 Mae Cyfnodd ambroseb yn hynny. Mae'r cyfnodd yma i ricolau eu cynnig, ddiflwyd y byddian nhw, ddiflwyd y byddian nhw, yn ffamiliant yn gynhyrchu yng ng bandits y dyfynodd, mae'n ddangos iawn unrhyw o gwelwch. Mae'r ddyn nhw wedi bod rhywun oedd ymdwledd yn ychyffydd. Lleidon i'r cyflawni'r ystodol. Rwy'r arddangos y ddod i'r llwyddiadau, i'r dweithio'r ddangos, oherwydd mae'n fath o'n mynd i'ch gynnug yma o'r Sefydl Mor yn 105. Sefydl Mor wedi cael cael'u gyrddurau yma, a'n am hyn yn y byd yn y maen nhw, yn y pethau'r ddarlunio. Dyma eich unig o'r ddarlunio oherwydd mae'r unrhyw i'r Unig James II a'r hyn yn gyferach. ac yn y bryddledig y gallw meddwl, y mawr o bryd pwrdd ar hyn ymwyllgor, Question 1. Maen nhw'n dweud rwy'r rherwydd o'i dod at yr ysgol yng ngyfetaeth, oherwydd gwahanol o'r hyn yn ddwyllgor, rwy'n ddwyllgor o'r hyn hyn yn yr dysgu. Ysgol chi'n ddwyllgor hwn yn romannol, oherwydd mae'n ddwyllgor ar gyfer I a RPM, mae'n ddwyllgor'n mwyllgor y nifer o'r hynno i'n arredullol ar gyfer mor hwnnw. ac mae'r anodd yr unedol i amserol, rydyn ni'n niw'n gweld iawn, oherwydd mae'r anodd i'r record i'r gwladau bod mawr, yn ychydig o'r run plant bod yn gwneud yn gyffredig. Mae'n syniadau o'r rhan o'r ynnodd neu'r ysbyteb sydd yn hyn, ym mhwn i gyffredig odd am fanyddio yma yn 1985. Mae ymryd i gweithieidio'r ymgôl yn wahanol, olygu rhywbeth, rwy'n ba'n meddwl gwneud am ddiwrnod ac ond ymell o'r ysgrifedd rindwg wahanol am y pryd yn bryd i amwordgol yn y deall. Ddiw i, o'r dddod o'r haf yng Nghymru 135 o rafffadau yn y strach feoedd yma, ac mae'r granwysg gyrraeth gwahanol o'r bodi rhan o ffordd a thymau o'r rhan, a dwi'n iawn o'r rhannu hefyd. ac yn y context of arms and armor history, mae'n ymwneud yn yw'r weffar, ac mae'n ddod yn gwneud yng nghymru yn y ddechrau yw ysgol. A wneud yw ymlaen nhw'n cyffredinol, ac yn ymwneud yw yw'r cyffredinol, yw ymwneud yn y ffordd i'r llwysbeth, yw ymwneud yw'r cyffredinol, yw yw'r cyffredinol a'r cyffredinol, wnaeth cyfo'n ddod amwneud ymwneud yw ymwneud, ac wnaeth angen i chi, yn yw'r cyffredinol. a llawwch yn cymhwyl yn cwymwylltol. Rwy'n gwneud y Llyfr hosef. Fe'r bwysig oherwydd ei wasinfudd y llawwch yn cymhwyl, yn lefnodol, rhaid i rhaid oherwydd e colla. Gwyrdd efallai'r llwyr oherwydd efallai. A'r manch gyffredig amlau ac yn diddorol, wedyn roedd i credu cael ei gwasanaethu caelig, ac mae'n gweld eu gwirioneddau allan, bobl bod yn ôl yn ddweud, fyddwn i'r wyliadau ar gyfer yr awdur, I'r berthynas brydym arwyd, beth o'n gwirio, i'w gwirio peirio, ac neun ar wahanol iawn i'r gwirio. but that is my eye, we have ryloned by it, until this Leist 사, we, or we can be preview... ...until this we, it may be famous by this video. Science can be making weapons, but you have to force them very considerably.. ...If they take re-hausting, you have to fix the blade axisally to a long hole.. ...and kyrs is one I've prepared early.. ...to try and handle it afterwards with care and don't touch the blade. Felly mae'n cael ei wneud honno, rydyn ni'n ddiweddar â'r llent efallai ac yn mynd i'r bufynion. Felly yn meddwl am y gwelir mewn wrth gŵi, mae'r ddweud beth am gyllid yn bryscol, yn amlodd rhai o'r oblawf, sy'n gallu gweithio'n holl iawn oherwydd ar y cyfraff, oherwydd maen nhw'n meddwl i'n pawr cynnig oed, rydyn ni'n credu o'r meddwl i'r gweld, ayw i'r debyg i'r Rodd-dres... iddyn ni gweld eu bod raddol nesrach yn wych. Ond addysg yn rhoi am gelt i, wrth gwrs, hynny yn ei ddefnyddio munnig yn trefn am ddidd, fydd yn mynd i'r parw. Ieith y Cwmnoedl, cymdeithas, y tan hwnnw, yn 116-149, nid o gyfweld am eich cwmddiaid wedi i'n falch i'r astudio wrth iddyn ni wedi eu ddwydd â'i meddl. Prydaer uch ym 1 ym 100 o gwag oed yma Ym hyn, mae'r Llywodraeth yn fath hefyd y byddai'r ddau. Mae'n dleiddur ar y ddangos, yn ymgyrch yn rhan o'r gallu gan yw'r加入, ond ar ffrideo'u bobl 10 shydynt, oed yn diolch yn fathol, felly hefyd unrhyw ar gyfer yr aelod gol yn dangos byddol, i gyrwm yn ddod i gael eich cyfnodau, ac mae'n rhoi'n meddwl i'r pryd, Cyda'n cydyn nhw, ac mae gennychodd ar gyfer cynllun y gallai yn eich paru. Ti'n fyddwch ar ddiddorol, yn gwybod y gwmpraed hpuniad.. ..o'r obnod voedd Cynllun. Mae'n ammwneud i addysg edrych o'r ddechrau. Mae'n ddatblygu fyddwch amddangos i'w ddigosiaeth.. ..a mynd i'ch enthrae? Un o'ch cyfnodd o'ch cydyn nhw, Rot aethol. Fe allwch i'ch dda i'n peithio'n ychydig sy'n ei gwelio. Pen yma, ac ydych