 Welcome to what the F is going on in Latin America and the Caribbean. CodePink's weekly YouTube program of hot news out of the region. In partnership with Friends of Latin America, Massachusetts Peace Action, and Task Force on the Americas, we broadcast weekly on CodePink YouTube Live. You can also find us on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Telegram, and now on radindemedia.com. Today's episode is Ecuador erupts against neoliberalism, with our guest Escalante Camila Escalante of Casachun News. You can follow Camila on Twitter and Casachun News on Twitter, as well as find Camila and her reporting at casachunnews.com, and I will post those for all of you at the end of the program. Today, we're going to talk about what's going on in Ecuador, and let me give all of you a little bit of background. Thousands of indigenous demonstrators marched through Ecuador's capital on Monday, urging President Guillermo Lasso to agree to demands for economic and social support. The latest in a series of protests that have injured dozens, disrupted the economy, and witnessed some pretty strong state repression. Amid a surge in the cost of living, the protests began last Monday with a list of 10 demands, including those for a fuel price cut, and preventing further expansion of Ecuador's oil and mining industry, and more time for small and medium-sized farms to pay off debt. We can talk a little bit more about debt for small businesses as well as on the state level. Groups of indigenous protesters began arriving in Quito from across Ecuador late on Sunday to take part in a march from the south of the city, shouting out Lasso out as other citizens cheered them on. A large anti-government march was also taking place in Guayaquil, Ecuador's largest city. At least 55 protesters have been injured and 79 have been arrested since protests began. The protest was called by the powerful, and I hope I say this correctly, Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador, CONAI, which is credited with helping top all three presidents between 1997 and 2005. Camilla, we're so happy to have you here with us, and I'm so happy for our audience to have a chance to talk with you and hear some of your reporting for the audience. You should all know that Casa Chumus has been one of the first and one of the most prolific news outlets reporting from Ecuador since Sunday night. Also, Camilla is joining us from Sao Paulo, Brazil today, so she's had a chance to cover the housing protests taking place there, and we can link those two events. They're both significant events, protesting neoliberal forms of government and economics, and we're seeing that spread across the Americas since about 2019. Welcome, Camilla. So happy to have you here, and maybe you can share with us what, give the audience a little bit of background as to what has happened since Sunday night in Ecuador and the significance of it. Well, thank you so much for having me, Terry. There's just so, like you said, there's a lot going on in terms of uprisings against neoliberalism, and against the permanent ongoing economic crisis throughout the region. People are really rejecting these sorts of anti-people, anti-working class, anti-poor policies, which really have affected people of the rural countryside in Ecuador, and in Brazil it's everywhere from the rural area to the urban areas. The cost of living is just unbelievable, and it was already difficult in Ecuador when I lived there. I lived in Ecuador for four years, and things were already very expensive, and that was given my situation where I had a wage that was a living wage. It was higher than the minimum wage by a lot in Ecuador, and so it's really hard to imagine the situation that people are going through now after having two subsequent neoliberal governments, one right after the other, and prices continue to rise. People have lived through two years of the COVID situation, which since 2019, we've seen multiple states of exception decreed in Ecuador. We started with, in 2019, this massive indigenous-led uprising, which was a similar situation to what we're seeing now, and this was in response to the same source of things, but then we went from that to in 2020, getting the COVID situation in Ecuador that came in March of 2020, and there was a very extreme situation that took place there because a lot of changes were made when the previous government, Lenin Moreno, came into power, and a lot of people lost their jobs. We saw a lot of deaths in the streets. It was just a very extreme situation there, but what happened was that we never saw an economic recovery. This COVID situation is ongoing, and their main tool to keep people at home has been the state of exception, and they have so many people in so many different sectors during this period have lost their job in education, in the healthcare sector. People lost their jobs in the healthcare system, in hospitals, doctors and nurses lost their jobs during COVID. It doesn't make any sense at all whatsoever. So this is what's being protested now is the high unemployment rate, the lack of opportunities for young people, the lack of adequate employment. So many people are in precarious employment. They're not fully employed. People are working in very sorts of irregular gig economy or employment with no privileges, no pension or any sort of the benefits that were brought about under the Citizen's Revolution of Rafael Correa, who governed for 10 years in which a lot of rights came about and people had rights in the labor market. So that has all been stripped away since Lenin Moreno and now Guillermo Lasso. So just to bring people up to date now, we're on day 10 of these national mobilizations, which are taking place in almost all of the provinces of Ecuador and all of the major cities and also on major highways and roads throughout the country, where largely in those provinces and those rural areas and highways, blockades have been set up by the Indigenous Movement, which is the main Indigenous Movement Coalition, Conaya, like you said. And there