 Well, this is the first of our, China is not our enemy webinars from Code Pink. We want to be creating tools for how we as activists can lead to peace and not be used by lies and fears, the dry of wars and are fed by the Pentagon, the State Department and the deep state. So at Code Pink last week, we did our first alert to our community calling on Biden to commit to before the convention, the first strike. And we joined with Wilf and Wand and Mass Peace Action in sending that letter. Anne Wright, Colonel Anne Wright, participated in a pivot to peace conversation two weeks ago and just this last weekend, Medea Benjamin, participated in a global conversation to stop the looming Cold War between the US and China. We need to build a movement to stand in the way of the lies that we see growing every day. We have a head start that we didn't have with Iraq. At Code Pink, we say, stop the next war now. We started that with Iran when we first spoke it. But unfortunately, it has increased to too many other countries in the world. And this is serious. I'm very excited to have as our first guest to be to Chow, who's been organizing campaigns for corporate accountability and racial economic justice in Chicago since 2009. He co-founded Justice is Global, a project of people's action that is focused on building a grassroots movement to win structural reforms to create an equitable and sustainable global economy. Yay. To be to welcome and can you start by telling us about Justice is Global and how your work has been pivoting to China and the manufactured hate that is being fueled by those in Washington, DC of both parties, especially during this time of COVID pandemic. Sure thing. Thanks, Jody. Thanks for having me here. I got to say it's an honor to be invited to this Code Pink event. I remember when I was like a political infant watching Code Pink direct actions around the Iraq war on TV and think like, wow, that's that's really cool. Never thought that I'd be I'd be working with you like this. So Justice is Global is a special project of people's action. And people's action is a national organization made up of a number of community organizations and progressive political organizations across the country, working on issues of racial and economic justice and climate as well. And Justice is Global has a specific mission of winning a just and sustainable global economy. We were founded at people's action just over a year now. It was June 2019. And before the pandemic, we were developing a campaign for a progressive alternative to the US-China trade war, which laid some of the groundwork for the escalation and tensions that we've been seeing in recent months. And we were working with some of the member organizations of people's action in swing states, as well as some groups working with rural communities, who were being impacted very severely by the trade war. So we have a background in working on US-China tensions from that perspective. When the pandemic hit, we could see that not only was the pandemic going to take over US politics, but it was going to become the dominant question in US-China, US-China relationship specifically. So we pivoted to trying to develop some strategies for how to confront the rapid escalation in US-China tensions that we knew from the beginning that that was going to be a major part of the political dynamic under the COVID-19 crisis, that inevitably the most hawkish elements among US elites, we're going to seize on that as an opportunity to escalate against China. So since then, we've been building alliances, working on analysis and strategy, developing narrative tools to counter the increasingly extreme anti-China narratives that we're seeing from particularly the Trump White House and the Republican Party and right wing media. We've also been developing a campaign for international cooperation to beat the pandemic with a special focus on US-China cooperation because we believe that lifting up the potential for cooperation between the US and China on shared challenges and most immediately that's the pandemic, that that is a really important part of building an alternative to these escalating tensions that we see right now. You guys are doing a lot. So when you started Justices Global, I moved to China part-time. So it's just, I want to say like watching this happen in such a short period of time. I mean, I think, you know, it's just, I moved in April and everybody was just like, Yay, China. It's so cool. Like, you know, and then slowly, slowly, it's just like now. Oh no. And then there's all these stories about how horrible China is and that there are enemy now. I was just like, what, nothing happened. So maybe start with what did you see when the pandemic started? And as, as was that used, did you watch a shift as you were engaged in this? Yeah, I think the first thing that I experienced when the pandemic hit, and this was very early on in early February. I started, I experienced anti-Asian racism. There was an incident in downtown Chicago where I was walking along and sort of walking in front of me was an Asian woman who turned out to be a Chinese immigrant who got accosted by just a complete stranger who then yelled at her and spat in her face. And that was like my first taste of the rapid escalation in anti-Asian racism that came as part of the popular reaction to the pandemic blaming it on China, associating it with Chinese people. And then by extension, just a broad range of Asian people in general because so much of this country can't tell any of us apart. And yeah, I anticipated that that would be an important part of the reaction and that was very quickly confirmed in early February. And then since then there's been, you know, some, some organizations that have tracked incidents of anti-Asian harassment and violence and there's there's been thousands since then. The other thing that we were tracking was some