 Felly, mae'r cwsiedeeth yn gweithio arall mae'r cwsiedeeth yn y cyhoedd, y cefnodd wrth gyd yn gwneud y cyfnodau i ddod o'r cyhoedd gweithio cychwyn, a'r cyfnoddau. Ond'r cyfnoddau sy'n cywyddiad yn gweithio i'r gyfnoddau i'w ddechrau'r cyfnoddau a'r procesiau a'r cyfnoddau i'r cyfnoddau i'n gweithio'r cyfrifio'r cyfrifio. I'm going to provide a very brief overview of the rationale and how we've got to this approach. I'm going to hand over to Jack in, and I seem to talk a little bit about participatory forums that have already been established in Nairobi and also in Jalalabad. Before going into this, I think it's worth pointing out that this approach very much builds on a form of decentralised planning that's been promoted by federations of the urban poor or embedded in decentralised planning processes in cities all over the world that are sought to include the urban poor and marginalised communities. But this is specifically to have more of a focus on how you can include displaced people in those sorts of processes. So, yeah, the focus, the objective of this strand of work is to create spaces that can co-produce inclusive planning solutions. So the objective is twofold. One is to build capacity amongst municipal actors, that's local government, and other humanitarian actors, as well as society organisations that are operating at the city level to communicate and develop innovative inclusive solutions to protect displacement. But there's also an additional objective which is how we can draw from those processes, broader lessons that are relevant to the cities and also global policy actors in practice. The forums themselves, what we're trying to do in each city is to establish a participatory forum that can foster urban responses to displacement based on participatory planning processes. And so initially, these participatory forums are focused on identifying the barriers and opportunities for different municipal actors, recognising that these exist in very different political contexts to facilitate access to basic services and social protection. But they're also designed to facilitate collaboration between diverse actors that might not all be collaborating with each other to begin with. And that specifically includes including, that specifically includes displaced communities and low income communities. With the broader objective of fostering self-reliance and supporting the realisation of rights. The specific kind of objectives that you'll see and that these will come through in the presentations in the Seaman Jackens presentations is to provide a space. So specifically to create a space where a range of local actors can come together to discuss and engage on issues that are affecting local displaced people and host populations and to then generate solutions to protracted displacement in the city. Secondly, it's a draw on the lessons that evidence and the expertise exists within the broader consortium that have already been presented, some of which has already been presented to you today, to shape policy and practice locally. But thirdly, recognising the expertise that exists within the group and also within the participatory forums to provide technical guidance support for municipal governments who are hosting large numbers of displaced people. And that will become apparent, I think, very quite clearly in the presentation from Jacqueline next. So I'm just going to hand over to Jacqueline. You're very quiet. Can you speak closer to your mic? Not brilliantly. Yes, that's better. Okay, sorry. So a fast local strategy for Nairobi has been to start by seeking local knowledge and diversity from our forum stakeholders. So usually stakeholders in Nairobi that assist refugees are categorised under various support services they provide, such as legal livelihoods, health, education, protection, and religious services. And so from the government perspective, government provides services at national, county and judiciary levels. So in addition, we also set up focus group discussions with host communities and urban displaced people living in Isli neighbourhood and Madar eslam in Nairobi. So all our stakeholders are told to about 20. So the process of seeking knowledge as a first step has been to engage stakeholders individually in one-on-one interviews spread across about two months. So we termed this as the preparatory mobilisation phase for the participatory forum. As a second step to this, we are setting up a right shop to document policy asks by different local practitioners within the forum and to also package this into a policy brief. And thirdly, to continue depending on engagement with stakeholders, meaning that then invitations or at least communication is two way, not just us inviting them to the forum, but we also take part in some of the activities like meetings and workshops and linking key players at policy level. For instance, national government, municipal government and the UNHCR towards achieving some of the project's goals. So some of our key intended outcomes from this phase, one is to gain deeper insights on partner's work. For instance, impact and the challenges they face, some of which will not usually be discussed at a participatory forum level due to the time limitations, because sometimes we'll have a meeting going for say two hours, three hours, and we have 20 