are also other, two other organizations of Indigenous peoples as well, who are not part of the Conaya, but who also have been alongside the leadership of that Indigenous Movement, giving press conferences, and they're all a part of that. And they have erected and maintained roadblocks all around the country for now 10 days. And some of them have been consistent. And in addition to that, within the cities, primarily within Ecuador, of course, which is the seat of government, there are massive protests, which started being carried out by students, by unions and other popular organizations and groups, which includes feminists, includes some more anarchist type tendencies and groups. It's a very mixed bag, but from the outside of Quito, from the different provinces and even in Pichincha itself, but outside of the city are where the Indigenous communities come from. And they decided, they made the decision, that they would start organizing delegations to send to Quito to protest. And we're seeing thousands of those people arrive every day for the last few days, but they haven't all been convoked, which means there's so many more people who could potentially come down to Quito in the coming days or weeks. And they're on reserve right now. These are, this is a very organized movement of, I guess, hundreds of thousands of people. And they're not in any way divided. It's a very cohesive movement, as we saw in the October uprising of 2019. And they're all prepared to get down to Quito. So what we saw this afternoon was thousands of people marching from the north of Quito towards the center where all of the mobilizations are taking place with Leonidas Iza, who is the president of the Conaye. He served as the leader and president of the Kotopaxi Indigenous Campesino Movement. And he was one of the main leaders during the uprising in October, 2019 in his representation as the leader of the Kotopaxi movement. He then became the president of the Conaye last year. And he was the person who was most persecuted politically because of his leadership role in those 2019 protests. He does represent the left, the ideologically left movement within, within the Indigenous movement. And he has faced a little bit of persecution by the media because and even maybe within his own ranks because of his closeness to the citizens revolution, I would say, to simplify it a little bit. And this is someone who is really bringing together the different sectors. He has called for a popular assembly of different forces so that it's not just Indigenous people protesting and mobilizing on their own apart from all of the other sectors because we're not only talking about unions, we're not only talking about students and teachers and health workers, we're also talking about entire sectors of people who might be organized to one degree or another whose industries have been absolutely shattered because of all of the different geopolitical things going on, but even maybe things that began before that in the banana growing sector and other producers, rice growers and all sorts of other industries are in a very bad position right now. And so those workers are also descending on Keto to make their demands. So Conaya has their own list of 10 points or 10 demands that they want to make. And they want very explicit answers from the government. And on the other hand, we see these other sectors who have their own demands specific to the production that they need, what they need to be able to sustain their work and their ways of living. We're talking about communities that survive, entire communities that survive off of milk or whatever it is that they produce and sell. So they're asking for things like price regulations, they're asking for things like gas subsidies and gas price freezes. And so forth. And so there are range, a wide range of people protesting right now with a very wide range of demands being made right now. So it doesn't seem like it's going to stop anytime soon because there are no clear answers from the government so far on day 10 of the protests. So one, wow, I had no idea it was as wide reaching as it is, which is a really strong sign for the people, for mobilization. I have a couple of things that I took a ton of notes as I'm listening to you talk. So I guess for our audience, let's, when Lenny Moreno succeeded Rafael Correa, he took millions of dollars of IMF loans which when a nation does that, when a government does that austerity programs are required in response. My understanding is that there are, there are state funds available due to austerity, state institutions and organizations that have not been funded infrastructure. There are state funds available to perhaps meet some of the demands that the protesters are requesting. So the money is conceivably there. It's not there because of forced austerity, which is a, you know, is a repercussion of neoliberalism, the IMF loans and that's a whole nether conversation but just for our audience to have some background as to where this started. Also, you mentioned the bananas. My understanding is the banana industry that exports from Ecuador have been severely hindered because of US sanctions against Russia. Is that a correct relationship I'm presuming there? Yes, I think the banana sector was largely exporting overseas and this has just been absolutely devastating. So they have no way of continuing that trade and this happened immediately. I think it was absolutely devastated in February. And so now we're talking about, now we've been in several months of this since June or from February until now June. And so, yeah, these people want immediate answers. I haven't followed up on that, you know, the state of that recently, but, well, I know I have familiarity with the region, the banana growing region of Ecuador, which is kind of the coastal region to the south, which kind of borders Peru, particularly in the province of El Oro. And we're talking about massive part of the country that wholly relies on the production and sale of bananas. When you drive down the streets, all of