 Good morning, everyone. Welcome this morning. This is a really big day, and we're delighted to welcome Foreign Minister Maia Harb back to CSIS and back to Washington. This is, I think, the first time since you've become Foreign Minister. And it's a very exciting time for us. We greatly admire his leadership. I've had the privilege of knowing the Foreign Minister for about 10 years. And I said to him, I don't understand how it is that I've gotten older and grayer and heavier, and he hasn't changed in 10 years. I mean, this just does not seem at all fair or right. He remains fresh and vigorous, which is actually, and yet wise, because he's been in government now for so many years, and has done such a superb job in all the positions that he's had. And in a way, I think it's emblematic of what Japan is going through right now. I mean, Japan is simultaneously bridging a world of the past and a world to the future. And it's pioneering new directions, and yet it can't let go of what it was and is. And it's finding that way, finding that way to straddle this important historic moment that holds on to things of value with the past, but brings on this fresh new future. That's what this government is trying to do, and that's what Foreign Minister Mayahara Sensei is doing. So we're uniquely privileged today to be able to welcome him here and to hear him. This is an important time for Japan, and it's a very important time for Japan and American relations. And we have the opportunity now to hear about this and the fresh vision that Mayahara Sensei is bringing to this this morning, and he chose to come here for this opportunity to speak with all of you. He's only been off the airplane for two hours. And I will tell you, he only got three hours of sleep on the flight over. And I said, well, that's normal for a foreign minister. So it's been an average day. So we welcome Foreign Minister Mayahara Sensei to CSI in Washington. Foreign Minister. Thank you very much, Dr. Hamlet. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Thank you very much for coming, so many people. I had a chance to make a speech here five years ago, but then much less audience, because I was an abortion leader then. And now I'm a member of the ruling party and the foreign minister. I realize the ruling party is better than the abortion party. Thank you very much. I'm truly grateful for this opportunity to speak today at CSIS, one of the leading think tank of the United States. It was exactly five years ago that I last had the pleasure of speaking here. During these years, political landscape in Japan underwent a significant transformation with the Democratic Party of Japan achieving the change of government. And CSIS has consistently attached importance to the Japan-U.S. relations and conducted steady research on the subject. I think the latent power of the United States is rooted on the presence of think tanks like the CSIS that analyze information and make policy recommendations and take on extremely useful and constructive roles in shaping public opinions. Both domestic and international. I'd like to express my respect to Dr. Hamure, president of CSIS, Dr. Michael Green, who has led the highly respected Japan chair and other experts of CSIS for their continued efforts and contributions to society. I majored in international politics at Kyoto University. My academic advisor and mentor, Professor Masataka Kousaka, before he passed away, gave me several instructions as his last will. One of them was the Japan-U.S. relations must be managed well in spite of many difficulties. Since I was first elected to the diet in 1993, I have visited the United States every year to exchange views with U.S. government of Shouts and experts precisely because I have believed that the Japan-U.S. alliance is the cornerstone of Japan's diplomacy and that it is essential for statements who are engaged in governing a country to build a relationship of trust with a partner country. Japan and the United States have faced various bilateral and global issues. The trust between our two countries has worked as a driving force to overcome each of these challenges. 50 years have passed since Japan-U.S. security treaty was concluded in 1960. This year, 2011, is interpreted as the inaugural year of the new Japan-U.S. alliance which assures in the next half a century. The NATO summit adapted a new strategic concept last year in which new cooperative security in the 21st century was introduced. Likewise, the Japan-U.S. relations, which are the most important in the transphacelic relations, must be deepened in transformation to a new alliance responding to the changing strategic environment. Last December, the U.S. Department of State released the quadrennial diplomacy and development review, QDDR, which showed the U.S. determination to lead the world through civilian power. The QDDR also involved a rigorous review of an effective setup for the implementation of U.S. foreign policy, which reminds us of the distinct character of the United States. That is to constantly aim to improve itself. In particular, it is not worthy that the QDDR indicates that the U.S. takes measures which include strengthening the interagency approach to the security areas, including conflict prevention, development, peace building, and assistance to vulnerable states by making use of civilian power. I hope the Japan and the United States in close cooperation would promote the rise of civilian power in the Asia-Pacific while making the Japan-U.S. security treaty cornerstone of peace and stability. If the Asia-Pacific region were to become a driving force for the peace and prosperity in the 21st century, we need to bolster the network of civilian power and see to it that democracy and market economies take root in the region. After all, they have brought the most peace and prosperity to humankind throughout history. Today, I wish to share with you my basic thoughts on how Japan and the United States should cooperate with each other in this region, which is going