of the right wing media discourse around the pandemic which moved very quickly towards narratives of blaming China and shifting very quickly into the realm of conspiracy theories. Sometimes mixed in with anti-Semitic conspiracy theories. There's, yeah, the right wing conspiracy theories nowadays are always about, you know, who's pulling the strings. It's Jews or it's the Chinese or maybe a mixture of both. So that's sort of the range of the ideology on the right nowadays. So we saw these conspiracy theories and these blame China narratives. They were being developed and we saw right wing figures investing a lot of energy in them. So for example, Tucker Carlson on Fox News was a major leader in this. And that they were starting that before it ever made it into Trump's mouth in the White House. Like Trump didn't get to that stuff until mid to late March. I think March 18th or something like that, but it was being developed well before that. So that's what we were seeing coming. And we knew that there were independently of the pandemic, a growing set of forces among U.S. elites in both parties actually, actually who have been agitating for years now for a more confrontational approach to China. And that they, it was predictable that they would use this rise in anti-China sentiment as an opportunity to try to build greater popular support for their anti-China agenda. Because the challenge that they have faced for years is that there's not a lot of public appetite for increasing confrontation with China. People are sick of the wars that we're already in. Why would anyone think favorably about the prospect of engaging in a war with a much more powerful country? You know, that just doesn't make sense. But there has been this increase in anti-China sentiment under the pandemic. So for some of these hawks, that's an opportunity. So let's just look at that. I mean, this is not, this is a game plan that has been played out on the U.S. people for a really long time. Nobody wanted the Iraq war either. And that was trumped up and the lies and created fear. I mean, Code Pink started around the terrorist alerts that were color-coded, orange, red, and yellow. And we called Code Pink for peace because they were frightening. They were used to frighten the American people into voting for war. And so, you know, when you say that there's, there are those in the capitalist, you know, corporate circles who see China as an economic threat to what, to U.S. hegemony, you know, global hegemony. And we've seen that for a really long time. You've seen bricks come out of that and where that doesn't look like a really good idea to the rest of the world. And they work on creating a balance. So there are those that aren't interested in that balance. But I think, you know, where we watch the, the lies being driven to create an enemy. And again and again, what, how, how do we look at that as activists? And okay, here it's happening again. Here's the game plan. We're watching it. It's rolling out. And, you know, Vijay Prashad did an amazing job of breaking down the lies that were being used to hate China. And, you know, that China kept it a secret. And instead, you know, that they didn't tell us until like June, I mean, he said some later date, but they told us in December. And even the U.S. CDC doctor said, I was called by the Chinese head of the CDC crying to warn us about what was happening. Not just worn, but like really this is serious. So that discrepancy between what is true and what is being driven is we know as anti-war activists is where we need to insert ourselves. And so kind of we're watching this wave grow and we want to enter. So you're telling us how this is happening, but what, how do we look at this as activists and say, how do we insert ourselves in this moment? Because also we know that sanctions that are also being driven by the Trump administration on Iran and Venezuela and Iraq and sorry, Cuba. They drive also nationalism. And so in this time where we see the world is global and we're all suffering from pandemic and what should be happening is cooperation and connection and understanding where a global economy and global climate change, which the effects of that are going to make COVID look like child's play. So what, you know, how do we also not become nationalists, not drive nationalism and debunk all this? What, you know, that's a big question. Sorry. Yeah. You know, the task of debunking some of these arguments and even conspiracy theories from the anti-China hawks. That's a big task. It can very quickly get very complicated. It requires a lot of background knowledge about China that, you know, is not necessarily accessible to a lot of people. You know, you talk about some of the accusations about that it's, you know, China lied and that's the reason why things are so bad here. You can read, there are some long articles that are quite good about spelling out the timeline and so on. And so, you know, there were some missteps by officials in China. You know, my understanding is that the biggest missteps were from local officials in Wuhan who were acting out of motivations that should be very familiar to us when we look at the missteps from Trump and Republican governors. They were worried about the economic impact of overreacting to the pandemic. It's like, well, you know, the information still got getting out. If we, if we, if we set off the red alarm now about a pandemic that will hurt the economy and that will delegitimize us politically. So those are, you know, looking back like bad reasons to hold off on raising the alarm over this pandemic. But, you know, this, you know, I think the anti-China hawks turn this into this exotic thing that is, that is particular to China, when in fact we can see those same motivations playing out in the U.S. And in fact, like by any reasonable standard, it's playing out much worse in the U.S. than it played