the stores are fertilizers, are different inputs and implements and tools having to do with bananas. Everything has to do with bananas. We're talking about entire towns and cities. So when they say this has destroyed entire industries, it's just communities and towns, where everybody, you know, everyone's personal and communitarian economy is absolutely tanked. And so, you know, this is the case for a lot of, you know, different industries, and it could be said similarly for other parts of Latin America as well, that are so dependent on one specific crop or the production of one specific product and the ways in which it's been devastated because of this conflict. I think this is really just as a side note. It's really important for the audience and a lot of, you already do know this, but this practice of U.S. unilateral coercive measures, sanctions is more commonly known as a form of diplomacy as how Washington likes to call it. It's actually, you know, for many of us, it's a form of warfare. How, when one nation is targeted, that nation and its people are not the only victims. And it does ripple out and these U.S. sanctions against Russia, it's profound how they've rippled out. And as you said, they're affecting, you know, a good part of Latin America. And I would say, you know, that's one of the many, you know, matches that have been thrown on this, on this, you know, a pile of Kinlingwood in Ecuador that's been, you know, it's erupted once before as you mentioned in 2019. And it's never been adequately resolved even with the election of a new president last spring, April of last year. Right, and this is something that I think that the governments, for example, Nicaragua and Bolivia have been preemptively trying to respond to by doing things like accelerating trade and relationships with, you know, countries that they had not previously had very close ties with or trying to reestablish these relationships and also, you know, buying and trading with and selling with the neighbors rather than looking overseas. Instead of us producing here in Latin America for export to the North, which is not, you know, nearly producing enough for themselves. You know, we have this division where, you know, in which countries like Brazil, where I am now produced so much for the global North, you know, countries like Bolivia are trying to, you know, organize relationships so that we have mutually beneficial trade within countries of the region, like within the Andean community, within Mercosur, which Bolivia is now entering and, you know, having these talks within the spaces of Alba TCP and Salak as well. So, you know, the what was able to, you know, the way in which the economy has been set up in Ecuador has just been absolutely disastrous to say the least. So I just wanted to get back to because I was also taking notes for the things that I was forgetting when I was speaking. And I just think, you know, we need to discuss the, you know, the way in which this, the current protest in Ecuador has been framed by the Interior Minister and the Defense Minister and the police, as well as, you know, the high-level government authorities as terrorism. They're calling the Indigenous-led protests and demonstrations and mobilizations terrorism. They're saying that they're violent acts. They are, you know, using all sorts of anti-communist, anti-socialist slanders to try to justify repression and the militarization of the entire country, the militarization of the center of Quito, all of the area around the presidential palace is completely fenced off with, you know, metal fences. And those are all guarded by, you know, very dense lines, several people deep of police. And in addition to that, there are, you know, large areas of protest around the National Assembly, for example, which was another big site of protest in 2019, which now has both police and military presence. There's also a park called, called Ed Adbolito Park, which is in the center as well. It's basically just like two blocks from the National Assembly. And this has been a gathering space for Indigenous peoples and social movements to protest on an ongoing basis for decades. However, it was of particular significance in 2019 and in earlier, you know, protest movements and times of uprising. And in 2019, they used the indigenous, the Conaye, as well as some other, you know, friendly movements used the Casa de la Cultura as a space of refuge for the indigenous people to sleep and eat and even bathe because these people come from other provinces. They literally have arrived on trucks, some of them on foot with nothing on their backs. Literally they just come, you know, by themselves, maybe a purse or something and they're having to sleep in a big dome. This dome in 2019 was tear-gassed by the police asphyxiating the people inside. That was a crime then. They've also tear-gassed now, you know, the campuses of several universities which have also begun to shelter indigenous people and protesters, some of them are just, you know, university students that actually go there. And this has happened, you know, in different campuses of Ecuador. And so, you know, this has been taking place. We've heard some rejection, some denouncements from some international human rights organizations and of course, from the human rights defenders within Ecuador. But on top of that, we have seen a lot of detentions that it's very difficult to get a consolidated number on how many people have been arbitrarily detained, arrested, and the leader of Conaya himself, Leonidas Iza, was himself arrested. So, you know, and then there's all of the injuries. Injuries can come as a result of direct impact from, for the most part, has been tear-gassed canisters. But we also see tramplings when police, you know, aggressively run at demonstrations on horses, mounted on horses, they also, you know, run people down on motorcycles and a number of other tactics. And so, you know, the way in which the right-wing media frames this has been that, you know, that the protesters are involved in vandalism