Labour Party conference, that was when forceful had been taken away. The history of forceful had been taken away, it's quite interesting. Jack Straw came up with the idea of scrapping forceful, and he approached John Smith who was the leader of Labour Party. It's quite interesting that they're dynamic, because John Smith said to the Labour Party that he saw the significance of forceful. Historically, it's symbolism, but also it's relevance then to the days when we were coming out of that campaign. He actually threw Jack Straw at the room and said, we're not touching him. And then when John Smith died, what then happened is that Straw tried again, and of course he hadn't opened at all with regard to Tony Blair and Gordon Brown. I remember the speeches that were done by them to scrap forceful, and effectively what was happening was that they were setting up a new party, and they called it a new party. I was with Ted Knight at the time, and I think we're doing a Labour-Hell work, I can't remember. The significance of this is just, we could be in a situation where a new party is set up. It is completely out with any of the traditions of the Labour trade union movement in this country. It will result in a number of us who they may not think suit the new party, either be in my advice or with them. And this could set our movement back a generation. I think it did. I think it did. That symbolism of removing forceful went beyond symbolism. It was right wing politics in practice. In other words, the Labour Party as a political organisation effectively was given up on the whole concept of ever achieving socialism in this country. Can you remember, Ralph Miliband did that thing, parliamentary socialism, about the Labour Party would never be a vehicle for socialism, and the joke is that his two sons tried to prove that. Actually, I think Edward's a better convert and just stored some element of faith in the Miliband family by actually trying to then introduce a range of progressive policies when he became leader. But it was so significant setting up a new party, declaring that we would end any hope of socialism in this country and laying the foundations for actually quite a number of reactionary policies built upon by new Labour over that period. Now, at that time, a number of us argued that whatever happened, we would never let them forget what was for part for it, and if we had the opportunity, we would restore it into our constitution. And to be honest, that's what I want to do now. I want to ensure that we restore it because it's a symbol of everything we believe in, about the way in which who creates the wealth in this country. It was the workers themselves. Therefore, who should share in that wealth the workers themselves, and how do we do it through a system of public ownership? That's fundamental to our socialism. If we want to manage democratically our economy, we have to own large sections of that economy. And that's what clause 4 was always about. And what we've tried to do in the last three or four years since Jeremy became leader is to translate clause 4 into practice. And if you look at the last manifesto, actually if you look at past generations of trade unions and socialists, they would have been proud of that manifesto. Because it actually did take clause 4 as a symbol of millions of practice. The concept of public ownership we've rehabilitated. The overwhelming support now in the Labour Party for bringing back into public ownership and control rail, water, energy, royal and labour. Now, you know, I don't think there's any member of the parliamentary Labour Party even that resists those policies. Because they've overwhelmingly been supported by the ranks of power, both in terms of our membership in the CLPs, but also our affiliates in the trade unions themselves. And the debate that we're having for the next manifesto is how can we now ensure that we extend public ownership, but also we extend, as I mentioned in my speech at conference today, this concept of universal basic services. There's no range of services provided, not just health and education, but a range of other services provided free of the point of need from cradle to grave to enhance the quality of people's lives. That's the breakthrough we've had in the next few years. It's as a result of many of us holding faith to the principles of clause 4, part 4. But you don't need to that as well. It isn't just something you show in the constitution. It's actually the symbol of the actions that we undertake as socialists too. So as socialists now, for a long period of time, there were few of us who were members of parliament, Labour members of parliament, that ever appeared on a picket line. It wasn't seen as a dull thing. Association in ourselves with Dave Ward or Marcel Wock or the Baker's Union especially was embarrassing for most of them. You were relatives that we didn't want to acknowledge as part of the family. That's gone. That's gone. We keep reminding people, time and time again, that it comes today. The role of the Labour MP is to be on the picket line as well as in parliament. And that's the practical way in which we can secure the implementation of clause 4. It is, it's the Tony Benfing. We were talking about who was on the platform at the meeting in 1935, the people of Alan Simpson. Curiously enough, Seamus Milner was on there and Uncle Scarver was with others. And it was about that debate then, it was about we will not allow them to take this away. But if they do take it away, we will fight all that we possibly can over the years to have it restored. Not just in principle in symbolism but in practice as well. And that's what Jeremy Corbyn needs to do. I'm hoping that we can win the argument that we draft on our constitution in three or certain this back in. But more importantly than just re-draft on the constitution what it means for our practice as a movement. And the reality is, is our movement is about ensuring that we represent our class and that when we enter in struggles on behalf of our class we do it on the basis of that solidarity that clause 4.4 represents. I think we're there, I think we're there, I think there's an enormous breakthrough. When we go into this general election whenever it comes you'll see our new manifesto will be more radical than it was in 2017. You'll see it will be based upon these principles and I think it will be as inspirational as the 2017 manifesto which when we published it within 48 hours we went up 10 points in the opinion polls. Why because we were reflecting the needs of working class people and offering them solutions that they could cease hold off, campaign for and yes implement themselves in their daily lives. I'm so pleased that we've reached this. For some comrades thought we'd never get to it, we've given up. I thought it was a pipe dream. That pipe dream is now a reality. Solidarity. Thanks Rob and totally supportive of the campaign to restore full support. A little bit of that in history to the debate because some of you may remember, I think Mark will probably remember, Ian may remember and others apparently Ian may remember, but one of the leading voices to take full support away in the union movement was out former general secretary Adam Johnson. Come to think about it, I don't think I saw Adam. So you know what's taking place at the moment in the Labour Party. I mean I just think it's incredible the work that people like John, Jeremy have done over so many many years and to see that come into fruition, to believe that we are on the cusp of something very very important. Fantastic debate today, the right outcome today, because that was part of that plan. I thought there was a contribution if I had come from Ian and he got up this is the first time I spoke and he started talking about the reality of the situation that we face and he started saying trust these people, trust their judgement. These people have been around a long time, they've never got it wrong before. They've never had the chance to be in power and we are that close to this and we're making the right decision. One of those decisions that was made today was to support our dispute. I can doubt that that would be the case because the motion that we put forward was a motion that we sat down with John and his team and Jeremy and his team and we talked about it. Our people talk constantly about what's an industry going to look like in the future. So what we see is an opportunity here to completely transform the world of work in the UK. In the raw male disputes, an interesting dispute in many ways, like a lot of organisations you find yourself up against employers