i'ch angen yna. Here you are fed or not as you will answer to the cultured and in the small country you need to have your house per doubt. The tools then have to be converted and this is but a crisis of how that has done. This is the Yorkshire Blacksmith Joe Pack, an Olym, straight in the town beside him on his handbook. He was quite interested in this project. He said something along the lines of what I was looking for and explained. And he said, well, I wish I could do the Yorkshire accent, but he said, I've done some pretty weird trouble in my time. This takes the biscuit. Anyway, after you've straightened up the time you have to fit it to the hearth, and this picture shows that process underway, and you can see the metal rings around the end of the hearth which are split in which are made by the blacksmith. Interestingly, the actual conversion job, and that's in addition to cutting the clay itself, took under 30 minutes. That's quite interesting because if you think of the number of sides that Norman had in his army, and how short a time he had to make them, that's quite an interesting figure. So how did Norman's deploy or intend to deploy these sides now? Based on the participants' accounts, it seems that each battalion of his rebel army, all these regiments, the same thing in that period, had a company of 100 silemen amongst them. So there were so many as 500 silemen in the field, and importantly, they were not just cannon fodder. They were used as James II himself was told by my goodness in the manner of Grenadiers, and that's the quotation from James II, I.E. as a kind of elite shop truth. And that's in keeping with the account by John Taylor, who was there the next day of the battle when the Royalist was the observer, the memoir writer. He tells us that silemen were the tallest and lustiest they could pick up. So these people have very particular and important role, at least in the eyes of the commander as he was planning this battle. And here, in a remarkable playing card of 1685, printed within months of the battle, you can see rehearted sides, a bit like one I've shown you standing up amongst the heights of one with infantry. And here, more exciting, is an individual silemen in all his glory, as drawn by Taylor in the 1680s. A little bit down-of-life, I'm not sure many of them are as well dressed exactly like that. The part we actually claim in the battle is a little bit obscure. Like most battles said to me while I hardly went to plan, but it seems that the silemen fought as well as anyone else and we are told that they maintained our ground stoutly to the last, as it completely was at the battle. And the weapons themselves were certainly very effective. Taylor, again, is a bit gruesome, close your ears if you don't hear it, but he tells us that these sides was a desperate weapon, locking off at one stroke, either head or arm. And I saw a man laying among the dead whose back was cloned down by one stroke and the horse whose head, back one stroke, was always separated from his body. How well these weapons worked, I've also tested using the one I've just been waving about. And with the age of another ferocious warrior, there we are, at the blunt end of the weapon, and I'll spare you the gory details of what happened at the other. After the battle, the field was strewn with debris, including sides, sorry, these are two more pictures, yes, including sides, and here are two more pictures from that pack, and note the rehalfed in size on the ground before the feet, just above the captures. And you also see that they've got very short hearts, and I suspect that they may have been the victims of sword strokes, but when a piece of wood of this thickness is green, you can cut it very easily with an aged weapon. After the battle, all the useful debris, as was normal, was retrieved by the winners and we are told by, and I witness, these sides with abundance more of Monmouth's other arms were brought up to the city later in the armory at the Tower of London, where registrar's being what they are, made with due accession. And here is the Tower of England Tree, or the Survey and Remain, of September 17, September 1686, and note at the bottom size blades, with spades, 54, without spades, 27. The spade, in what was then called the Spanish Armory, are effectively a cabinet of curiosities at the Tower of London, largely populated with stuff that was allegedly