 Well, thank you, Prime Minister, for delivering a very substantive lecture, one that will be read closely in Australia and in foreign capitals in coming weeks. This is, I think, the fifth time you've spoken to the Institute. You spoke to us twice as Shadow Immigration Minister, as Immigration Minister, as Treasurer, and now as Prime Minister. It's quite an upward trajectory. I think the timing this time has been particularly clever on our part. And let me go to the United States, if I can. You're just back from a successful... Are we going to do this on the phone, or...? It's not too soon. Some congressmen think it is too soon, but PM, you're back from a successful US visit. You had the first state dinner with the President since Mr Howard and George W. Bush. You're one of very few Democratic leaders who has struck up a really warm relationship with the President. What's your secret? Know who you are, know what you're about, listen, and take everybody at their word. I mean, you don't know if about these things, but people are people. It doesn't matter whether they're presidents or kings or queens or whatever role they happen to be in. These engagements, I said this recently when we had all of our heads of mission in Canberra. And I reminded them that while it's terribly fascinating for them to write voluminous cables dissecting the great strategic shifts of our time, their fundamental job was there in the people business, and their job is to connect with other people in the governments they're trying to connect with in the countries where they're serving us. And my job's not much different to that. We get tremendous support from the institutions, and I know there are many of our senior leaders in our public service here tonight, and I thank them for the great job they do. But it is about making those connections and being as upfront as you can be, not giving people surprises, and listening carefully. And how do you find President Trump as an interlocutor? What's he like to negotiate with, what's he like to talk to? He's pretty straight up. I mean, Frank and I were chatting before. When I first met Frank, I was in the property industry, so I suppose that gave me a good insight. And people I find can often be quite transparent. And you know, the job's made a lot easier because it was personally very kind for Jenny and I, and I thought Jenny did an amazing job to have that person's invitation to go and share that evening. But you know, it wasn't about us, and frankly, it wasn't about him. And Melania did an amazing job, the attention to detail that she put into that night expressed a lot about the respect they had. But it was about the respect for Australia, and I'm sure John felt the same way when he was at a similar occasion many years ago. The respect between Australia and the United States is deep. It's forged in the most extreme of circumstances. And when I was meeting with investors in New York on the Friday, some of the biggest investors in Australia, their constant message was, Australia, we trust you, it's stable, it's safe. We share values, it's predictable. We are the safe port in the storm. And in a global economy that looks like the one we're currently in, I'm happy we're us. This week we learned that the President called you about regarding Australia's role in the 2016 election and potentially the Mueller investigation. And you said yesterday that of course we said we'd grant the request and you'd do that to an ally. That makes sense. But can I ask you, isn't it inconceivable, the idea that someone like Mr Downer, a former Conservative foreign minister, would be in cahoots with the deep state in various allied countries to intervene in the U.S. election, isn't it a ridiculous proposition? Well, I thought you surprised it well in your introduction. Alexander's always been a big leftie, as we know. Him and Nick mentioned big lefties. The woke pair, I think not. But putting that to one side, look, the fundamentals of this are pretty straightforward. It wouldn't matter which President or which Attorney General for an Australian Prime Minister was conducting an official investigation into whatever matter. It would be extraordinary of any Prime Minister in those circumstances to deny what was a very straightforward request. And frankly, one that had already been communicated by our Ambassador that we were happy to cooperate with, because A, we're not a party to the investigation, B, we're not the subject of the investigation, and C, we haven't got any issues. So if this assists that issue to come to some sort of close, which is a matter for U.S. domestic politics, we'll fine. Our simple granting of a very reasonable request to our most deeply entrusted and respected ally is, I think, a fairly unremarkable of it. Let me ask you about China, if I can. China is now a huge media story in Australia. Every day there are front-page stories about China, whether it's Hong Kong or Xinjiang or political donations or cyber hacks or foreign investment or the detention of Australian citizens or the trade war, it's just relentless. So can I ask you, how does a democracy like Australia, how do we manage a relationship with a nation like China that is so different from us, that is run by a Leninist political party in our national interests, full stop? That's how you do it. And you need to know what they are and how they're impacted. I think one of the ways we are, I contend, successfully managing this relationship is just being incredibly consistent. We know where our lines are. We know where our benefits are. We know where they're shared. We know where we disagree. We are careful in the way we engage in what we say and what we do. We don't concede. We don't step back. And in any relationship, stability is incredibly important. We're not a variable in this relationship. And we're not a variable because our government has a very clear understanding of what our national