every so often when you have to have a dispute. I think this is going to be really interesting this week because what hurts hard is everything else that's coming on every Monday in the world we work. We've managed, even though we were privatised in 2013, liberalised before that, we've managed to fend off the worst aspects of privatisation. We've done that because the union came up with some forward thinking agreements, we've lost the political route, we've determined not to just walk away and we've won an industrial route with privatisation. Not many people understand that. So what we've got was an agreement at the time because I was always thinking like what would they do with privatisation? What's happened elsewhere? What's going to be the sequence that's going to take place here in our industry? And we'd already had a very full of competition, unfair competition that was starting to bring in all these low-cost important models that we were one of a set in the right benchmark on paying pensions terms and conditions. But we were being surrounded by not workers folks but companies that were frankly taking a piss at workers in order and taking a piss out of the public as well. Because the services they were offering was we'll deliver when we want, what we want and the price we want. And role now was delivering the universal service and they bought irregularly, this was later by the way, this was new later, bought irregularly this. Who actually said our role is not to protect the universal service, is to open this market up to competition. And this is at the same time that we're facing structural decline in levels because of socio-elegical challenge in the world of communications that we have to address. So we were really up against it. But we thought if we can get an agreement that can hold the line for a number of years, something's going to happen. I'll make a connection in a minute. So our agreement is safe to roll now. Unless you sign up to it, you're not going to worsen the terms of conditions of workers. You're not going to bring in the two-tier workers. You're not going to outsource any of our part of our company. You're not going to franchise delivery workers' rounds like milk deliveries were franchised years ago. We basically looked to everything that happens in privatisation and we got wrong now to sign up to not doing it. Now it's never going to last forever. We actually put in the legal grid. We've got all our trade union rights as reps in the workplace, all in the same agreement. But we knew it wasn't the last forever because no, we said it was leaving by new, it is. Then you get out there with certain causes that come along. So we're in a situation now where we've got a new CEO who doesn't actually work in this country. He runs the company from abroad. And he pops it over here so often. He's got a six million pound golden halo to come into the world now. And he run a company you may have heard of in Europe called GLS. There's an investigation that's gone on by a TV company in Germany about these companies' tactics. And somehow we've managed to get hold of a video of this. And we've got people to translate it and we've played it to our members to tell them what's coming. And it's all about introducing these low-cost employment models. What it translated to was this was modern day slavery at work. That's what this programme, a record or TV programme, in Germany. And the workers that will be in the very similar to Andy, essentially. So we had this strategy, this guy is going to take us off. Because from where he's sitting, at some extent, I get that, it's not about him. He's come in and he's gone, what on earth is that people? Oes his company been privatised six years ago. And we ain't broke it up. And we haven't ripped the rewards of privatisation from the shareholders as much as we could. They've got something, they've taken a billion pound out, they could have gone back in to the company to invest. So we've been sitting with John and these two, in particular Alton and John and Steve. And they've been working up a strategy that could transform Royal Mail. One of the things that we've agreed is that when Royal Mail is renationalised, because for me that's only part of the debate, renationalised. I don't want to go back to the last 15 or 20 years of a nationalised industry that had no investment. That no one stood up for us in successive governments. And that we were getting all the machines that were going out of date everywhere else in Europe and across the world. I don't want that. So we've worked up a strategy that says, one, we're going to wrap a completely new form of democratic public ownership. And we are going to change the government structures that roll down from top to bottom. I've never been a fan of union reps being on the main board. The main board of a company is just a complete and utter waste of time. They do not determine the strategy, they rather stand the strategy. We are talking about getting a hold of the investment board of the company. With proper involvement of workers owning that board effectively. And determining where the company invests its money in union and workers through their union, not independent of their union. We're talking about their pension strategies, their pension boards, and us being the people that are holding on. We're talking about their operational boards on where they decide what type of equipment they're going to buy. And Labour is saying that's exactly what we want. This is fantastic. We're talking about pay ratios of 20 to 1. The policy that we carried with the TVC was part of our bold efforts to bring a new deal of the workers across the UK, which is also moving forward. And in our motion to date, it's fantastic that I can go to the CEO of the company and I can go. If I was you I'd think about it and you'd be not. Because things are going to change. And one of them is going to be, your pay ain't going to be what you thought it would be. The price for things out here, that's right. And exactly the points that I'm going to make today on this, on the pay ratio. Is that we can say to him, if you think your work, 800,000 pounds a year, will give us 40,000 and we might accept it. But you see, there's another debate that sits behind the abuse of executive pay. And it's the break up of everything that was good in work. See, what I don't understand, years and two centuries ago, whatever it was. Whatever you thought of the industrialists, whatever you thought of them, the one thing they did do, they built things. And other people benefit from them building things. And there was an investment and I suppose some sort of trickle down to the people who started owning cars. Working cars, people started being able to own cars and build cars. The people I meet today in business, they don't build nothing. All they do is smash things up. And there's people in this country going around that are fantastic people. I've had a benefit from them a lot. Adam Crozier, Alan Maiden, they're just, you know, they're funding, they're comping enormous credit to Corry and Macdonald. They're sticking up with all the crap that they get from them. And our job is to support them in every step of the way. And our job is to get them in at the number 10. At number 11, we expect them. And we are going to change the world. I believe that. I think we're going to change so many things at the moment. I can feel it. Can you feel it? So, let's stick at this. Let's get calls for restored, in whatever form of the worst I want it. Fair play to the campaign. We're part of that now and we're with you. 100% support for what we're doing in there. And this fellow earmark in Bakers Union, what an inspiration to great trade unions. There's loads of good trade unions around at the moment. Get behind the union, join the union. Let's get later in number 10. And I wanted to thank also the organisers for meeting because I know there's people here like Robin Hedders. I was expelled from a later party in the 1990s and then I chose to want to go back into it to the party of play, the Iraq War. But actually, I want to say now that even though I spent a decade arguing why they needed to be an alternative to Labour, I take my hat off to those socialists who are with the debt teeth and stuck it in a later party in Parliament. Without that dog-in resistance, we wouldn't be here now on the cestus. I hope to see John Macdon in number 11. I just think it is always important to make that point. What I wanted to talk about really is two things. One is ideology around privatisation. And secondly, about why we need our own ideology of socialism. That is