and other sorts of crime when that could not possibly be further from the truth. Iza, the leader of the indigenous movement, has almost every day, I believe, been calling on people to not provoke the police, not give the government authorities any sort of reason to be aggressive towards protesters, not to disturb any of, you know, the property of either residents or, you know, public property of, you know, the city of Pito while they're there protesting. And they've also said the same for the protests going on in the capitals of all the other provinces and on the highways. So, you know, these sorts of attempts to frame the protests and the demonstrations as, you know, terrorist acts and acts of violence are completely fabricated, but they have the mainstream media there, the large networks working on-site with the government trying to, you know, criminalize these people. And so it's a very dangerous situation because more and more every day we're seeing them, you know, try to justify the use of more brutal repression. And so we have seen two deaths, the second being yesterday, two killings by state forces. And so I think we're going to see more of this because it doesn't seem like they're at a point where there's going to be any real dialogue between the different sides, being the government and, you know, the major, at least Conaye or any of the major unions who are looking for, looking for some, you know, some relief from this economic crisis. You know, as I listened to you talk, it sounds so, you know, sounds familiar to the Paro Nacional in Columbia last year. And, you know, as you mentioned earlier, there was this first set of protests, national protests in Ecuador in 2019. And then that move, we saw protests begin in Chile on the heels of Ecuador. And then we have seen what's happened in Columbia. And now you're in Brazil and we're seeing protests now against the unaffordable housing and access to housing. This is all, I mean, I have to say, it's the state repression and violence is terrible to hear. But also we look at what some of this has led to in the rest of the hemisphere and it is a fight. It is a fight for social justice, for economic justice, and for the end of this neoliberal model of capitalism that is violently enforced, not just by individual state governments and military, but by the United States military as well. There's, you know, the United States is not innocent in any of this either, particularly with the issuance of loans. Is there regarding the state violence, have there been any situations of police shooting at protesters' eyes as we've seen in the past and particularly in Columbia last year, but also I think we started seeing that in Chile in 2019. We saw that in Ecuador as well, and there were some higher profile cases of that as well, where people went to the press in the period since that violent repression. There were 11 killings in 2019 and there were just countless injuries as well. And for those protests of 2019, the Interior Minister of Lenin Moreno is currently being sought. She escaped to the United States to start teaching as a university professor. Actually before Lenin Moreno's term even ended, she just wanted to get out of there because she was censured by the National Assembly. And currently there are members of the Citizens Revolution who want to hold her accountable back in Ecuador for the crimes she committed. It wasn't not only the repression, she also, a number of audios and chats were released saying that she was involved in other sorts of corruption. But so people still haven't forgotten about the heavy use of force during those, but it's continuing now. I just wanted to read some of the, or summarize some of the actual concrete points set out by Conaya because I do think not to compare one process to another, but I do think that in Ecuador, that some of the points made by this major movement that is leading a lot of the protests are so much more concrete and clear due to its current leadership, but as well as due to this organization being permanent, it's not just spontaneous. It's not just a bunch of different forces, although there's a multitude and a broad range of organizations that are participating in this. It's mostly being led by this one organization of different indigenous nationalities. And so they have been very clear because they have been making these demands for the last couple of months, but they actually started making these demands in 2021. And so they have been very clear about the 10 points that they want to see responded to by Guillermo Lazo's government. So they're asking for fuel price reduction and freeze and no more fuel price hikes. They're asking for subsidies for sectors which need it most such as peasants and the transport sector and fishing. They're asking for economic relief for families who might face eviction who have debts on their homes. And they're saying no to the seizure of assets such as houses, lands and vehicles for non-payment because of course all of this became necessary that these emergency measures be taken to prevent people from being thrown out on the streets during COVID. But the economy hasn't been in any way restored or normalized or anything like that. People continue to really struggle right now with multiple unemployed people in a household. So they're saying no to seizure of assets and evictions. They want fair prices for farm products like milk, rice, bananas, onion, fertilizers, potatoes, corn and much more. Also Ecuador is a very important country for the production of flowers. I don't know if people know that but everyone's roses in the US and everywhere else come from Ecuador. So those people have their own demands. They want to go back to the period of the citizens revolution. Well, they don't word it but that's how I word it of the employment and labor rights that began to exist during that period due to the precariousness that we see now where there's so many people working very precariously and not so formal jobs. People are working more and more in the informal sector. They