taken from the Armada and was there to show the perfidious intentions of the Armada and the glorious literary of the English piece of domestic propaganda, and they played a part in that propaganda later on. And by 1693, or in 1693, they were being described by the visitors, of our yeoman waters, more accurately than usual, I have to say, as sides with which a whole regiment of Monmouth's Armory was equipped. Thereafter, the sides remained on display in diminishing numbers. They were mentioned in numerous publications, as here in an engraving of 1696, they appear at the top right, so you'll have a short bit of a handle showing that, obviously the blade. They appear at the end of this 19th century cabinet book, The Wall to Sea. They were last displayed as far as I know in 2015. A million in the future, absolute leads, where they will be included in the gallery or an exhibition on the weapons of insurgency. So what about other uses of sides in the water? Well, a surprise is that whilst novelists and illustrators imagined endlessly that sides were used in the Middle Ages as weapons, I haven't found a single primary source to suggest that. For the earliest one I have found, this is 1499, the button just to question why that is. The first of the British Isles instance I have found is in 1639, sheffield sides with a keen edge, intercepted by government agents on the Great North Road, on the Wage and Bishop's Wall in Scotland. And then, in civil wars of 1641, used endlessly, particularly by club men who were non-aligned, who were like locals who were just out to defend their own property by the side, but also by armies who were regular, who were fighting one side or the other. And instances occur at Birmingham, at Bradford, at Culturthor, at Cronan, at Leeds, and in various other places up in the Burman country. They were used again in Scotland by the Covenanters in the 1660s and 1670s, at Preston in 1715, and at Pans in 1745, in Ireland before and after the Boyne in 1690, again in the 1760s, 1798, and 1848, repeated. Sadly, very few examples of these things survive in England, in Britain, in British Isles. Possibly because of various converters of side-back, re-hearted side-back into a useful agricultural tool. But there is this astonishing set of 13 side plays fixed to the wall in Corncastle Church in Lincolnshire. Note the towns in Strading, in most cases, but in others the towns in Cull of Rhyw to create a socket through which the heart could be inserted. And these were recorded in this church in the early 19th century. In the 1861, the church was redone when it came about by Ewing Christian. But he reported in his character that there were many, many, many on-show before that. It's just possible that these were associated with the late nationalising of 1686, but that is pure guesswork. Certainly they are of a type that could belong to that period. On the continent, their use was far more frequent than far longer lived, and their huge numbers, hundreds and hundreds of hundreds of sites have been converted to warfare, but it exists. The first report, as I say, in 1499, when the city of Burn bought a large number of them for their civil defence. They appear here in a drawing engraving after Holtheim, a picture of the Germans' presence for 1424 to 1425. They were used in France in the 16th century, for example in the revolts of the Assault Pact, the Gabel. They were used again endlessly in France in the 17th century, in Germany in the Thirty Years' War, and in this famous massacre of Sendeys, south of Munich in 1705. A note on the ground in the former Reharthed sites, and a note on the ground. They were used endlessly in the Baltic states, and the Baltic Duchies in the 18th, 19th centuries, more recently in the Spanish Civil War, but a part of Holt is all the eras in Poland. Most famously at Ruqvodiccia in 1794, where the Poles under the remark of the commander called Andrew Kosciuszko fought against the Russians, won the battle, and here an 1894 picture, you can see the side of the charging and a Russian battery. Kosciuszko even commissioned technical work from a Warsaw engineer published in 1794, and here is an image from it, and you can see it shows Seidlann Drillin, and Seidlann defending politics. This was how to do it, and again in 1913 the Poles published a drill book for Seidlann. We had a fight with these things against machine guns and repeating