stakeholders within that forum. So for example, we found out from one-on-one interviews recently from one of our stakeholders that is Ooma Safehouse, that is based in Eastley. It's a community-based organisation that provides protection services to legitimate asylum seekers and refugees, but funny enough, human traffickers also access or at least wish to hide people behind the guise of seeking legitimate protection. So in this instance, therefore, the CBO is faced with security ethical and legal challenges in choosing when and who to offer assistance to, and obviously this kind of information will not necessarily come out during a forum, and so that's why it's important for us to have these one-on-one interviews with all the stakeholders. So secondly, another intended outcome is to bridge practice and policy through the right shop, and so therefore, we hope to finalise on the policy brief document, and thirdly, to step-date with urban displacement at local and national levels. So at national level, we have been invited to join the Urban Refugee Protection Network, that's a URPN, which usually brings together key stakeholders on a periodic basis, usually on a monthly basis to discuss urban displacement matters. So the discussions are structured around various themes similar to the support services provided that is health, education, protection and so on. And lastly, one of our intended outcomes as well is to continue building and maintaining partner relationships within the PDUW research working group for easier engagement at the participatory forum, which is usually held every six months. Next slide please. Anna? Anna? It's just a bit slow, I'm trying. Here we go, sorry. Okay, as part of our second strategy, local strategy for Nairobi, we aim to reverse land and shape outcomes. So through our stakeholder interviews that we've already conducted with government, we have learned that in spite of the incumbent policy in Kenya, national government through RAS, that is the Refugee Affairs Secretariat, has been supporting urban refugees that are reasonably self-reliant through productive livelihoods. So RAS invited us to two learning exchanges as a benchmarking exercise for us to document urban practices on self-reliance of refugees living in different countries other than Nairobi, that is in Cambu county and Mombasa county. And to also further understand how urban integration of refugees can be achieved without much support, hopefully in the long term, from donor funding or humanitarian funding and government. So this is essentially geared towards aiding us in the research to better understand the potential for refugees to achieve well-being and decent livelihoods in our Nairobi study areas, obviously, and Madareslam, from the lessons learned from the learning exchanges. But most strategically, the invitation to attend the learning exchanges by government was to help us form a basis of developing research or a project, hopefully in future, around urban integration of refugees with the government support and other key stakeholders, including funders. So this is targeted at other urban hosting locations in Kenya, specifically in Nakuro city, an elder at town that they have identified, and that's currently hosts refugees from the perspective that Nairobi is already to congested. Next slide, please. So finally, in line with our local strategy, is to set up the participatory forum. So as a platform whereby we will listen through the active participation of stakeholders by presenting findings from OLA 2021 activities. So firstly, we'll have a stakeholder's validation. So essentially this is getting feedback from stakeholders on the joint policy brief document developed from the individual interviews and the right shop, that is from my initial phase, and to be presented to stakeholders later on, hopefully in 2022, at a policy level, including the Nairobi municipal government. A second activity from this is to present findings from other PDW project packages one and two, ensuring that the research process and the emerging findings remain relevant to our local stakeholders. And finally, we will set expected goals for 2022 in the same forum as a continuation of activities in 2021. Thanks. Over to you, Nassim. Thank you so much. So let me take you travel with you to Afghanistan. So this was the second location where we held a participatory forum. This was done this year in February. So we went to Jalalabad, which is near the border with Pakistan and the eastern part of Afghanistan. And it's basically home to both refugee returnies from Pakistan and internally displaced people from 17 out of the 34 provinces of the country. So it's not just an eastern phenomenon. Jalalabad is really home to over half of the country's IDP population and 72% of the country's refugee returning population. So this is why we chose Jalalabad to focus on. So we brought together, again, this approach of having a multi-leveled municipal dialogue. We brought together people who don't usually get to sit together in the room. And it's definitely not the way of working of officials then, and neither is it of the ad hoc government now. So the governor's office was represented. The municipality was there. All the representatives from local governance agencies, the director of women's affairs, refugees and repatriation. So there was a