 I'll now hand over to Wesley on behalf of the Ulster Farmers Union, thank you. Okay thank you Chairman. Again we appreciate the opportunity to be down here today to talk to you and thank you very much for the invitation to do so and can I apologize to the outset for my present Barclay Bell being otherwise engaged today, otherwise he himself would have been down here so unfortunately I have to put up with me in the meantime. And I suppose I would like to just cut the chase in terms of Brexit where are we now and then go back and revisit some of the issues and I think what I'm able to say today is different than had it been done here by two or three weeks ago and I'll come on to that as to why. I think it really fits in terms of politics, process, timescale and the whole uncertainty around that. Back at the end of March the UK triggered the article 50 mechanism. The European Union immediately came back with its outline for negotiations and the three cures as Joe's already outlined in terms of people's finances and the whole issue about the Irish border and they also said that they needed all that sorted before they then moved into the whole issue about where the UK would fit within a prickly trade going forward and that was going to take a significant bit progress before they entered into those discussions. We have had a UK general election on the 8th of June and we already have now had a Queen's speech as of a couple of days ago outlining just exactly where the UK government intend to be over the next couple of years in terms of implementing particularly a large number of Brexit-related bills. The EU-UK negotiations started officially on Monday and you've obviously seen those at a very high level in terms of the coverage that they've got and of course the comment was made earlier about stable government and unfortunately in Northern Ireland we don't have that. We had a government sort of failed by the wayside, they were re-elected, we haven't formed anything and we have until Thursday of next week to try and form something again and unfortunately probably we're hardened politically in terms of our nationalist Unionist lanes as we've seen. Having said that I suppose the big advantage in all of this which is going back to my earlier point about why I may be able to say things differently now than I would be three weeks ago is because we now have a minority UK government who are depending on not only our Democratic Unionist Party in Northern Ireland but also a number of Scottish Tory MPs who didn't exist previously and I think going back to the key issues to why we're all here in relation to Brexit that certainly makes things a lot more different than we in terms of where we're going, where we would have been otherwise had the Conservatives got the landslide majority that initially looked as though that was going to be the case in terms of maybe some more scope for a much softer Brexit than would have been the case otherwise but then as the issues about the process around how that would be delivered. That's where we are as of today. In terms of the issues this time last year obviously the referendum that might come was known, bit of a shock to everybody. The EFU we are criticised as the way we not nail our colours to the mast at the time. It was very clear from discussing it with our membership that there was a complete spectrum of views and obviously politics came into play as well as just the agri-freedom industry. So we decided that in the absence of any compelling reason to leave we advised people to remain but we recognised that each individual had their own right to vote as they saw fit. We then after the referendum pulled together our main policy committee chairman vice chairman and in July of last year come up with 10 key goals across four themes. The four themes were trade, support, labour and regulation. Obviously different elements of those had more or lesser effects in terms of us in the farming industry. If we can just deal with those fairly quickly. In terms of trade the goals we identified, sorry the UK government's goals were that we would be leaving the customs union but that they wanted a deep and special partnership with Europe going forward and that was in the article 50 letter that the Prime Minister wrote. There is a recognition at a European level and the data at the UK level that the ROI-NI border needed to have flexible and imaginative solutions would be required was the phrase used, sounds wonderful. But that we also recognised that trade would have a major impact on the amount of support that the Northern Ireland agri-food, indeed the UK agri-food industry would actually require going forward so it was a starter in all this. In terms of agriculture support we have depended on the common agricultural policy for the number of years we've been in the European Union and I think it goes without saying that to be honest we have largely depended on both the French and the Irish governments in terms of delivering that support for agriculture going forward. The UK government always made it very clear that the CAP was something that it considered to be a waste of money and that they wanted to do things differently so we now have a different scenario where we now have to convince the UK government, the UK wider public that we are worth supporting. So in terms of agriculture support we get around about £300 million sterling into the Northern Ireland farming industry every year. That is guaranteed both this year 2017 and next year 2018 while we're still part of the European Union. We in theory will be left it by March 2019. We apply for our basic payment scheme as you folks do down here. After that date it will be May 2019 so we will not have a system to apply to as it stands if we have left the European Union. But immediately after the referendum the UK government did come out and guarantee the equivalent amount of money for 2019 which would have been the last year of the CAP had we remained in the European Union. But there was a big question mark as to what happened beyond that but equally the CAP was up for renegotiation anyhow and it was only guaranteed to 2019. So agriculture is a long-term business and we always wanted to make sure that we had some degree of certainty going forward. So we were pleased that in the Tory manifesto this prior to the election they at least committed to guaranteeing the equivalent amount of support up until the next Parliament. At that stage they thought the next Parliament was going to be 2022. It may well be the next Parliament could be a lot sooner than that now but we don't know. But at least it's in there and they have the only party to really commit to that extent. We have an issue it's one thing securing a pot of money and securing it for a number of years going forward. We obviously want to make sure that Northern Ireland maintains its share of that UK pot. Historically we actually have about 10% of the UK single farm basic payment scheme and that's based on the fact that we have a lot more small intensive livestock farms which generated the money from which the basic payment scheme was created. If you look at the Barnett formula which is how money is generated from Treasury across to the regions of the UK we only get about 3.3% so that would be an immediate reduction of almost 66% in terms of that 300 million 200 million pounds which is a big chunk of money bearing in mind as Jules rightly