rifles, which they did. But it gets worse, 1919, and there was a chaos, but it became one country again for a short while, here on the side we must again work in that year, and worse still against the Wehrmacht at Danzig in 1939, such as the ghastly repetition in history. So to conclude on that very note, if any of you find a side of a street in town, or any reference of such a thing, particularly a medieval one, tell me or my colleagues, and do your bit for the study as an ancient cliché goat of an unzirferly neglected field of history. Thank you. A simple example is known at the arms of King Henry II of England, nor is there any historical description of them, but this vacuum of information is partially filled by the knowledge of the arms of his father, Geoffrey of Anjou, of his brother, William of Septemberus and of his sons, King Richard I and King John. Geoffrey of Anjou bore azure, semi-aglalianz rampant war, which is the earliest visible heroic shield historically attested to have been presented to Geoffrey when he was made a knight in the 1128 and represented on the famous Le Mans in Alun Plur which we see here on the left and to the right is the tomb of his grandson William Lonsbade from Swordswick at Needle sharing the arms that was still in use. William fits emperors from his seal of 1156 bore a single lion rampant tinctures are known on his shield and two lions rampant on his horse trackers which we see on top left. Prince John by 1185 was using two lions passant, tinctures are known King Richard I from his accession in 1189 bore a single lion rampant as known from his great seal and confirmed by a literary account of the banner which he carried during the third crusade of 1190-91. In 1195 he changed his arms to Gwels three lions passant garl at all the now familiar lions of England. After weighing up the available evidence Adrian Ayl suggested three possibilities for the arms of Henry II his father's arms which we just saw a single lion rampant four two lions passant he carefully avoided ascribing possible tinctures to the latter two options. Gerald Brown to summarise the literary evidence of the arms. The earliest source which he identified was the work of Ben Wildersam or commissioned by Henry II in 1174 or possibly later in which William the Conqueror was ascribed golden lions on a field of Asia. Early Arthurian texts ascribed to Sir Tristan golden lions on a field of Gwels regard it as a form of battery to the Plantagenet Dynski. Since the early surviving version states to 1226 it seems that the author had in mind the arms devised by Richard I which by then became well established as the Royal Arms of England. Other sources significantly later than the reign of Henry II ascribed to Sir Tristan the Arms Ghouls a lion round and ball. Evidence that these arms were most unlikely to have been used by Henry II rule excited. Gerald of Wales recorded that on his death day Henry II gave to his illegitimate son Jeffrey Bishop of Lincoln his much loved ring charged with a panther. Very likely this rule was in fact charged with the lion of Anjou which given the artistry of the day mighty might have justifiably been called a panther. We cannot know the form of Henry II's ring but we do have three further essentially heraldic objects which might shed some light on the matter. The first is the well known for the thing of Gwrensh previously exhibited before society depicting a lion rampant on a shield of a shape which fell out of usage by the end of the 12th century. The form of the lion's head is stylistically early primitive and typical of that century. Nicholas Vincent has speculated that this might be a contagion of liberal badge. The second object is the long version of the elder's natural history which art historians perceive as having strong stylistic connections over with the English Winchester Bible and with Llywodrae Moncrack of Geoffrey of Anjou. The Pliny manuscript is believed to date from the 1150s and has a page which we've seen here which shows the painting dressed as a medieval knight and sending a copy of his work to the Emperor Gaspasian. Above this is an illustration of him writing his work to the side of which are the arms of the person of whom the manuscript was created on a culture shield. As your lion rampant margins with a border war. The shield open and broach here compared where the lion also sits within border. The arms here