the complete opposite to the ideology of privatisation of the algorithm. We also have to have a practical route map to say that why don't we want a socialist change in the socialist movement. We also have to have a road map for resistance in the here and now. Ensuring that that resistance is focused on winning, winning small battles, but also making sure in every small battle that we have a fight over where people see the bigger picture. So I start, not with the words that we've got here, clause 4, but actually what Tony Blair said when he replaced clause 4, because Tony Blair said in 1995, quote, we will replace clause 4 with, quote, a thriving private sector and high quality public services where those undertakings essential to the common good are either owned by the public or accountable to them. Now how chilling is that? Because if I told you that Donald Trump would say that last week, you'd all say, oh, that's to be expected. Now I raise that because I want to make the first argument that this is ideology. It is ideology that was rooted in a right-wing neoliberalism, but it was an ideology that infected the Labour Party and in Labour as I think demonstrated by Tony Blair. Now what Tony Blair did though, he understood in order to take the Labour Party on his journey, he actually threatened people with a number of things. Why is we'll never be electable if we don't change? He won enough people over to this idea, he's just going to have to go and tell them we're going to have the toys forever. A mistake I think people have already had, I was one of them, but those who did I think have been threatened ever since. And we have to recognise that the new Labour years and everything that happens was the bridge that David Cameron walked across and had a seamless continuation of neoliberal policies which saw, I think, politics in Britain condensed to a new place where everybody was in the centre and the difference between the centre right and the centre left was a very small space. There was a lot of rhetoric, a lot of language, and actually the actions told us that the socialist argument was nowhere to be seen. Blair knew what he was doing. When Thatcher said Blair's greatest achievement was what was new Labour, she knew also what she was saying. But Blair knew in that in that insight, he had to argue this in different places in a different way. So I was in Sheffield Central Labour Party when close four was actually debated and I remember the Labour MP came because I was there with my daughter, my daughter in my arms, she was over one, I remember the meeting I was yesterday, I was in the centre of Sheffield and the argument that was used there wasn't we want private public services that aren't accountable to the public people because they knew that even the right wing of Labour Party wouldn't stand at that. The argument that that MP used that night, I remember it well, it was quite chilling, was his only words on a page. We hadn't actually done any of this stuff for the last 30 years, why you all getting yourself in a cluster. Well there you go. Now all I see about all that is, we said different things in different places and there were some very useful idiots to tell me there who were prepared to hear that and say all that nonsense. But Blair and Mandos and Bran knew exactly what their project was and their project was a historical betrayal of our movement and of the socialist ideas that we stand for and to do it in the name of the Labour Party I think is the most unforgivable act that you will see. I think that that is why we should rejoice wherever differences we have to go from that historic betrayal to John McDonnell calling for a four-day week today and the show is that we are winning and we should recognise and celebrate that fact. It has been something we have done that life since. And of course think about privatisation and the neoliberalism is that they use different names in different places to try and have a follow-up confusion over people. So you don't just have privatisation, you have government-owned companies, you have the not-for-profit sort of stuff, you have different mechanisms you use in your races because I remember in the civil service that has been an absolute front-line privatisation by the Tories and the Labour. Actually they started it by saying we are going to introduce market testing. And what they said is that it is not going to bring affordable privatisation, the in-house bid will always have the ability to compete and what we'll get, remember Blair's phrases, what matters is what works. Now, I'm going to come to it in a minute how we now know it didn't work. But anyway, they have to go through that phase. And of course what that did was it introduced for those in the unions you can remember at a time, your default position was support the in-house bid. When you supported the in-house bid with a management team that was set up to have an in-house bid, you had to cut costs in order to compete with the private sector. We went through this bizarre thing where we thought it was a victory if we won something in-house even though we met a thousand of our staff and we had worse conditions because at least it was doing a public sector. Well, that's a funny victory in it. It's a victory that has stopped privatisation but it's at the cost of workers' conditions. That threw up, I think, something that was unequally interesting. We now are members in the private sector but we won't renationalise them. They're often in the IT sector when coming back into the public sector where you've had pay restraint for 10 years. So the point I make here is that what they do is they use different devices at different times and what we have to have is a very real ideology. Everything should be publicly owned. It should be publicly accountable. There should be no different names and everything else and we want the private sector in all of its form booted out to redrive our economy and it is based on the fruit of our labour should be ours and public services should be run for the public good and not for private products. Since 2010, 37 billion pounds has been paid to shareholders in dividends from privatisation. Now I've just been to a fringe fighting for a decent social security system and we've just agreed we want to scrap universal credit, scrap sanction, scrap the work capability test, all of which, by the way, make sure you're all listening very closely as we get to the speeches on Tuesday and Wednesday because I think it will be quite exciting. And one of the things, the opposition says is how are we going to afford that? But 37 billion dividends wouldn't have been bad stuff. Let people pay their taxes and corporation tax should rise and the people who are dodging their tax shouldn't pay their taxes. I mean pay the things, this is a socialist prospectus and if we do that and don't worry about private companies then actually we're going to be well on our own so fast forward, we've gone through all of this and you have to say I'm saying all of this because I think it explains trade unions record in fighting austerity and privatisation isn't great. Actually I've said on many of speeches in the right history about the trade unions of former austerity that we've seen as failure in that case in that university the UKins union is fighting on off France we are fighting the RMT given the credit lots of unions are fighting really important battles we have paid our members in public sector pensions in 2010-11 when we were going to defeat the government we have failed to get the coordinated action over pay and we have not seen the type of united action and run things like insourcing that we should have had and had opportunities to have when we see things like the collapse of Carillion which bring it into sharp focus what it tells you is that phrase that we coined is that what these rich people do is that they nationalise the debt to be privatised for profit so what they do is when they make your money it's all theirs and it's 37 billion in dividends when it goes around the tax pay of those and that so every time it's a good thing we shouldn't be bailing anyone out we should be kicking them off we should be making people who make profits pay it back and everything should be coming back into the state sector and that's what I think should be the mantra for this new government that we're going to have which is we are going to bring everything back and give about the absurdity of all this we talk about big privatisations but do you know that in every job centre you may be unfortunate enough to have two visits currently there are people in there paid by