through a period of change in order to promote the shaping of a new order and to open a bright future under the theme of opening a new horizon in the Asia-Pacific. There is no doubt that the 21st century is the era of Asia-Pacific. The three countries of Japan, the United States, and China occupy the top three spots in global GDP ranking. In addition, some estimate that the share of Asia excluding the US and the other Pacific countries as a percentage of global GDP likely will reach 14% percentage in 2030 compared to 25% in 2009. At the same time, we must remember that the rapidly developing Asia-Pacific is fraught with factors of instability and uncertainty. The nuclear and missile development issue of DPRK is a cause for major concern. It should be noted that, as seen in the sinking incident of the Republic of Korea's patrol ship, Chonam, last May, the sharing of the Yongpyeong Island last November and the development of Enriched Uranium. DPRK, these days, is escalating the level of its provocation against the region and the international community. In addition, in the case of Japan, we have with DPRK the unresolved issue of the abduction of Japanese citizens. The rise of Asian emerging economies while providing opportunities for the economies of Asia and the world also is causing tension against the backdrop of the scramble for resources. In addition, increase in military spending by some countries without transparency has become a factor that could potentially raise tension in the region. Thus, with ongoing multi-polarization among the community of nations, we are witnessing a tendency for countries to increasingly pursue their own interests in the absence of a common platform. The Asia Pacific is a region full of diversity with the multi-policity of ethnicities, cultures, and religions. It is this diversity that is driving the remarkable growth of the region. Diversity with a misstep may turn into a conflict. Instead, it is quite possible to bring prosperity in the region by building on diversity a stronger sense of unity and making the region even more dynamic and open. We should build this new order with a fundamental philosophy that developing the Asia Pacific region through cooperation instead of under hegemony is indivisible from the long-term interests of the countries in the region. With this in mind, it will be important to develop institutional foundations embodying the rule of law. Democracy, respect for human rights, global commons, and free and fair trade and investment rules, including protection of intellectual property rights. This needs to be done in addition to developing infrastructure. That has underpinned the development and economic growth of the region's developing countries to date. For example, Indonesia, a country with the world's largest Muslim population, elects its president through direct ballot and is enjoying political stability as a democratic state by respecting the freedom of speech among others. These developments have made Indonesia's leadership role in ASN more dependable. The Bari Democracy Forum, organized at President Sushiro Bamba Yudonots' initiative, is worthy of attention as an Asia originating commitment to democracy. Japan highly appreciates it as an attempt in the region to build an institutional foundation called democracy. I myself attended the third Bari Democracy Forum last December on behalf of the Japanese government and gave a presentation titled Democracy in Diversity, Building on Asia's Unique Strengths. Needless to say, whether first rising emerging economies such as China and India will engage actively in shaping the region's new order with full grasp of the common interests of the international community will be crucial. In particular, as China already has grown deep, deep economic interdependence with both Japan and the United States, its peaceful development in harmony with the international community will be in the interest of both of our countries. Japan, therefore, takes interest in the role that China will play in shaping a new regional order in the Asia Pacific. In consideration of such strategic environment, the Japan-U.S. alliance is vitally important, not only to the defense of Japan, but also to the peace and stability of the Asia Pacific region as the region's public goods. I highly appreciate that the United States not only has continued to make immeasurable contributions to the region's peace and stability by maintaining an over-ferming presence in the Asia Pacific, but also has been intensifying, intensifying its engagement in the region and the Obama administration. The top priority task today for Japan and the United States, I believe, is to invest our all-out and all-round effort to shape a new order in the Asia Pacific region, which finds itself in the middle of a period of change. The roles of our two countries will not diminish in any way in the days ahead. In fact, in view of the urgent need to develop institutional foundations in the region today, expectations are only rising that we play even greater roles, and I feel the responsibilities on our shoulders are very great. To date, Japan has endeavored to promote various regional cooperation in addition to making contributions to the sustainable growth of the Asia Pacific through trade and investment, official development assistance, and others. Japan will carry on these efforts. In particular, Japan jointly with the United States has considered important ASEAN centrality in regional cooperation. Japan therefore will continue to attach importance to supporting efforts toward ASEAN integration through assistance for the building of an ASEAN economic community by 2015 and the strengthening of ASEAN connectivity. At the same time, we are paying particular attention to East Asia Summit, EAS, among the various frameworks that are involving with ASEAN as a core. Japan has consistently advanced the idea of U.S. participation to EAS and welcomes the official decisions of U.S. and Russian participation this year. There are some concrete