could not be those of Henry II because they are definitely long colours. It was a very likely indeed to be those of his brother William V's emperors. Brawsobly Geoffrey Count of Nond who was the second brother for Azure a lion rampant argument was which William, the youngest brother might have added a border as an additional emperors in the heart. If so, this would be the earliest example of the addition of a border by the younger brother. I can see the anticipation rising as we move to the third object which is the new object which nobody has seen before which stylistically also goes to the reign of Henry II and has never been published. Not perhaps looking too inspiring in this picture but wait. I noticed it on the antiquities market in 2014 having been sold by the Inland Revenue in new attacks from the Robin Symes collection with a catalog entry for 1990 which is, of course, before the treasure act in the setting up of the report of Antiquity's scheme. Unfortunately, the more detailed records of this collection were deliberately destroyed under not particularly mysterious circumstances. What survives is the left hand fitting for a belt or strap with a slot for the prom of the lost buckle on the right. A not dissimilar object which was slightly more complete and later in date has too thoroughly on it and was reported in 2009. My object is gilded in that old copper-based alloy depicting two golden lines wrapped in our cave form apparently placed on banners. Microscopic analysis clearly shows that one line is on red or girls in that field and the other is on a blue or azure field. The cross-hatching on the necks of the animal suggests a main so that these would be lion's rather than vectors. If this was worn as a belt the line with the red background would have been central a liking mirror with a matching plate on the other side of the belt. The lions are somewhat reminiscent of the lions on the limoge in our backer jet wheel of Anjou. Some traces of ancient memory appears in the back of the plate which at some stage in its existence has received a sharp impact which is left to the seven dents. The rampant pose of the lions is purely in an heraldic context. At a period in history when heraldry was still almost exclusively combined with a rainbow class. There is a plausible context for an object to have been decorated with two heraldic banners in the late 12th century one rules a lion rampant or the other azure a lion rampant or the first of these are ones that definitively begun to the Orbanian family the elders of Arundel and the hereditary chief uppers of England. William III Orbanian who acceded in 1176 and died in 1193 carries a shield that charged with the lion rampant on his equestrian seal and has a lion passenger garbant on his mon heraldic counter seal. The water degree of virtue created the charter to which the seal is attached to circa 1180 which seems about right as he bears the title of Sussex which the king gave in 1177. Since he bore the same name as his father he might well have recycled his father's seal of which you may have impression all records being preserved all that survives now of the original legend is part of the name William I'm sorry I didn't have this seal to show you at the temperatures of the Orbanian arms that were recorded by Matthew Parris the William's son there and were later inherited by their descendants in the female line at the Fitzhallins and of course today by the Fitzhallins Palace The single golden lion on an azure field as it appears on the cat project of Andrew on the Le Mans plaque has any ever been used by the phantaginists and was never permitted to be used again during the medieval era by any other family in England which is surprising given the frequency with which arms were recycled in the medieval era. The Orbanists were not only important members of the royal household but were on close terms at the end of the second William II when he came out of the royal army in August 1173 against the rebellious sons of the king and it was once again an action in September 1173 against the king's enemies in Sulla His son whether in the third and he was sitting close to Henry II and was with the king when he died at Sheenaw in 1189 As an expression of their loyalty one of the two eras might well have placed his personal arms side by side with those of Henry II As yet a lion and a tour could be either the royal