out in China, like there were temporary delays in China. In the U.S. it's been months and we have Republican leaders still running with that playbook, which is totally destructive. I think like a good place to start is to get clear on what the most important driving motivations are behind the anti-China hawks and to sort of critique everything that they say from that perspective. So there's two related strands of concern. One is military and the other is economic. So under the military concern is that, so we start out with, if you're a member of the national security elite in the U.S., you start out with a basic dogmatic commitment to U.S. global military hegemony, right? So the idea is that the U.S. military or alternatively the militaries of U.S. allies is going to control, ideally, every square mile of the planet. And if you start out with that basic commitment, then... Is that imperialism? Yes, that is what, that is another word for that. Thank you. And if you start out with that basic commitment, then, yeah, China's going to seem like a threat. So for example, a big flashpoint is the South China Sea, where the Chinese military has been building up its presence and making claims over which waters are county's Chinese territory that conflict with the claims of other countries in that region. So that is perceived by U.S. military as a threat to the U.S. While it is a threat to U.S. military hegemony, it's a threat to U.S. imperialism, that does not mean that is a threat to any living American person, other than the ones that we send over with the Navy and so on, right? So that's sort of the military perspective, which then gets blown up enormously into these hugely inflated images of the Chinese threat. So Secretary of State Pompeo last week talked about the military conflict with China in like apocalyptic terms. He said, he had a quote of something like, if we bend the knee now, then our children's children will be dominated by the Chinese Communist Party, right? It's this image that if we don't confront China in the South China Sea right now, then they're coming to take over the United States, which is just this bizarre paranoid fear for which they're like, China doesn't want to run the U.S. like this place is a mess. And in fact, the tweet right after that said, but really they were doing what they were doing and that China was evil. So the China would change their behavior, you know, not so that we would be forced into something, but this is a force for China to change their behavior. Yeah, so it is in fact changing China's behavior, but not in the ways that the U.S. military Hawks advertise, right? So it is the impact that this is having in China. It's feeding Chinese nationalism. It's making the Chinese leaders more defensive and fearful. And you know, it is a reality that the Chinese military is building up his presence in the South China Sea. And maybe some of the neighboring countries are rightfully afraid of what that will mean for them. But a lot of that is motivated by a justifiable fear that the U.S. military presence threatens to like strangle China in its own backyard. Right? So that fear of the U.S. military presence, and we have to remember like there's a string of U.S. military bases surrounding China, right? I think we can hopefully sympathize with the Chinese leadership's fear that this is going to be increasingly become a threat to them, particularly as China continues to rise in the world and that they need to establish a foothold in their surrounding territory in order to protect themselves from the threat of the U.S. military, right? So this increasingly aggressive and bellicose rhetoric and actions from the U.S. actually feeds in to these actions from China that we interpret as aggressive, right? So we're getting this like really destructive feedback loop, which the Trump administration has done everything in its power to accelerate. And in fact, there was an article in The New York Times earlier this week that I think just nailed it on the head, saying that the Trump administration is trying to push the U.S.-China relationship past the point of no return. They want to poison the relationship so badly that even if they lose power to Biden and the Democrats in November, and even assuming the best intentions on the part of a Biden administration and Democrats in Congress, that they'll be unable to repair the damage that the Trump administration wants to do between now and in the months to come. So that's what we're dealing with on the side of sort of the military hawks that are driving this conflict. There's another side to it that's related, which is economic nationalism and anti-China economic nationalism, which stems from the fact that China's economy has not only been growing but really advancing, and that we are in a place now where Chinese tech companies are real competitors to the U.S. tech industry. And this is a problem because on the one hand, these are the most profitable industries in the global economy nowadays, and the U.S. wants to maintain control of them. Because they're the most profitable industries, they're also the source of the greatest power in the global economy. So the U.S. is very jealous of its control over this tech sector. On top of that, you know, we have to see that there are these global systemic problems where the global economy never fully recovered from the 2008-2009 financial crisis, and global economic growth has been very mediocre since then, in particular in recent years, which has pushed the U.S. and China into the sense of zero-sum competition over economic growth, and these highly profitable sectors are particularly important if these two countries are sort of competing with each other over who's going to get the larger piece of this shrinking pie of global economic growth, which both countries rely upon. So the tech sector is super important for maintaining, like, high