agendas for Japan and the United States to pursue in order to develop institutional foundations in this region. Expanding and strengthening the role of EAS is one of them. EAS so far has seen progress in regional cooperation in the five priority areas of energy, education, finance, disaster management, and measures against avian flu. In the days ahead, we wish to bring up for consideration the possible inclusion of security within the scope of EAS. From this perspective, we are looking forward to the role that Indonesia will play as the ASEAN chair this year. These, I believe, are in line with the thoughts Secretary Clinton enantiated in her presentations in Hawaii in January and October of last year. The second task is the APEC, which has achieved remarkable progress in creating common platform for the liberalization of trade and investment over the past 20 years or so. We shall build on the Yokohama vision, a product of the APEC Economic Leaders Meeting that was held in Yokohama last November, and continue close coordination with the United States, which will cheer the APEC process this year from the vantage from Yokohama to Honolulu. In Yokohama, it also was confirmed with regard to the pathways to FTAB, free trade area of the Asia Pacific, that concrete actions should be taken by way of building on the regional endeavors currently underway. The Trans-Pacific Strategic Economic Partnership Agreement, TPP, can be regarded in particular as the next generation type FTA. As such, it can be an important first step towards the realization of an FTAB. If a framework becomes a reality with major global economies, such as Japan and the United States, participating, it will have great economic as well as political significance. I regard this also as a part of the process of strengthening Japan-US relations. Quite frankly, in considering Japan's participation ETPP, Japan has to carry out reforms including agriculture, which will end doubtless, will entail difficulties. However, the government of Japan has decided to launch consultations with the countries concerned. As it believes that the revitalization of agriculture and the further opening up of Japan are two objectives that can go hand in hand, rather than run counter to each other. Thirdly, we should establish closer partnerships among countries that are mature democracies with market economies, with a view to building a system of cooperation encompassing both security and economy. One approach in this regard is a consideration of networking in the Asia Pacific region. If we can expand the networking among countries which share the rules, we will be able to reinforce the region's institutional foundations. In parallel, we should engage in rules-making efforts for new public space such as the outer space and the cyber space in addition to rules governing the freedom of maritime navigation, intellectual property rights, and open skies. For our two countries to play a central role in order to move in the direction I have suggested, an unshakable Japan-U.S. alliance will be essential. Japan and the United States fell out of steps last year over the issue of the location of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma in Okinawa. At the same time, this satisfaction grew among Okinawans over the inability of the Japanese government to turn their wishes into reality. The crucial point is that efforts to gain the understanding of a local Okinawa community will be essential for the resolution of the issue. It will be essential not to invite a situation that might undermine the functioning of the Japan-U.S. alliance, which has a strategic importance for the region's stability. As the government of Japan moves forward the relocation of Futenma Air Station while making clear that it will deliver on the Japan-U.S. agreement of May 28th last year. It therefore will be important for both Japan and the United States to contribute their respective wisdom from medium and long-term perspective and work with a wavering determination to resolve the Futenma relocation issue. From the viewpoint of setting the right environment to manage the bilateral alliance, the understanding reached in principle between the two governments as a result of the comprehensive review of the host nation support for the U.S. forces in Japan is an achievement of the Kan and Obama administrations. This major political decision to maintain the current level of support over a five-year period in spite of the harsh fiscal condition is a reflection of the recognition of the part of the government of Japan regarding the importance of the Japan-U.S. security arrangements. Last December, the government of Japan revised the National Defense Program guidelines in which a new concept of dynamic defense force focusing operations was introduced in place of the basic defense force concept that aims to secure deterrence by the existence per se of defense capability. Japan recognizes that it is our responsibility to build through its own efforts a defense structure more appropriate for the changing strategic environment in Asia. With regard to the economy, which is the second pillar of the Japan-U.S. alliance, believing that the evolution of the alliance will be founded on robust economies. We shall promote cooperation in new areas of growth and involving leading-edge technologies that provide for mutual interest, renewed growth, jobs, and exports in addition to promoting TPP, which I referred to earlier. More specifically, we shall promote cooperation projects such as high-speed railway system, including superconducting mangrove and environmental technologies, including clean energy. Japan takes pride in its high-speed railway system, which operates on time with high level of safety, having had no fatal accidents to date. These are features that are not seen in high-speed railway system of any other country. We are convinced that if this high-speed railway system, which epitomizes Japan's state-of-the-art technology and incorporates at the same time maximum consideration