pointed out. Without that we're actually losing money even with it we're losing money so we need that money going forward for not just Northern Ireland farming Northern Ireland agri-food industry but the wider economy and rural areas of Northern Ireland as a whole. So we have to recognize that if we do get this pot of money then it has to be a different delivery system. The UK government always made it clear the CAP wasn't the right way to go. We ourselves don't necessarily believe it's the right way to go because we feel it was always moving more and more away from activity in terms of both production activity and environmental activity and you are basically getting paid just effectively like an income subsidy just to be on the land. So we feel that there is an opportunity to actually move towards a different delivery system that is an issue about what sort of transition we need going forward and of course as I mentioned earlier about the potential to regionalize within that as we actually have within the CAP at the minute where Scotland Wales Northern Ireland they can all do slight variances along a common theme. We needed to make sure that we didn't actually all have different policies going forward in the UK and obviously our land border with the south of Ireland we've always noticed the differences and the impact that would have. So we needed to make sure that there was a UK framework going forward and the discussions on going about that and we're pleased to see it in the Queen's speech a few days ago she did actually refer to the fact that there would be an agriculture bill but again we have to get into the detail of that. So as far as the EU is concerned prior to the election there was a very significant amount of activity in terms of developing some sort of future domestic agriculture policy not just for Northern Ireland but for the UK. We published a document, launched it at our Balmoral show in May, have since met with a large number of both agri-freed industry stakeholders and indeed environmental stakeholders and we're still engaged in those meetings. We're going around our membership starting next week around meetings in Northern Ireland just to talk about both this and the whole issue around trade and that is very much ongoing and we will certainly be engaged with our counterparts across the GB in relation to that. Those are the two big ones as far as direct impact on the farming industry is concerned. In terms of regulation this was always a case of just simply farmers themselves weren't necessarily annoyed at the regulation they were annoyed about the enforcement of the regulation and the fact that it was linked to their direct subsidies in terms of their basic payment scheme through cross compliance and that was the thing that really annoyed them so it's not necessary the legislation itself or in fact the standards associated with that legislation. Our customers or supermarket customers actually require higher standards and I think from our perspective we see Northern Ireland as a small flexible region and we can possibly do things that actually increase our standards and if we get the proper support for the industry going forward then we can move in that direction. We already have electronic identification in for sheep and that hopefully gives us some sort of unique selling point its traceability and we're looking at can we do similar type mechanisms going forward. So in terms of legislation say we didn't necessarily see it there were going to be any change in the standards but maybe the way that they were linked to that direct support was the critical thing in terms of enforcement. That's really the regulation issue. The final one is labour and it was always recognised that from a farming perspective unlike our counterparts in Great Britain who depend at a farm level very heavily on non-British labour particularly in terms of the vegetable and the fruit sectors. It wasn't as big an issue for the Northern Ireland farming industry having said that it is still an issue but it certainly is a major concern for our processing industry who have anything between 30 and 65 of their employees as non-British nationals. So it's very much an important issue and we are pleased to see that obviously this is one of the key things that the UK government are already moving on to try and give certainty to those that labour force that they are wanted and that we don't necessarily want to remove them from the UK. So if you like those are the very broad issues. In terms of trade specifically which I know is the whole issue about the North-South situation obviously as Joe's already pointed out there's milk comes south there's beef comes north there's pigs comes north there's lams go south and we are very heavily integrated in terms of movement back and forward across the border. We at the outset as an organisation as part of our 10 key goals identified that we wanted to maintain access to the European markets and also that we wanted to ensure that there was minimum disruption between Northern Ireland and the south of Ireland in terms of that trade. We did however also want to see if we could secure additional markets outside the European Union but we can back that later on in discussion. We did also stress the importance of making sure that standards were not undermined and the whole issue about the external tariff in terms of not only just the actual amount of money but the standards that have been met I think that's critical going forward because you don't want to be undermined by lower standard product. So in terms of specifics around trade Northern Ireland has small region but the agri-food industry is important. We have grown our output in terms of our sales over this last while and we've increased that by 42% in terms of what remains in Northern Ireland. We have also seen our growth to the south of Ireland increase by it's over doubled between over the last 10 years but nonetheless when we look at the actual hard figures and there's only somewhere in the region of milk and beef in particular where there's issues about product coming or sorry milk in particular with product coming going to the south of Ireland is probably the key issue going forward. At the UK level we're not self-efficient in Indigenous products primarily and the latest figures we have show that in pork the UK is only 55% self-sufficient, beef 75, lamb 92%, poultry 73%, butter 75, cream 95, yoghurt 75, cheese 55, milk powders we don't do a big run in the UK so it's 200% self-sufficient but that goes elsewhere. So the UK is not self-sufficient in what it needs for its consumers and obviously the UK population continues to grow. The actual trade imbalance that the UK have in particular the meat products there's somewhere in the region of a £1.6 billion annual gap for poultry meat, an £800 million gap for beef and lamb, a £600 million import gap for dairy products and a £1 billion gap for pig meat, that's annual so there's very huge gaps in terms of self-sufficiency and the imports versus exports. That's really as much as I want to say at this stage I hope I have wetted your appetite for a bit of discussion later on and certainly we are very keen that over the next few years we try and make inroads into making sure that we have maintain as much of the status quo as we possibly can do and I think that's where we're all on at this particular stage so thank you very much indeed.