corporate profits in this increasingly hostile economic environment, which is only getting that much worse under the pandemic, right? So, you know, there's all this jealousy around protecting the tech sector. A final point there is that in the minds of the national security establishment, the U.S. tech industry is basically a wing of the military-industrial complex. So losing supremacy in the tech industry for the militarists also implies the threat of thereby losing military superiority, because so much of military advances are dependent on tech advances. So if you don't control the top players in the tech industry, how can you control military supremacy? So this is a big fear that they have about the advances in the Chinese economy. So we have the militarists and the economic national sort of combining to really push this agenda forward. So, well, let's just get back to the human beings. You mentioned earlier that people generally in the United States are not really gung-ho on a war with China. But they don't really notice the boiling water or the steps that continue to escalate, just as you've really well laid out, is like, this is really happening and happening quite quickly. I mean, literally, you know, a year ago, China's going along. There are friends, you know, it's like, let's live in this world together and, you know, they're going to grow. They are committed to their people. You know, let's look at, I think, they've taken an estimate of 500 million people out of poverty. So, and then we're in a country that is falling apart. That's kind of, you know, certainly not there for the people. So you're, you didn't bring up that kind of difference of like the for a really long time. The United States has killed an awful lot of people because they were communists. So that I don't know where that is that actually absent in the conversation because it's certainly the thing the US has been afraid of since World War two, and why they dropped a nuclear bomb was to show that they were powerful and, you know, to scare the communists, basically. So here we are back in history to this moment. And I just it wasn't there and I, it's, I think part of why people don't want to talk about it, like, like, why even progressives are left or afraid to talk about this is that it does bring up this conversation that is so about what the US has been about for a really long time. I mean, the US built on slavery built on genocide, and then built on the murdering of innocent communists around the, and many of them Asian. So where is that in here because I think if we don't talk about it, it's partly what keeps everybody quiet, because like, oh my God, if I say something positive about China, I'm a communist, or, you know, and I, and and right now in the middle of, you know, Trump's insanity. So underneath that is the United States of America that is built on genocide and slavery and, you know, basically run by corporations instead of a government, or the government is run by the, you know, so does that in in between those two is that is that river flowing or is that does that come up. Do they operate without it. I don't know. So you mentioned like red baiting. And I think we're seeing a return to red baiting and attempts to revive a kind of like new McCarthyism. I think it's combined with like extra layers of racism because, you know, back in the original Cold War that the enemy was Russia now it's a majority person of color country so that there's an extra layer of racism that comes in there. I think, you know, this problem of red baiting from the right is going to become more and more of an issue and it's going to become unavoidable. The right is trying to cast every political question as a question of are you with the United States or are you with China. He's trying to recast every political question in that light. So they've attempted to do this around black lives matter by associating the black lives matter protests with China. And there's a range of stories they tell one is that the black lives matter protests are to the advantage of China they're advantageous to China, because they're creating chaos in the US, which therefore helps the Chinese Communist Party. It then escalates from that to conspiracy theories about claiming that China is funding the black lives matter protests that China is actually coordinate coordinating the supposed Antifa agents that are that have corrupted black lives matter from a legitimate protests to like looting and rioting. There were even accusations from some people on the right that members of the Chinese military were present in protests and sort of leading to violent acts within the protests. So, you know, this is an attempt to associate black lives matter is allied either directly or indirectly with China. So if you're on the side of black lives matter then you're with China and you're against your rights, right? That's the argument. The recent fight over the US military budget, like US versus China was all over that. Trump a couple weeks ago made this big speech in the Rose Garden. That was about bashing China and then accusing Biden of being on China's side. He brought up the efforts to defund the military as a gift to the Chinese Communist Party. This is about weakening the US and empowering China. He also brought up climate politics. He said that the Paris Climate Accords was an attack on the US manufacturing sector and a gift to the Chinese Communist Party in that it was Joe Biden who made this gift to the communists. And, I mean, you know, there are different versions of this for other issue areas, but in general we see accountability for tech companies. Mark Zuckerberg has been making this argument for a while. And I keep making it that we need to not regulate Facebook in a way that could harm Facebook's business model because if we do, then the Chinese social media companies are going to overtake the