for the environment, is introduced into the United States, it will long remain a symbol of our bilateral alliance that is visible to the people of Japan and the United States. The third pillar of our alliance is cultural and people-to-people exchanges. It is often pointed out these days that the number of Japanese students studying in the United States on the decline. I hear that Professor Aichi Negishi, the Japanese chemist at Purdue University, who was awarded the 2010 Nobel Prize in Chemistry, set with a sense of urgency young folks go abroad. We indeed have to devise incentives to encourage young Japanese who have become inward-looking these days to go abroad, including to the US. I myself have gained a measurably from my contacts with Dr. Hamure and many other gathered here over the years. The government, sharing the same awareness of the problem, agreed with the United States in the bilateral summit meeting that was held in the margins of the Yokohama epic meeting last year to step up our bilateral exchanges. Apart from continuing the JET program, which has built up impressive track record to date, the agreement includes the dispatch of young Japanese teachers to the US and two-way exchanges of students. Last but not the least, what is most crucial for an alliance is mutual trust. In the four months since assuming office as a foreign minister last September, I have built a relationship of trust with Secretary Clinton as one in charge of diplomacy by, for example, by having for foreign ministers meeting, including the one scheduled today. I'm convinced that by further deepening the Japan-US alliance bolstered by mutual trust, we surely will be able to overcome any challenges that will confront the Asia-Pacific region. Japan and the United States built the most important alliance in the world after the devastating World War II. As most people, including I, were born after the war, there is tendency today to take the alliance for granted. However, then I put my hands together in prayer to console the spirits of both Japanese and American soldiers who lost their lives in Iwo Jima. The sight of a hard fought battle of the unfortunate war. And then I reflect on the tragic experiences of the prisoners of war who endured severe ordeal. I'm strongly reminded that the alliance which binds us was not built in that day. Therefore, it is our duty to make this tie further stronger. The next year, 2012, is the centenary anniversary of Tokyo's gift of cherry trees to Washington, DC. I wish to express my hope that this year, Japan and the United States would demonstrate their determination to continue to deepen our friendship and to strengthen mutual trust, just as this splendid dental cherry blossoms that adorn the potomac every spring will continue to bloom. Thank you very much for your attention. Ladies and gentlemen, I think you'll agree that speech reflected exactly this posture that Japan is in. It reflects the wisdom of age and the energy of youth. And it's really encouraging. And I want to say a personal thank you to Foreign Minister Maihara for honoring us today with such a thoughtful presentation. We have a few minutes that we can indulge in some questions. And we have a lot of people that want questions. I'll say, be very polite. If you have a lecture you want to give, meet with me later. Tom, we'll start with you. We have a question right down here, microphone over. Tom, we'll start with you. And I'll move my way down the hall. Thank you, John. My name is Tom. I'm from Vancouver, Tokyo, Mitsubishi FJ in Washington, DC. Nice to meet you, Mr. Maihara. My question is on TPP and trans-Pacific partnership that most of the Japanese business sector, academia, and most of the politicians supports that there is, of course, strong opposition in the agriculture sector or some politicians. So imagine if you face to face to try to pass away those people in opposition. What's your core message as a foreign minister, foreign minister who knows global world, global economy, and what's going on in the world? So just have your words or core message. What would be? Thank you very much for your question. My English is poor, so I'd like to answer in Japanese. That was a question with regard to TPP, the Trans-Pacific Partnership. The administration has come up with this basic policy on comprehensive economic partnerships. And so the policy is to consider our participation in TPP. That is the language spelt out in that basic policy. In considering the recent statements Prime Minister Kan made in most recent press conference, I believe the DPHA administration will come up with this conclusion by sometime around the end of June. I'm not sure if it is appropriate for me to express my view as foreign minister on the subject matter in any case. With a view to achieving FTAB, the 21 member economies of APEC have confirmed that they will work towards their economic integration. What pathway shall we choose? Currently, the most concrete pathway visible, I believe, is TPP. True, ASEAN aims at its integration in 2015. And ASEAN plus three also are discussing their economic integration or partnerships. But I think TPP is one of the most concrete pathways visible today. And what is most important, what is more important than anything else is, of course, agriculture is very important. But the primary industry's GDP percentage is only 1.5%. We have protected agriculture over the years, and yet agriculture actually is withering. For example, the average age of farmers today is 65.8, 65.8, five years ago it was 60, which shows that no young participation is taking place. And today, tariff on rice is 778%. So even with this sort of protection going on, agriculture in Japan will only taper off. And if that is the case, we have to engage in bold reform of agriculture. And at the same time, look, turn our attention to 98.5% of GDP and aim at a more liberal trade structure or trade system and use that as the trigger to rejuvenate the Japanese economy. I think this will be very important. In any case, on