also want and they want to stop the privatization strategic sectors of Ecuador which they say belong to the Ecuadorian people. So those are the banks, hydroelectric plants, the telecommunications of the state, the highways, health and many others and the social security system obviously. And they also want an end to speculation and abusive pricing and by intermediaries of stable products. Let me see, health and education. There's a huge shortage in the hospitals of not only budget but medicine but also different things that you need. Now if you go to a public hospital in Ecuador, I mean, this is just so mind-boggling but I've been told by my comrades and colleagues who still live there, if you need a surgery, you have to go and buy your own anesthetic, your own what is it called, stitches. I mean, you basically have to show up with it or pay for it. It's just like an unbelievable failure of a public system. And one of the most important- Well, it's the complete dismantling of a public system, infrastructure, organ institutions, yeah. And then the last thing I just wanted to say, this is just so important and unbelievable is the massacres that are taking place in the prisons. The hold on Ecuador, that the international cartels have right now where there are executions in the street, there are paid for hire killings, mercenary attacks, just an unbelievable rise, sharp, staggering rise in violent crime and murders across the country which all began during the presidency of Lenin Moreno and has only risen now under Guillermo Lasso. It is just unbelievably difficult situation of insecurity where people in multiple parts of the country, largely in Guayas, in Guayaquil, and Esmeralda's on the border with Colombia and of course in Quito are afraid to go outside. They live in fear. It's scary to go to the bank to carry money on you to go stand at the ATM. It's a very different situation from what people are used to living in in Ecuador. It wasn't like that for a long time. It was actually one of the safest parts of South America and that changed in a very short period of time. And now Ecuador feels like what people have become used to and normalized in Colombia or Honduras. So this is something that people are making demands that something be done about this. This has to do with the way in which the institutions that oversaw the prison system before were folded into other parts of government and just the collapse of those sorts of key institutions that kept the prison system running adequately during the Correa years. So this is something that people are very desperate about How is it that we're having prison escapes every weekend where there's just people also in these massacres that have taken place in the prisons. A lot of the people who were killed were not actually members of the gangs that were involved. It was just for no other way of saying it, innocent bystanders who were being kept in those penitentiaries who ended up being decapitated. So it's very grueling what's going on. You've been... Casachun News has been one of the few and really out front in covering these murders occurring in the prisons in Ecuador. And I would encourage the audience to take a look at casachunews.com and also your Twitter account to follow that story. You've been one of the very few to really highlight that. And I would also argue, you mentioned Colombia and Honduras, when this kind of vice comes into a country through the cartels, drug trafficking, gambling, prostitution, it goes hand in hand with austerity. And this was also a big, this is a big reason the Colombians want to change in their government. It's a reason why the Hondurans voted for change last November. And I would also argue it's a big reason for the Cuban revolution in 1959 was to get in those days where the cartels were called the mafia and to get all the vice trade off the island. So they go hand in hand with the privatization and the austerity, and it's just really, it's very horrifying. I wonder before I let you go, since you mentioned one of the 10 demands is to help indigenous social movements, agricultural workers to give some state help to avoid having home loans defaulted on and transportation and probably also agricultural equipment. And once those things are taken from you, you can't make, you can't, how do you make a living? Then there's no hope at all to repay the loans. So regarding the housing issue, you're in Brazil. Can you quickly give us an update on what you're reporting on from there? And then I know you've got a really incredibly busy schedule. So we'll let you go. Yeah, so here in Brazil, we're moving towards the end of Jair Bolsonaro's presidency and people can really feel it. I think we're going to see, from this, during this stretch of time between now and October 2nd, when the presidential elections are going to be held, we're just going to see a lot of protests. People are just at their actual limit. And so the protests which we were covering yesterday and we hope to get some more exclusive interviews, translated and subtitled, because we've already done them and it takes a bit of time. But what happened was during the beginning of COVID, the Congress was able to pass a law against evictions, making evictions illegal. And this was really important because so many people in a very short period of time lost their jobs, had to work from home, more people moved into a more precarious sector, began working in these irregular jobs outside of the formal employment sector and had fewer rights. And they weren't just simply not able to pay their rent. And this law was, it was renewed, it was extended a couple of times and it will now expire on June 30th at the end of the month. And so when this takes place, hundreds of thousands of people, obviously one of the largest countries in the world. This is a massive country, but hundreds of thousands will immediately face eviction. And that is just in the weeks after this takes place and after the protections are lifted. In the coming months, it could be millions of families facing