US social media companies, right? So this plays out across a range of issues. And it's something that is going to just come up more and more, I think. So I thought Biden's response to that was interesting that he got his campaign to say they weren't going to be on TikTok. So, yeah. I want to take a question from the audience. Carol Ardes asks, do you think that a war with China would remain in the economic struggle or become a nuclear war? I'm not going to make any predictions. However, I think the tendency is towards military confrontation, to be honest, and the risk of any military confrontation escalating into nuclear confrontation is, I mean, I want to say it's unthinkable, but I think there's a real chance of that. Like I said before, the idea of economic conflict is really closely tied to the interests of the national security establishment in the US. In their minds, these are not separate issues, right? The economic conflict and the military conflict are just two sides of the same coin that ultimately ends in military conflict. That's what it's ultimately about. We have to, you know, I would like to think that even in the event of a military confrontation, that at least the Chinese government would avoid nuclear escalation. I mean, that is their policy. But, you know, there's just so many other, like one scenario that I've heard about in recent weeks is the way that other countries in like these major conflicts are sort of aligning with the US versus China great power conflict. So, you know, for example, we're starting to see Israel, well, no, we have seen Israel, which has gotten more and more extreme aligning with the US government, the Israeli government and the US government. In response to that, we're seeing the Palestinian Authority and the Iranian government aligning more with the Chinese government. We're seeing an increasing the emergence of an alignment between the US government in the Indian government. And there's this decades long conflict between India and Pakistan. We're starting to see the Pakistani government aligning with the Chinese government. And there are a lot of nuclear weapons within that list of countries. And I think, you know, we should think, I think the Cold War is like not the best model for us. We should be thinking more along the lines of the escalation towards World War Two. I think the dynamics are much more similar to that. And how conflicts in one place can translate rapidly into these other conflicts that are based on these alignments and how new alignments can emerge in unexpected ways very, very quickly. And so if things break out between the US and China and that's translating into conflicts between India and Pakistan and Iran and Israel, there are just so many opportunities for someone to make a bad call. And I think, you know, we need to do everything possible to avoid this path and create a new path that is focused on international cooperation as a real alternative. Yeah. Thank you for really raising how serious this is to be I think that it's hard for people to hear. But, you know, the US has dropped a nuclear bomb. There are people in the White House that think we've got to cover so we're fine and, and they do it and nothing would happen so there's, we know there's delusional thinking inside of the power of the US that is quite frightening. I'm sure it frightens the Chinese government and an escalate another escalation of nuclear weapons is not something this planet needs or the people on the planet need, and we want to deescalate. So for that also just it's like more creation of more nuclear warheads and weapons is is itself a horrible thought. But, you know, it's, it's in the works and, and as you described China would have to do that because it just starts to look like your job is to take care of the 1.5 billion people in your country. So, we only have about 10 minutes left, and I'm so happy it ended with, yes, this is very, very serious. So, now what can we be doing where peace activists and what are some things that you could tell us we should be doing. Before I move on to that one last point to make is that there's in a White House official Michael Billingsley who I think is ironically in charge of arms control who said that we ought to engage China and also Russia in a new nuclear arms race, because we are because if we do that then we can quote spend them into oblivion. So, horribly delusional and nihilistic, but you know that thinking is at work like an embrace of a new nuclear arms race, even though that that spells like doom for us as a species. Yeah. So yeah it's very serious so what should leftists, what should all of us be doing. I think the most important thing is to build grassroots power to build at the grassroots organize people who understand the importance of this issue. I have this this fear that is this start stuff started to escalate our movements as a whole we're really caught sort of flat footed. The US China relationship isn't a thing that most, most of our organizations are used to really thinking about. And, you know, understanding China is a huge undertaking so like, like, I understand the difficulties that people have in like thinking about these questions. But we need to build grassroots power among people who are clear about the dangers of this growing conflict and the need to create an alternative. And I think part of this is engaging in more political education around the US China relationship, and also about you know the Chinese economy Chinese politics, Chinese society. So there is a need to construct new narratives to counter the, the anti China narratives that are being pushed very intensely from the right and that, you know, and even inversions of them also show up within the establishment in the Democratic Party. There's a bipartisan phenomenon. We need more powerful counter narratives in order to like fight back against those narratives. Something