 In addressing the fifth section, we have to return to the powers and authorities that belong to the people in whose name this constitutional agreement is being signed. No citizen has the power to determine who will be a representative for his or her neighbor. That authority is personal. They cannot even give the gathered Congress the power to challenge the authority of any elected representative. There simply is no authority to interfere with or prevent the election of representatives. Proclaiming Congress to be the judge of member elections does not let the body of Congress establish and enforce its internal rules as to its own membership. Congress cannot refuse the will of the people who elect the representative, but they do not have to accept that representative as an active member of Congress. This section recognizes the right of the members to look into the details of election and to judge whether any elected person is fairly elected and has met the requirements to fulfill the congressional office to which he or she has been elected. Beyond this, there is the power to regulate the behavior of members of Congress when acting as members of that body. This is by the writing even open to assessment of punishment. In the common law, punishment is the assessment of negative consequences to some act. Punishment by the common law was an extraordinary power. No person could legally punish his neighbor. Punishment was reserved for the sovereign authority and limited to established crimes and misdemeanors or to the exercise of the right of the sovereign to rule. It was like the power of parents over a young child enforcing parental rules on pain of active parental response. The effect of this provision is to set the body of Congress into sovereign authority over its members, but with the limited purpose of seeing to the operation of the public body serving a public purpose. Of specific note, this does not give Congress any additional powers or authorities when it comes to dealing with the people that elected the representative. It assumes that discordant behavior by any elected member is misrepresentative. Punishment goes to the member instead of reflecting on the people who are represented. The journals of proceedings is a requirement for management of the legislative business of Congress. Writing it into the provision is clearly beyond the simple management. Especially when the provision allows for exemption of items from the record. What this justifies is separation of the journal into two volumes. The one is to be public containing the record of operations that any citizen may see. The other is secured and is a record of actions that are not to be published. It implies the publication of the one volume. It does not address what Congress is to do with the other. The final provision addresses the intentional coordination of the two houses of Congress. It addresses simultaneous meetings, implying the intent that these work together in coordination in fulfilling the purposes put forth in this constitutional agreement. The lead paragraph in Section 6 arranges for the members of Congress to be government employees. They are to be paid from the common treasury. This has a secondary common law impact as it deals with the laws that apply to employment. One immediate challenge is that these representatives are not employed to represent the United States as a whole, but to represent the people who are the base for their election. Payment from the U.S. Treasury is not meant to interrupt this and must accordingly address the citizen owner rights in the Treasury. Payment of paying representatives from central funds is not meant to interfere with responsibility to represent a specific block of people. It speaks to the need to see due funds within the Treasury as belonging to the people. Funds collected from those in one representative's area of representation belong directly to the citizens being represented. Other funds, as those collected as part of international commerce, are shared in ownership with all the citizens of the United States. Simply dumping funds into an omnibus account is probably improper and is certainly poor management. The effect is to assure that the members of Congress are to be paid out of the representational portions of the funds in the Treasury for each representative's territory. Separate accounting to the people being represented should be appropriate. The obvious intent of a congressman's immunity from common arrest is to assure that the representative is unfettered in his ability to represent and to act without fear of personal reprisals when engaged in the people's business. There is, after all, provision in the previous section for self-regulation of Congress as a body. This provides ability to contain disruptive or improper behavior by such rules and actions as Congress may choose to put into effect. That intent has proven to be unrealized due to the large amount of legislative business being completed by the body of hundreds of people. They do not have the time or opportunity to self-regulate through their internal corporate actions. As a matter of general practice, they simply allow members to commit slander in hopes that the public will not support their representative in engaging in such punishable criminal acts. Even where the slander is intended to damage someone's ability to pursue their chosen profession, it has gone unpunished. Most recently it has been even used to slander political benefit, intentionally interfering with the presentation of candidates for congressional or other elected offices. The provisions have been openly and widely abused without restraint, but any correction is a matter for Congress and accordingly not for lesser government bodies authorized to interfere. Where we the people have authority to interfere, we currently lack any good recognized process for action, even if we can come together to address