eviction. And so in no way has the economy recovered since COVID, in fact, on the contrary, I'm not sure where we are in terms of if there's going to be another wave or not, but economically things have not improved in any way. So people here face, the ports of the port face issues with housing, but also this is a country that has, where hunger has spiked under this presidency and since Temer, Michel Temer, who took power in the coup in 2016. So under Lula, Brazil was taken off the UN hunger map. It was a country that was no longer considered to be among the hungry, and now it's back on the map. So that's what people have been protesting. There are a lot of very large and historical movements here who have fought for the rights to housing and against evictions. And these are kind of the social movements that are hosting me while I'm here. And I've had the opportunity to interview some of these, the leaders of these movements and also people, residents who are residing in occupations or otherwise seen or known as squats, where there are just so many buildings here. I mean, this is no different from North America or anywhere else, but that have no social purpose. I mean, that's what they say in Portuguese. These are buildings that were either supposed to be some sort of faculty of a university or there were office buildings or condominiums and nobody lives in them. Meanwhile, the streets are flooded with homeless people everywhere in Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. Anyone who has been here knows that Brazil is what other people think socialist countries are like. When people put out these ideas about poverty and hunger and they try to attribute these different things to living under socialism or communism, that's actually how Brazil has been since Michel Temer and now under Jair Bolsonaro. It's just very shocking visually to see so many people living under a highway underpass or a bridge in cold, damp areas under roads. Just long, long, long stretches as anyone knows who knows Sao Paulo. It's very large in size and the homeless population here and in Rio is massive. Of course, there's other people who live in favelas where the type of homes and structures they live in are very much inadequate to say the least among other problems such as the repression and the heavy use of force by the security forces in these areas where the poor live and the state has militarized and they literally go and kill people with no regard for human life and it's not even covered in the media. So the situation here is just so extreme and what people are saying, I mean, regardless of what the campaigns say on social media or what people say in the US, people here on the ground since 2016 have been telling me, because I was here in 2016 that they want to see the PT, the Workers' Party and Lula de Silva come back to power and he was prevented from running in a scheme of law fair when he was arrested and jailed just before, in the months before the last election and he was leading in the polls and they jailed him on false charges. And so another candidate ran on behalf of the Workers' Party and of course it was a lesser known, less popular figure. So now people here see this as an opportunity to get the Workers' Party back in power and Lula has the endorsements of the PSOL and many other liberal and progressive sectors, not just the leftists, but more centrist sectors as well and of all of the social movements these are some very large social movements namely the landless workers movement, the movements for housing and other progressive and urban movements as well. And so it seems certain that he will, if no major attempt is made at some sort of a coup that he should make it back to the presidency come this October and they can begin the process of restoring some of the progress that was made during his previous presidency and start working on unfixing the economy here for one of the most staggering and unequal and impoverished countries of our continent. Wow, well, we'll look forward to your reporting on October 2nd, it was wrong. And it's, I mean, for our audience we've talked about an underlying theme of almost every episode of this program is neoliberalism and how it's exported by the United States throughout the hemisphere and to just see every country that austerity is introduced, the privatization. So the austerity comes from taking these IMF loans which requires the privatization of public organizations, institutions and infrastructure sets in austerity and what happens? The result is catastrophic for average people. And then on top of that, the global south has suffered austerity programs in conjunction with COVID since March of 2020. So it's just devastating. I'm so thankful that you're there to cover these issues and to share them with you. And so I wanna remind our audience that you can find Camilla Escalante on Twitter. You're at Camilla Press on Twitter and Costa June News on Twitter as well. Just as it sounds, Costa June, K-A-W-S-A-C-H-U-N-N-E-W-S. And you can also be sure to check out their website CostaJuneNews.com on the net. So everyone, you've been watching what the F is going on in Latin America and the Caribbean, CodePink's weekly YouTube program of hot news out of the region. You can watch us every week on CodePink YouTube Live as well as catch us on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Telegram and now redindymedia.com. Also be sure to catch CodePink Radio every Wednesday on WBAI out of New York City, WPFW out of Washington, DC, 11 a.m. Eastern. And again, thank you so much, Camilla. Really wonderful to have this conversation with you and thank you so much for sharing with us what's happening in Ecuador and now Brazil and we will see what changes come down the road. We've seen change in Colombia last Sunday, the 19th. So we will look for more of your news and hope and watch as all of this unfolds. So thank you everyone. Oh, thank you. We'll have you back. These stories deserve some great follow-up though. So everyone watching and listening, we'll see you next week.