the government as a third priority privatisation the citizens advice group and they pay them to give advice to the public on how to navigate the social security system so they then come to the counter where they make a DWP worker it does two things A, the advice should be given by the DWP worker a PCS slogan for tonight but secondly if the CAB person there is to give advice it immediately introduces an asset then that they are on the public side and all our members who are at that point have to work in a job centre immediately seen as the enemy there should be no third sector there should be no privatisation in job centres it should all be in the state accountable to the people delivering a social security system that we can be proud of so where I conclude with all of the value for having the battle and I credit you for realising that battle is about our ideology and our socialism and we have to have that ideological battle but we have to make that battle that workers relate to and they understand what it means in the hearing now and that's where they really will struggle and the one that I mentioned in conferences were for people here these workers that we have in Aramark and in ISS cleaners, caterers, messengers, porters in any civil service we usually get the snotty people who look down their nose and they never think the cleaner is as worthy well actually they are absolutely more worthy than the big bosses who preside over the carnage and the chaos than we see in delivering our public services but they've all been outsourced dividing them from the majority of the workforce making it harder for unions to represent those people but when they resist void if unions back them do we see the type of victories and inspiration I'm sure you can talk about is in Aramark I know some of you have been on it to seize these Afro-Caribbean women having their jerk chicken cookouts reggae music tour in the country going to the constituencies in the countryside some of these rich Tory ministers and actually being proud to be pre-CS proud to want to work in the public sector very inspirational and I tell you why inspirational union membership quadruple being quadruple because we give them a pen or a packet of tick tax so that PCS was prepared to back them unequivocally ballot them and then support them with strike pay from day one that the IWGB and the United Voices unions are not to you see affiliates for a big discussion in the affiliated unions we have to recognise that they are in there organising workers that many of our unions have not done properly we have a relationship with those unions and I can tell you that their attitude to us you say you're going to ballot them and support them we are quite happy for PCS to be the union white home what that is about is cooperation and working class interest it's not about your balance and editing hours it's about who's best to represent these workers so their membership is quadruple but here is the final point those workers are about to win what I regard as one of the most stunning victories in our union we'll have to live in against all the odds against all the odds in the white home department in out there making proud they have embarrassed the department they've hit the department and the private company's profits in terms of its company as an operator so Andrea led them first said she'd have to give them a London living wage trying to answer the team you see but we didn't run back to work as her London living wage meant the differentiation between the supervisors and the cleaning rates have gone because none of them run the London living wage before so we said we can't have that because you can't have supervisors supervising people for the actual responsibility so we stuck out a bit longer now the supervisors are getting an extra £1.54 on top of the London living wage and then we said to the workers that we will back you until you are happy we have to iron out conditions to service because one of the things that often happens in these private contractors is people don't get holiday pay they don't get sick pay they're on zero hours contracts they only get the equivalent so we have now stuck out for terms and conditions to the extent that I believe next week we will be in a position when the workers have voted to announce a stunning victory so my conclusion is whatever happens in the election we have to have strong militant trade unions rooted in the workplace that can fight bad bosses and bad companies whoever is in government and if Corbyn gets in it doesn't mean we should take off the pedal we have to put an even more pride bet we would have to be called if Corbyn was coming his way so we want strong unions but we also have to recognise this election probably the most important election I think that we will have seen in decades it is election of Trump and Johnson the race to the bottom neoliberalism not mad at things going worse or it is an election of real socialists in power looking to us and the grassroots to sustain them and taking on the tax dodges and the bad companies and giving us the ability what's not to like let's build the unions fight for real estate in the close four fight for our ideology and let's get Corbyn in number 10 with everything we have to do First on our mark I think Corbyn is well fortunate of Elton to agree on Sunday but obviously the money counting is about no 21% what it does times is about making government the trade unions in order to talk about and social the close four is all about the only other means of production and it's the public sector isn't it it's their jobs that they want to keep fighting for it's their understanding of what they require to give long term security for the workers in their industry they should have been priming those things to support the real introduction of close four on Sunday and I think what we have to do is get inside those trade unions and it's make sure that their executives understand that they have to back the reintroduction of close four because it shouldn't just be left to politicians in the Labour Party or the constituencies it should be a driving first agenda of those trade unions it's their duty it's their duty but they did fail in 1995 I was fortunate because obviously we have a history and sometimes people think that they're wrong things because in 1995 of course ourselves are not the only women obviously I know and then we used to have a lot of because we used to have smoking pubs there we used to have a lot of stuff filled rooms and certainly with Joe's and his pipe discussing how we were going to prevent the introduction of the new Blair private agenda of course for and maintain that socialist principles you know and I don't think people realise the consequences of moving some words for people you know as Mark explained they went around we don't use it except we don't make much difference but the consequences were this it continued with the privatisation of our council stock and not building new council houses and the consequences of that are seen on the streets of Brighton and in every town in the city because there's no decent homes and they talk about affordable homes now they can afford them if you're on a zero on this contract in fact you can't get them on a zero on this contract you know so where do these people now go and live on the streets the fifth richest economy in the world economy that's run by a government successive governments that say they're serving the interests of the people how can people living on the streets and those have been to witness our own citizens our own neighbours and our own friends and the people that we talk to serving in our interests there's one of the consequences of the Labour Party becoming the Blair High Tory Party because where balance should have been brought to politics where balance should have been brought to politics we did have a continuation and the people that came into the Labour Party they don't understand they're supposed to represent the interests of us in our communities and not the interests just of big business and the corporation because they take them out for lunches you know they wind them down they take them on jorts to America that is not their job and that's why course four is a fundamental importance that needs to be reinstated and our trade unions need to get on board and make sure they're working in the interests of those people that work in the public sector you know I honestly do believe I am very very disappointed when all Labour movement as Marcus Brown pointed out does have a tendency to lack behind and remember in 2014 in 2014 we announced that we were going