the basis of this basic policy on economic partnership and decided by the cabinet, we're engaging today consultations with the countries, parts of the TPP, and also by engaging in multilateral trade liberalization efforts. We need to try and energize the Japanese economy and also make contributions to the world economy. Next, and I'll come down here. Thanks very much. We got a microphone right behind you, Chris. Thank you, Harmeres. Chris Nelson with the Nelson Report. Harmeres, I thank you for such a strong voice from Japan. It's so important for us to hear that these days, especially with all our Chinese friends running all over town. You talk about mutual trust. And this week, there's been a fair amount of coverage on the Japan side of very detailed expectations for results from upcoming ministerials, both defense and otherwise with our South Korean allies. But it seemed that the South Koreans, perhaps, are being a little more conservative in their enthusiasm, pending other things. And I'm wondering if you and your government see the need to continue to take more proactive steps to help reduce the unfortunate historical legacy of mistrust that is still in the South Korean electorate. Or is it perhaps at this point, all we can do is rely on the events with North Korea to help propel a closer alliance? Thank you. Well, thank you very much. I'm not really sure if I could fully understand the question. But I gather that the question is our relation with South Korea in the context of the DPRK issue. Is that a correct interpretation of the question? As I stated in my earlier presentation, there was the sinking of the Chonan, the Corvette Chonan, last year, or the shelling of the Yom Pyeong Island where civilians reside. And also, the North Korean Revolution revealed their uranium enrichment endeavor. So North Korea has continued to take provocative actions, threatening the stability of the regions. And we are most gravely concerned about. Last December, thanks to the initiative of the Secretary Clinton, the foreign ministers of Japan, US, and ROK got together and discussed the response and agreed that we should closely coordinate with each other in response to dealing with DPRK. And I laud this initiative of Secretary Clinton's. And then following that, undersecretary or deputy secretary Steinberg visited Beijing. And also, I sent Mr. Saiki, who is with me here today, Director General of the Asian Affairs Bureau, to Beijing and Moscow to explain the thoughts of the thinking of the three countries and to encourage that the five countries should work together in dealing with the DPRK issue. And I think it was very good that we could work out that sort of coordination. Now, I believe what is most important is that North-South dialogue be opened up. And also, in the tripartite foreign minister's meeting, with regard to the six party talks that the Chinese have been calling for, we would not reject that. But we believe that it is important for DPRK in the first place to take concrete actions. And the Chinese, I trust, have communicated this point to DPRK clearly. So I believe that DPRK needs to, in the first place, take concrete action and open up prospects towards a more peaceful Korean peninsula. In any case, we desire a peace. And only through today's negotiations, I believe we can resolve this issue. So we'll keep coordinating with South Korea and the United States and strive for the resolution of the problem. Colleagues, we have really only time for one more question because the foreign minister needs to go to meet with the Secretary of State. So let me get a microphone down. Thank you. John Zen with CTI TV of Taiwan. Mr. Foreign Minister, what is the state of play of Japan-China relations at this time after last year's tension? You spoke about building the institutional foundations for a new order in the Asia Pacific. What kind of a role do you envision China to play in that process? Thank you. Thank you very much for that question. Last year, within the Japanese waters around the Senkaku Islands, a Chinese fishing boat rammed into Japan Coast Guard patrol vessel. And that led to the rising tension between Japan and China, as you pointed out. That said, seen from our perspective, there is no territorial issue in the East China Sea. And the Senkaku Islands are Japan's territory in alienably. And this will not change forever. Now, Japan-China relations also are very important bilateral relations for Japan, especially interdependence in the economic area is only strengthening. Seen from Japan, therefore. Number one export destination is China. And the largest imports come from China. Seen from the Chinese side, I think the largest export destination is the United States. But Japan is number two. And also, the largest imports come from Japan. So interdependence, economic interdependence between our two countries is growing very strong. And so we need to manage various issues that may arise. And from very broad perspectives, we need to strive to direct our bilateral relations in a better direction. I think that will be in the interest of both of our countries. And I trust that the Chinese will also have the same view. The next year will be the 40th anniversary since normalization of our relations, diplomatic relations. And so we need to turn this landmark year into a year of greater cooperation and development. And with that in mind, this year we will confirm various cooperation and to build even better bilateral relations. Colleagues, I have three things to say, and then I'm going to get you out of here. A copy of Foreign Minister Maihara's fine speech is available to everyone outside. Right outside, when you walk out the door, you should find copies of it. Number two, please stay in your seats so I can get the official delegation and the foreign minister out safely. You know what Washington traffic is like. I don't want the bottleneck down here. And then finally, let's, with our enthusiastic applause, thank Foreign Minister Maihara for this excellent speech. Thank you.