livery badge or the actual royal arms if it is accepted that the belt putting be fixed to the banners then it would be singular to have a badge on a banner at this very early period Heraldry The use of the single lion rampant by Richard I from the outset of his reign then has further support to the contention that by the end of the reign of Henry II the royal arms contained only a single lion rampant leaving aside the issue of what prompted Richard to change his arms in 1195 because of the many periods the most personal aspect of the change is that of the field colour from Asher to Poole's quite possibly Richard as a younger son adopted arms with a red field for a younger son to change the field colour of his paternal arms became a popular method of differencing arms in the 13th century the arms which he bore could not have been gulls a lion rampant or since things were already the arms of orbiting the alternative explanations for the fitting of twofold either this was a nice design not meant to be a rally or we have here side by side the banners of which Richard and his father the first option seems improbable on the basis of the fact that the lions are clearly around it and the only one shorting up to this risk usurp in the world the rogative the second option is highly improbable on two grounds versus the fact of the orbiting arms and secondly the adversarial relationship which exists between Prince Richard and his father it's possible that Richard was simply reverting in 1195 to the arms he bore his father's death his father John was using two lions passing from 1185 it should not be forgotten that the brothers would have needed their father's permission to adopt versions of the royal arms and Richard might have been permitted more lions than John as the elder brother it would hardly be stretching the available evidence to conclude that the belt fitting winds through the early surviving example of the lost later arms of King Henry II arms inherited by Richard the Dragonheart who used it for a further six years the description of multiple golden lions on Field Asia to William the Conqueror by Benoit as some wore in the early 1170s suggests that Henry II continued to use his father's arms but favoured their reduction down to the single lion by the end of his reign this is at the original arms tree to be adopted by Henry II's natural son William Longspade of Salisbury used to me saw in the first slide there's an additional piece of evidence which must be brought to bear at this point sometimes arms used by families preserve the memory of arms which have otherwise been forgotten and those of the the Boon family provide one such example I will argue in 1238 come through the 50 Boon or the arms Asia a bendlet argent between six lion tramp and four as appears from his seal before 1259 presumably for purely aesthetic reasons we added rises to the bendlet which the family there after used an earlier record of the arms dating back to 1200 was recently uncovered by Nicholas Vincent in the form of a question seal of Henry II Henry's shield shows a bend between two lions rampant but the space did not really omit the carving of any more lions other examples exist of the phenomenon of increasing or reducing the number of the value of charges depending on the space available which has been turned multiplicative and reductive extractive or nifery and try to say that in the second few years what we effectively have here are the arms of Geoffrey Onghw with a white bendlet placed across them the bendlet surely signifies the white staff of office who are the most senior officers of state hungry the fourth of whom is St Henry where the Redford Constable of England an office which passed to them by 1166 and so the argument here therefore is that we have these are effectively the same as the arms of Geoffrey Onghw with the addition of the staff of office which contemporaries will easily understand the meaning of this the course of Henry II was a principal focus for the popularisation of those chivalry and heraldry and it's remarkable that the nature of his personal shield has been for so long traveled in history the debates may well continue for centuries to come but the best hope for the clarification lies with archaeology and with further transpilings of the metals etc but anyway the time has come to draw this brief talk to the players and to wish you all a happy Christmas