to campaign on free issues we were called extreme we were a bunch of loonies it was never going to happen we wanted to abolish youth minimum wage we wanted to abolish zero hours contracts and introduce the minimum wage of £10 a memo guess what it makes me? although I've got to say £10 a memo was sold 2014 2014 we were called for 15 and it lagged during the trade union that's what we were it's important because what that demonstrates is is that's about ambition for our class it's about the right for our class to have a wage that they can live with dignity of and we're called for inside the Labour party in the Labour party committed to it that means we're going to a council house building programme that takes those people in day and need now and puts them back in housing because that's where they should be decent housing decent pay a concept of employment that means that they have guaranteed terms and conditions and rights because we deserve it don't we? we deserve it we deserve the right to a decent life it's not just this country in this world wasn't created just to serve the interests of them it was here for us all to share it and that's where common ownership comes from it belongs to us they never build it they always tell us don't they they tell us we don't close the entrepreneurs we can't get in front of the entrepreneurs they're the most important people I mean in this country the entrepreneurs the entrepreneurs they use the NHS we funded that they use our roads we funded that people built that they got educated in our schools our taxes funded that and yet you see them don't you you see them they're going on the taxes I mean it was really nice to see Adriana here and Adriana I've met over in America she's an absolutely phenomenal woman the stuff they've been doing over in America is absolutely inspiring and it's created a movement around the world because that's how we have to beat these people but you know Matt Donald's Matt Donald's not taken to court in Europe for failing to pay to us one and a half billion pound that have already been taxed and for us in the European Union's position was although it might not be mobile it's legally okay that one and a half billion if it had been invested in our economy perhaps could have cladded when we thought how and those working class people who deserve respect in the right to living safety wouldn't have died that's the consequence of not having common ownership or accountability we have to have rules and that's why we need to make sure that we have a labor pie that is committed to ensure that there's bonds and fairness for back to our society because then we win together I mean I'm just a meeting down the road and I will say it to them the thing about politicians is they come round and they say to us oh you need the vote for me this is what I'm going to do for you and if you used to do it every five years or maybe four years or maybe two this year we could have put going over and then mainly go in December again but I mean the reality is what those politicians then do is they go into Westminster and they forget about us they forget about us and this is why it's important that we understand our strength and our collectivity and that's why common ownership actually invests and builds our intervals because if we own something that's ours then we have a responsibility to make sure it serves in the interest of us the people because that's what builds a society of fairness and quality and justice because we're all entitled to that that's alright that's why one of the best ways to make sure we can start on that road to understand our strength and our power is if you're in a workplace that's unorganised, unorganised and join a union and those other people in those workplaces and they understand how we can change things that moves out to the community and then we get involved in campaigns and we demand changes you know stopping the sell-offs many of us are probably involved in stopping the sell-offs of our NHS the closing down the closing down of a library because that's what's acting collectively understanding our roles and responsibility to the great and good of the people because it's ours and it's our right and that's why we're proud to absolutely stand behind the establishment of course 4 that's why we're absolutely proud to go out and enjoy course 4 wherever it's ours that's why we're proud of the people that stood up in McDonald's and of course you realise obviously if you visited the weather spoons that those people in weather spoons last year went on strike they acted collectively the causes of acting collectively here in Brian meant that those workers won for every worker who works in weather spoons across the country an extra pound now for people who worked on the mansion because they never used to get anything it brought a pay ride back that was going to be paid in April and it brought it back to be paid in September it changed the issues they were having on health and safety because they acted collectively and they changed the lives of every worker in weather spoons in Brian and when our McDonald's strike went out here before they won the biggest ever of 6.5% and the reason why you're targeting McDonald's by the way is because in 1974 that's when we actually first started to take more men those strikers that went out in Cambridge in Crateford forced McDonald's to start offering contracts of employment it turned out to be a bit of a sham which is why those people are still organised and demanding £15 an hour and an end to zero hours contracts and we deserve those people because those people could be our sisters our brothers, our mothers, our fathers but more importantly it could be our children in manufacturing have gone so it's the only place for them to go and if we don't make sure the treatment we did into respect then they will always live in perpetual poverty and it's our duty to stand together one another it's our right as a people to deserve and expect decency and I think obviously by reinstating a socialist principle inside the Labour Party we can then demand that Labour Party stand up and shock over it so I think the reason that clause 4 is so relevant to young people today is precisely because it represents the Labour Party's commitment to socialism and despite what some of its opposes may say about it being outdated for me and I think for a lot of young people it does represent the future the future of a socialist society I think a lot of young people are young people and I think if you look at society today you can see that overwhelming amount of young people are looking for radical socialist ideas and there's lots of different examples of that I think that prove this Students, workers and the most vulnerable in society have been forced to bear the front of austerity we are at risk of being the first generation to see our lifetime earnings fall we're at risk of having a worse condition of living than that of our parents generation this is a society that is moving backwards where young people are leaving university in huge amounts of debt they're entering a world where there is work where they have to pay really all of their wages on extortion at rent prices just to live in bad housing anyway and I think that that's only for those who go through university there's a huge section of the population a huge section of young people that aren't even getting through education they aren't even getting through education completely they're not even getting to university there's a huge section of young people who are crushed out of university crushed out of education crushed out of school they might be suspended, then expelled and then they're likely to end up in prison and I think this is important to talk about because school children and young people they aren't going to do well in school if their parents can't pay their rent if their parents don't have enough food to provide them with a proper dinner if they're living in conditions where they can't do their homework at a table they can't actually learn they can't actually really do well in school and I think these are things that are all linked together when we talk about the conditions that young people are in we have to connect it with the austerity and with the policies that this Tory government has been implementing all these things are connected and I think they come from a system that values profit but everything else fundamentally and I think that everyone at the moment rightly is horrified by the rates of knife crime that are just soaring in the last 10 years and the rates of knife crime that are killing and we've seen so many