matters of concern. The second paragraph also addresses avoidance of representative bias, putting a specific ban on actions and relationships that would divide their interests and loyalties by secondary employment. They are for the time that they are in office to be focused on the people's business. This provision does not require direct member action. Again, the first focus in the article 7 is on finance, on the importance of handling the people's public money. It also is indicative of the people's intent that the bills that raise revenue must start in the House of Representative, which is the most representative body. The government's gathering of funds is the people's business. This further emphasizes that the funds in the Treasury are also the people's funds. The public is seen as having a direct and personal and abiding interest in the public money residing in the U.S. Treasury. The following paragraph specifies the general process that is to be used in passing laws. It is significant that it includes the President as a check on the authority of Congress, even as it does allow for supermajority in both houses to see to the people's will if the President is not disposed to support congressional actions. It enumerates certain powers that will belong to Congress. It accordingly has effective responsibility upon Congress to exercise the powers on behalf of the people of the United States, seeing to the purposes given. It is noteworthy that a large percentage of these go to financial operations of the government. This is a major matter of interest in the people's delegation of powers to the government formed under this constituting a document. There are special provisions addressing the militia, people of the nation as volunteers for military direction. There is a specific authority to call these bodies international purposes. This is not an executive power as it is a volunteer force people by sovereign citizens. The states also have a potential for militia efforts. There is authorization to create federal enclaves, where federal law will be a sole legislative authority. It is significant that, except for the seat of government, all such lands must be approved by the states. The territory of representative bodies, before the enclave can be legally established. Inherent in this is the authority in any state as the people's territorial authority to withdraw that approval, reclaiming the territorial rights to represent those who are within their borders. The territorial authority other than the seat of government rests first in the states and then in the constitutional government arranged in this agreement. The ending of this list with a catch-all provision indicates that this list was to be inclusive, not exclusive. There may be other powers that will belong to Congress, even though not included in this list. Where section 8 addresses things that Congress was to do, section 9 addresses things that Congress is specifically not to do. It has many historical interferences with citizen activities that are to be recognized as citizen rights and privileges. It includes some privileges recognized in the state governments. It specifically directs that Congress not favor any one state over any others as batters of commerce. It also strengthens the ability of the people to manage their government by assuring published accounts of receipts and expenditures. This is proven to be limited in effect as secrecy is also specifically permitted. Implementation has involved noting the expenditures and receipts, but not requiring specific statements of the particulars that otherwise are secured transactions. There is good reason to believe that this has allowed and supported some public abuse. Section 10 recognizing those traditional trappings of sovereign government that are reserved to the Congress. The writing of this provision is somewhat awkward as it is written in the negative, addressing powers and authorities being forbidden to the states. While this is somewhat in accord with the signing of the document by colonial state representatives, it could be read in this document as setting limits on state governments as denial of state sovereignty. This document, however, is especially Article 1 addressed to creation of a central Congress and is not definitive as to other bodies. It suffices to grant exclusive jurisdiction to the Congress on matters covered. The states are not to be recognized by those in Congress to be separate sovereign governments. Neither does it subordinate these state governments to a new government, but merely limits the ability to act as sovereigns where the Congress is given jurisdiction. It would appear that the states, by their acceptance, also accept the indicated limits on their authorities. The very writing of this constitutional article sets duties upon Congress and sets specific limitations on its authority to act. The larger agreement, among we the people as to what they grant to their government, contains its own set of limits based on the larger purposes of self-government. The U.S. government cannot legally act as a sovereign over the citizens of the United States, but is to represent their interests in accord with the written agreement and has written into its stated purposes. The first purpose of Congress is to pass laws delivering services to the people. The second is to perform internal management of the operation of government on behalf of the people. It is also provided with a list of specific duties to address through the operation of Congress. To draw this together, it is to act in coordination with the president in its legislative efforts and to support the executive as an arm of government through the passage of laws. This is not a matter of checks and balances, so much as a direction that it is to act in coordination with other elements of government and ensuring the purposes of government that are set forth in the preamble.