that we've been doing at Justice is global is we just finished a few weeks of testing some narrative tools with voters in swing states in Michigan and Pennsylvania. And it is we leaned into narratives of how the US and China could cooperate to come up with real solutions to this pandemic and end it more quickly. And that these these escalating tensions between the two countries are just incompatible with all of us coming together as a global community to come up with real solutions to this very urgent problem. It can make a similar argument around climate. I think all the same arguments transfer over to the climate crisis, but the pandemic is much more in people's minds right now. So we need to like move those narrative tools out. Justice is global is working on coming up with a toolkit and things like that around and writing a report about this work. We want to get other progressive organizations to take this up, as well as progressive candidates for office in these upcoming November elections. I think there are probably a lot of progressive candidates out there who know that they need an alternative line on what to say about China but aren't sure what that is. And so we want to help develop that. And I think finally, we should find ways to increase the pressure on the Biden administration to move to a better place on these issues. You know, I want to give Biden and the Democrats some credit for refusing to engage in some of the most inflammatory and conspiratorial rhetoric that we see on the right but I am concerned that they are maintaining too much of the framework that has been developed by the Biden and military hawks and by the economic the anti-China economic nationalists and that without much more pressure from us, they are going to be unable to chart a new path in the US-China relationship and they'll find themselves embracing this like spiraling conflict, which is the plan of the Trump White House that they will lock in a US-China conflict that Biden and the Democrats will be unable to undo. Oh, great. Well, that's a great way to articulate it. Thank you so much. We have one more question from John Kavanaugh. The climate movement has long pointed out that reaching the UN greenhouse gas targets to save the planet requires major reductions by both the US and China. You pointed out that there are many problems with Biden. How do you think we can create grassroots pressure on both governments for massive reductions? Before you answer, I just also, John, just to say there's a Harvard study that just came out last week that I found interesting in that 95% of the people in China are worried about climate change and are engaging in personal behaviors changes around it. So that grassroots, that's an interesting thing that I don't think Americans are well aware of, but I'll give it to you. Yeah, yeah. So this is related. One other thing I want to mention is that Justice is Global, we're developing a campaign to pressure the US government to implement a plan for US-China cooperation around the pandemic. And I think, I think, you know, we can do something very similar to that. So this isn't our work immediately, but we want to look forward to doing something very similar around climate change. And there is so much potential in US-China cooperation around climate. We need to be honest in the US that the Chinese government has done in many ways a much better job than the US in pushing for the development of clean energy industries. There are a number of clean energy industries where Chinese firms have scaled this up to a degree that just outstrips anything that exists in the US or anywhere else in the world. Actually, there's sort of a leader in a lot of these industries. And we need to think about what does US-China cooperation look like that recognizes that China is actually bringing a lot to the table, and we need to recognize that as an asset in our shared efforts to combat climate change and not see it as a threat, which is a tendency that's all too common, even among progressives like worrying about, oh, is China going to dominate the clean energy industries of the future? If that's our concern, then the enormous investments they've made in clean energy industries then appears as a threat. That's totally backwards. We should be thankful that there is a country that has made those investments. And we need to think about how we can work together to deploy those in the US globally in a way that is going to work both for the majority of people in China and also, you know, we can do this in a way that also creates jobs in the US. There's more than enough work to go around. Like that doesn't have to be something that we're anxious about. Thank you for that. Well, so, Tobita, thank you. It has been so lovely to have this conversation with you, you are. We'll also acknowledge and commitment and passion. So everyone can find justice is global.org and also follow Tobita on Twitter at TobitaC. And then we also have a lot of tools on code pink.org backslash China. There is a newsletter that's coming out from China with some other news that could make you a little smarter than the mainstream media is trying to drive about China. I, you know, both, I think both Americans and Chinese get to know should get to know each other. And what can we do to help that happen because we remember it's really, it's the government and and as people we know we want peace and justice, and find out ways we can connect and really understand the seriousness that to be to talk about of the racism that this is driving. And, and, you know, at the core as Americans we should really be seeing that and see what we can do to help in the Chinese communities in the United States. First, too. And I know there's organizing happening there. So I hope we'll all engage and do our best to work towards peace and justice. And thank you, Tobita. Thank you so much. Peace.