census deaths of young people, of children, of teenagers and there's this sense that the world is going mad in such misery and bitterness I think the script society and the violence that we're seeing that people are even capable of and I think that we have to be clear in the Labour Party by connecting the rise of knife crime with youth unemployment with the lack of funding for our youth services and so I think that as young people we need a social safe government that's going to take all the money that's been stolen from the working class for so many years and invest it in the whole of society invest it in young people invest it in services that young people are desperately crying out for and that has to be the task of the Labour government going forward I joined the Labour Party because of Jeremy Corbyn I joined the Labour Party because Jeremy Corbyn I joined the Labour Party because Jeremy Corbyn represented something fundamentally different to the same dull, flair-right politics that dominated the British political system for a really long time and he represented something fundamental not just aesthetics, not just rhetoric a real material change that he was offering to the lives of the working class and young people included in that and I think that Corbyn has succeeded and started the process of transforming the Labour Party back to its socialist roots and where it comes from and what it stands on in the trade unions and the working class and I think this is a heritage that we have to claim and be proud of and shout about it because I think this is the heritage the socialist heritage that is what is going to get the Labour Party elected in the next general election by getting the youth vote out and I think it's no accident that in the 2017 general election the country is a brilliant example where for the first time we saw a seat that had been Tory for 100 years, go Labour and that was because of the students the youth came out and mobilised to kick that Tory out and we saw that replicated in other places in Leeds and in Sheffield and I think that is the model on which we have to look at the next general election by looking at the youth and how they can mobilise to get Labour MPs elected and we were at the freshers fair talking to students getting them signed up talking to them about helping the Labour Party and registering to vote and they weren't just interested in getting Boris out for the sake of Boris is all but most people can agree with that they weren't interested in the continuation of maybe live demonstrations or anything like that they were interested in kicking Boris out and getting Corbyn in on a socialist programme that is the difference that Corbyn and this Labour Party can offer in an election with young people have thrown up knowing nothing but austerity I was probably 10 or 11 when the 2008 financial crisis happened I have known nothing but crisis in chaos my whole life how could I not be anti-capitalist how could I not be fundamentally repulsed by the system that has only seen increasing homelessness increasing deaths 120,000 people dying under austerity and this is what young people have seen and Jeremy Corbyn has come onto the scene in that 2017 general elections offering something fundamentally different and I think that in that general election I've got a few statistics here the turnout amongst 80 to 25 year olds was 72% which is an incredible increase on the average of 40% of the last four elections but more crucially than that over 60%, 67% of that youth vote went to Labour now that was quite a short election it started off because they were doing quite badly in the polls and Theresa May in the Tories kind of arrogantly assumed this is it we're going to finish Labour off and then they can go on further and win later seats across the country and that's obviously not what happened in seven weeks Corbyn and the Labour Party radical left wing manifesto transformed the situation in Britain and they completely wiped out the Tories majority but more than that I think it kind of transformed the political landscape of Britain for years where socialism was a dirty word you couldn't talk about socialism without being a free convening on the extremes of society it is now mainstream and we own that and I think we have to be proud of that and shout about that all the political commentators were a loss trying to explain how this had happened they couldn't explain it but I think I can and we can which is that if you run a campaign on both socialist policies it's going to be a huge general election so students and young people are very much at the forefront of that fight and I think we'll continue to be so and I think that the turnout in that general election proves that young people are political and determined to bring an end to austerity under the Tories there was a lot of cynicism employed by the media or the analysis and political commentators and this idea that the Tories promoted for a young time was to promote that young people don't vote that they're lazy and apathetic to politics and in that general election I think that was completely proved wrong young people do vote they did vote and they will vote in the next general election for socialist policies radical socialist policies that are going to make a fundamental difference to society is the way we need to move forward and I want to give one more example of this which is the huge inspirational climate strikes that we've seen kind of transform the whole world really over the last year and I've been on many of them and when you go on these climate strikes and you meet these four children they are unapologetic and determined that what they are seeing going on in the world today is completely unacceptable and that is the message that we need to be teaching and meeting them with we need to show them that we agree with that in the Labour Party and we have agreed with that for a long time and now we're finally in the cusp one of the slogans that very much I think defined the climate strikes was system change not climate change right we're not interested in this or that deal with this or that minister and another kind of Paris agreement or whatever we're looking for a fundamental change in the system that has destroyed our planet for so long and has destroyed the lives of the working class and young people for a really long time so I think we need to meet that anger we need to meet sorry the mood of the youth on the streets we can only do that by doing party of radical socialist policies and the main point on that is that there's never been a better or easier time to do this and I think we're starting the first steps of that and this has been a great labour party conference abolishing private schools all of these policies are the exact kind of things that we need to be going into the general election shouting about and I'll just end on you know a year or two ago Corbyn was being interviewed and asked and whatever and Andrew Mark says to him are you in this for the long run and he just kind of sat back and said I've got the youth on my side that's what he does and we're fighting for a socialist labour government led by Jeremy Corbyn Robert is the editor of Socialist Appeals he's also really the initiator and the organiser of this campaign which gave him out over a year ago so you know can we get this campaign going is this campaign a good idea and it's culminated this party conference and the majority of this constituency labour party delegates supporting the restoration close for as we've heard from there's still a way to go and turn to the trade unions and there's still a discussion to have about how we take this campaign forward with the waiting and so on because I think now we have to engage with whatever process the party comes up with whether it be a review or a waiting party or whatever but we have to make sure that when that review happens that this campaign is fundamentally a part of it because without this campaign without the way of this campaign then it wouldn't be on the agenda and there wasn't in particular that this question wouldn't be on the agenda so it's going through to a review so we will be the man that we'll pass a big, real big man that the constitution seems to have moved this and moved constitutional amendments I'm going to be part of any review in the future so that's absolutely clear but without further ado why don't you do Rob to speak about the campaign? I should confess that I'm like a dog with two tails I am enormously proud of the comrades who spoke in the debate the comrades who have done the chair Jim and Luke authority did a brilliant job in