big significant amount of government representation showing, again, how important this conversation is, but also human rights offices, civil society organizations, university representatives. The media was even there filming the arrival of all of these people. So, again, showing how much the conversation matters. And most importantly, we had representatives from IDP and returning communities, from elders and women alike. So it was quite unusual, quite uncomfortable at the beginning to get the conversation started because the officials wanted to speak and leave. But they had, they were told they had to stay. And there were several points of tension already there. Again, you know what happened in August in the country many months before these tensions between governments and different populations were there. And one of the points of tension here that was discussed was the lack of consultation of people in policy development processes. And specifically here, the development of a national IDP policy in 2012, and its implementation since, there were all question marks for people. So the discussions IDPs themselves wanted to have on that day was how come the policy hasn't reached us? How come you've made these plans? We weren't consulted. And now you want to leave the conversation. What is it that the state is ready to do for us today? And so these are, it was a very strong confrontation that led to a dialogue, as you will see in a second. So on the next slide was what ensued was an honest conversation by government representatives of the fact that any discussion of protracted displacements, which is again in the title of our project, has to be paired with discussions of ongoing and newer displacement trends. So again, we can't just dissociate protracted refugees in other contexts. And in this case of protracted returnees and IDPs from the continued layers of displacement that happened in the many countries that we study. And so this is something we're going to have to decompose to help these municipal actors is how do you cope with layers upon layers of displacement and pressure on the government? The government also raised tensions around their understanding of the triple nexus and all of these concepts that are key to global commitments and to global conversations. So questioning how to plan humanitarian development and peacebuilding approaches in a context of insecurity, but also in a context where there's not enough capacity or sufficient resources for governments to support those in need. One of the principles of our participatory fora is to say what support do municipal actors need to engage in urban responses or urban policy responses in terms of service delivery and others. And so when we asked that question, there was a long list of what these municipal actors needed in terms of processes many, many from Kenya to Afghanistan. Many of these practices have been written out from education policies to basic health service provision. But in terms of implementation, that is where the government very clearly said they need the international community UN NGOs and others to make it happen. And that support really, you know, how we envisage municipal action has to include these actors. And finally, going to the next slide, when we asked what support against city actors needed, they concluded on the need to support urban planning as many of the places where the displaced live are informal settlements, often areas that IDPs or refugee returnees started from scratch themselves, showing again how resilient and how much agency they have really creating new communities where they didn't exist. But there are also many land allocation sites, so many of these sorts of camps that were created in countries like Afghanistan to house refugee returnees and IDPs. And yet then there are no way integrated in any city plan or service planning system. So the government then was planning to set up a Jalalabad city plan. And, you know, and they were open to be guided on how to avoid forced evictions, how to plan for resettlement. But very much this was still very much the start of that conversation. And obstacles to that conversations were processes such as how to register IDPs, how to register work certificates and business licenses, so how to make the process planned and fair. These were the very real challenges that urban actors were confronted with. And in a way, camps provide a more convenient way to identify, register and track the displaced. And for governments and for municipal actors, it's much harder in those settings to do that. And so that's what they needed assistance with. And in response, the displaced for many prefer to remain invisible and hidden. So one of the key questions for us will be how do you reconcile the fact that the displaced want to remain hidden while urban actors want to be able to register them, identify them to give them access to rights. But there's obviously a huge issue around trust there. And then just to conclude, local government and municipal actors felt that too much focus had gone into the national level peace talks and national level plans, which we all know by now have failed, instead of focusing on local planning, all of which reiterates really the need to have these participatory forum. These conversations continue despite the changes we know since. Thank you.