presenting the case from a close fo to this party conference you can see by your reception that you are talking about what constitutional changes this food change, that food change by the health and then we have Jim come up socialism lockdown and everybody responded because that's what they wanted to hear not the rules and regulations they can do to hear something fundamental and that's what clause 4 is all about it's for Asia the generations of workers wanted to change society itself and therefore I think we should be yes, proud of the fact that for the first time since 1995 clause 4 has been discussed by the Labour Party and then secondly 62% of constituency parties voted against the executive committee bringing the full clause back into the constitution what a great achievement and shows the feeling that is there in the rank and file a Labour Party that's not milk and water they want a Labour Party but not a Liberal Party but a party that's based on fundamental socialist ideas that's going to change the world and the reason for that well of course we've had named Labour and yes Blair's intention was to destroy the Labour Party he wanted to bring about a new Liberal Party hopefully he had written it it wasn't a sight issue he explained this to me what he did he was going to break the link with the trade unions and above all changed the name of the Labour Party and he went quite far he went quite far he went with other people who left the Labour Party after clause 4 was taken up after the Iraq War maybe by the droves but they couldn't believe this was the party they had joined and it changed fundamentally for them and of course as was said it was hardly a fact but particularly between the two major parties that was the case so the idea was thought well a couple of years back it was a centenary now clause 4 after all we've had a fundamental change in getting Corbyn back as the leader of the Labour Party that was a qualitative change to say the least it couldn't be built upon this and bring the idea of clause 4 back into the agenda and we thought well we've got to go see what happens like you know let's take the ground and the more we did it here in particular myself went around the country to different meetings speaking about it and every meeting spoke to the Labour Party and so on there was a big support for this idea people were saying yes it's time it was brought back on the agenda and therefore we are proud that we are part of this making a history out there because as the chair pointed out if we hadn't initiated this it wouldn't have been discussed today it wouldn't have been discussed at this conference the executive would have just passed it by so we forced the agenda and also the unions we raised it there coming up on the platform tonight because we managed to get a resolution at CWU conference which because of the privatisation and the effects of privatisation on those workers they passed that motion unanimously 700 workers and that was an indication of when you explain the ideas what kind of response that you can get now of course there have been objections where isn't it out of date isn't the language a bit archaic now I didn't pass my lefn plus myself and I'm not very great at English but it makes bloody sense to me it's not Shakespeare I'm not sure sir that you have a kind of tell me what it's all about it's for the workers by hand or by brain to secure the full fruits of their labour based on a common ownership of the means of production and I thought well you know you know something to do with the language with all that a working body and the reason why you were hesitant about the NEC and we are great at this is that we don't bloody trust them you know as Jim pointed out we had a working body in 1995 that was Blair's idea and we were presented with a new cause on a plate take it or leave it nothing else or amendments anything and of course we don't want this to happen now of course the Board of Guarantees you'll be involved and so on right then we will be involved we will see this not at the end of the campaign but at the beginning of our campaign going around the country talking about we need a bold socialist constitution for the party with the aim of replacing capitalism with a system based on need and not profit which is the pioneers of our movement I joined the Labour Party in 1966 I was a young kid my parents were well I did come from a political background is true but I wasn't interested in politics I was interested in football and the usual stuff we are at 13 or 14 years of age and he was my brother I got the book and he passed me that by hand my brother was more interested in politics he gave me a book he said I would have read that but I wasn't a very good reader I thought I would read the book or I could give it to me I was severe this is the book here it's in the bridge version I was a philanthropist like my father it changed my life to be honest about it my family are building workers my father was a bricklayer and like a family of building workers this is about the building industry about a painter called Owen who tries to convince his workmates of the ideas of socialism about how bad capitalism is where profit comes from all the basic things that you are normally asked about and when I read it it was like wow this all makes sense where does profit come from who makes it working people the money trick where he talks about give me a bit of bread and cut the bread up and the coins and he shows the workers in front of them of this trick where they produce the wealth they produce the necessities of life but it's under the control of the money and when they pay the wages it goes back to the capitalist therefore they have to work again to replenish their wages and it goes on and on and on and the capitalist gets richer and richer and the workers are in the same bloody place as before and that's what's here and it sends to me that they do oblongs on the floor which is the productive class of society your unproductive classes who produces all the wealth of society I think it all makes sense this is exactly it and why well I'll show it I had the page if I can oh yeah one of the concluding chapters it says charity deals with the symptoms it ignores the disease which is the private ownership of the means of producing the necessities of life and the restriction of production by a few selfish individuals for their own profits and for that disease there is no other remedy than the public ownership and cultivation of the land the public ownership of the mines the railways the canals the ships the factories and all other means of production great I'm a follower of Robert Tressall he understood it this book was published in 1914 and that was the views of the pioneers of our movement go back to Kiihadi or whatever that capitalism was the system based on private profit gain driven by greed like the profit motive and that we and gave rights to the ills of capitalism where the working class were always exploited and profit comes from the unpaid labour of the working class and however you tinker with capitalism you will never change those laws however much you do this and do that it's still fundamentally a system for the exploitation of the working class for the interests of the capitalist of the landlords and so on and so forth that was the beginning and it's the same today as it was then so when John MacDonald said last year that clause 4 is just as relevant today as it was in the Kiihadi absolutely there's nothing changed with our workers we produce the wealth and the rich have never been so rich as they are today and more powerful and I know we need a methodist establishment but you know the labour movement owes more to methodism than Marxism and I thought already that's why he's in a bloody mess then that did Marx and Marxism and in fact out of the book it inspired me when I was a kid I didn't join the Labour Party when I was 14 it was supposed to be in 15 by all that the Labour's and I met some all the old geezers there and they were telling me pulling the general strike and all the rest of it and then the book I gave it to me and the Communist Manifesto produced by the Labour Party in 1914 and quite an interesting book I thought it was not the Labour Party producing this, yes in the forward it says by the Labour Party the Labour Party acknowledges its indebtedness to Marx and Engels as two of the men who had been the inspiration of the whole working class movement they're not telling Tony Blair and other man they said fire to this one but when you read the manifesto it's quite a modern book actually it's only 30 pages long and it talks about yes of the role of capitalism offers and it says that all the two societies and the other societies are ones based on class struggle I thought that was true classes are in society and it's a struggle of classes that's true and that socialism is not a great, just a nice idea it is rooted in the development of history that we've had our slave society we've had our feudal society and we have our capitalist society and the next page it says socialism and the capitalism will go through a page of crisis explained to you there will be a crisis of over production which has never occurred in the history of humankind we've had under production you know where we start because the harvest should be failed and the bad weather but never a system where you produce too much of a thing and therefore we've got to throw people out of work but there's so much in society so much poverty smaller than needs are there but capitalism is not interested in needs it's interested in profits and of course there's something scarce that it pushes up the price and pushes up the profits so capitalism will not want to have a market which is suitably based on need and that's why capitalism goes into crisis and we had the biggest crisis in 2008 for what? since the 1930s some say it's the biggest crisis that capitalism has faced given the scope a bit in its history and now there's a new slump coming and we haven't recovered from the last slump and the reason why we've got austerity is because they've built the capitalist system out they've built the banks out and Labour didn't actualise the banks but only to make them better again so we could put them back in private hands again not because they're for the people but to show capitalism up and we have to say was that the real reason why we created the Labour Party to patch up capitalism I'd say no, when I joined it I wanted to do away with capitalism why because I always knew that the problems that workers face are due to the capitalist system of unemployment why do you predict this idea? unemployment how do you have people unemployed when there's so many things to do and then technology which is a great thing although I imagine Dave now saying we have to argue being certain that technological advances because it's shackling people shackling the working class rather than being a means of lightning the burden of work machines and technology are there to increase the burdens of work because those who are in work are difficult to do displace labour and that's what you always have in a system based on profit and the profit motive and that's the idea that the Labour Party it's going to deliver on its programme and we'll fight like no one's fought for a Labour Government that's quite clear and we'll fight to get Jeremy Corbyn into number 10 and John into number 11 also sure the map because you think big business is going to they're not very happy about this you know they're not very happy with the ideas that are floating out that we should give a decent minimum wage or cut working hours or what have you and they're going to take action against the Labour Government and we've been here before some people have said you talking about nostalgia nostalgia and those kind of glasses I said what lessons can be learnt in the past because we don't want to repeat those lessons and when I joined I remember I had a good memory 1966 we had a election in 64 new elections in 66 Halifasyn's famous London the white heat of the technological and scientific revolution and Gordon Brown Gordon actually sold yng Nghaerdydd yng Nghaerdydd ymgyrch yn y 4% o ddechrau yn ymgyrch arall. Fy gyrdd 12 yma, y dyma'r unrhyw ychydig yn ymgyrch. Fy ymgyrch yn y dyfodol. Fy ymgyrch yn y cyfyrdd ymgyrch ymgyrch yn 1969, byddwn yn ymgyrch ymgyrch, wedi bod yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch ymgyrch yn ymgyrch, ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch yn ymgyrch. Fyd, ac mae'n rhaid? Fyd yn rhaid yn yr ymgyrch, a ni'n stod yn y left-wing program, cwyd yn neisio i'r America, a ni'n gwybod America, y Land of McCarthy, a'r anti-communism i'r restynid, a ni'n gafodd i'r Sloan. We were a revolution against the billion-air class, a that's a hell of a slogan. But it resonated with a lot of people, because, yes, against Wall Street, against these criminals and gangsters. And therefore, I think that we have to say, the more left-wing Labour is, the more exactly it will be, not only to the youth, but those millions who have been disillusioned with politics and capitalism. You know, we've been knocking the doors usually. Oh, no, thank you. Don't have what he said. Oh, no, thanks. I might not have had the guts, but I've voted for you before. But you know, that thing's changed. That I can say that on my own estate, my own council estate was I living on, and I've lived on for years. I can't say any change in the fact that their conditions are deteriorating. We know from the fact that it was a generally corporate mention of the TUC, that in the last ten years, wages have gone down, real-term wages have gone down, for a greater amount of any decade, going back to the new Napoleonic Wars. Like 200 years ago. That's the kind of stuff that we have been faced. So people are bitter, angry. They're faced with this. This is their life that's disappearing. And that is why they look for hope. And that's why we want a radical, we want to leave a party that's fighting for the working class, but we haven't got to leave a party that's going to give it vision. And the only vision you can give is not the patch of capitalism, but to say we're going to change society fundamentally. And not just in Britain. We are internationalists. We reach out to the workers in Greece, for instance, who are being attacked, their pensions, their wages, their conditions, where people have to go around begging in the streets and lovely and waste bins in order to survive. Are those in Portugal? Are those in France? And those in other countries who are desperately looking also for a way out, we can offer it. They are our friends, not the multinational corporations, or reworking people. And therefore, yes, we can make history. What we've done here is a little bit of it. A little bit of an effort and good God we've achieved. The NEC is going to have a review, we'll give them a review. They want some new words, we'll give them a few new words. We'll make it a bit more spicy then, even though tomorrow's for you. Ah yes, and that's the next trick, if you like. We're going to, we should demand, by the way, that one of the movers of the resolution should be on this working body. Why not? Why? That would be fun. The second year we will say no, go round each constituency party. Come on. We want a real, bold socialist constitution. Even more bold than we've had it before. Gosh, this is the time we need it. And we'll get a response. If 62% are voting for that, if we give them the arguments, they're going further than that, which will put pressure on the national executive. We'll see what they come for, and we'll ask for amendments if we want to. Surely with the double democracy, well, we should be amended. This is our constitution. So I think that in the big time, but in the big league, we're changing the Labour Party more so. We've got a long way to go. We've got to get rid of all of the party, every Labour Party. You know, socialist, I think, they know, socialist, they've got over them. They are a part of the past. So we want democracy, all we want to do nothing much. We have very moderate people. We only want the earth. We have moderate people. We only want to decide who our MP is and who our representative is. Democratically, that's all. But we should do it, and we're not going to let this half a revolution be accomplished and leave it at that. We want the whole lot. And therefore, we should be inspired over what we've done. We've done a bit, and built upon it. And by choice, if we go to the Labour movement and they're working to ask the treaty and explain these ideas, we'll get a response. So it's up to us to prepare now for the next months and years to lie ahead that to really make this a socialist party, to back up a socialist government and to really put on the idea to handle capitalism if you can't deliver the goods. If you could, I'd vote for capitalism. But I know it might. I'm going on a sketchy, I'm outing jobs, math jobs, all the rest of it. We're getting worse down than we ever before. And this is the 21st century. This is the time for socialism in our time. I think this campaign can really drive things forward. With your help, with your support, we'll do it. Thank you, Gullwch.