interests is and who we are and what we hope to achieve. And the stability we seek to foster in the region, stable region, everybody wins. I don't think a Prime Minister has been to China since what, about 2016? It's been a while. I was last there as treasurer in 2017. Do you hope you'll be going to Beijing soon? Well, I'd be happy to go. But I'm not waiting by the phone. And nor should Australian Prime Ministers be. If they would like to invite us to come to China, we'd be happy to go. And I'm pleased by, in the last month, we've had two meetings between our foreign ministers. Our trade Ministers have been me. We spoke to the Ambassador just the other day. So I think we should be careful about overinterpreting some of those events. And we'll continue to engage in the way we have. And we're happy to go. But at the same time, if that doesn't transpire, then it's not troubling me. You mentioned in your speech that China had changed the world in many ways in your lifetime. True. Even in the last week, we saw these two incredible demonstrations of Chinese power. You saw the ICBMs rolling through Tiananmen Square and you saw Hong Kong demonstrations being put down by authorities. I mean, when you look at that, aren't there worrying overtones from those two demonstrations of power? Well, they're not hard to miss. And you need to be very wide-eyed in understanding all the points that you've just made. Particularly, the situation in Hong Kong has been troubling for some time and that's why we have been counselling a restraint broadly, very broadly. You could say that has occurred, but not always. And we would hope that constraint and restraint, I should say, restraint would prevail. But the fact that China has become such a strong economic and military power, I'm constantly surprised at the surprise about this. I mean, what was the point? Everybody said we should, and this happened a generation ago and more, let's engage with China. Let's bring them into the global community. Let's end the exile. What did we think we were doing that for them to stay exactly where they were? Their economic development would not lead to some of these other things and change the bowel balance in our region. I mean, whoever wrote that paper that said it wasn't going to end up like that, I hope it's not still working for the Australian government. They didn't work for the Lowe Institute. I mean, this is what I find surprising. This is the inevitable result of the path that we deliberately got on. And so I think it's important in responding to it, is not to get too emotional or outraged that this has occurred, but simply to practically understand it as a natural consequence of where the world and the global economy has got to. See, when you look at it like that and go, well, okay, so the trade rules have to be adjusted to respect that, and the balance and cooperation of nations that sit within the Pacific, well, that'll change a bit. But if you look at this as some great ideological struggle between two world views, well, that can take you to a very dangerous end. And I don't subscribe to that analysis. I don't think it's in Australia's interest. Finally, let me bring you closer to home. Let me ask you about the Pacific. You've been quite unusual actually for a prime minister in making the Pacific your signature foreign policy sort of region early on. I think, for example, today you announced you'd be going back to Fiji next week, which I think is a third or fourth time in a year that an Australian PM has stopped in Fiji. Why do you feel so strongly about the Pacific? Well, there are many reasons, and personally, I have a deep connection with the Pacific. And so I was a very young boy, but that's really not the point. The point is that our Pacific family and their success, their independence, their sovereignty, their resilience, is important to Australia because it creates a stable arc around our domain. The Pacific is not our domain, it's their domain, but our domain, our waters, our territories. And this is the same reason why I think one of Australia's greatest achievements was the Ramsey Initiative, which the former Prime Minister Howard should be absolutely proud of. And you know that when I was in the Solomon's recently, and I was standing at the parade ground of the Royal Constabulary, this is the Royal Constabulary that Australians trained, built. And at the very moment when their nation was facing its greatest test since the events that led to Ramsey, an election held, an uprising and a revolt that sought to overturn an elected government, the one thing standing between democracy and stability prevailing in the Solomon Islands and those rioting on the streets was the Royal Constabulary that was trained by Australians. And they stood up. They're national heroes, and they should be, but Australia should feel very, very proud. The one who served, whether in a police uniform, a de-fat uniform, a military uniform, whatever they did, they should feel very proud of that precise moment because, you know, history often comes down to those moments, and that was 16 years in the making. An arc of stability, of resilience, of independence, of sovereignty in the Pacific is very important to Australia. We saw what happens many, many years ago when the Pacific falls and when the Pacific is the target of aggressors. It's very important that we maintain those bonds, and the stronger they are, the better Australia is and the greater our national interests are served. The underlying part to it, though, frankly, is we are family. That relationship goes beyond, I think, any other. It is a deep family relationship, and that's how also it's seen. Families also argue, and there was a lot of noise that... Sure. Yes, they do. There were a few family arguments at the Pacific Islands Forum in Tuvalu and criticism of Australia. Is there any sense that our climate policies are a drag on our influence in the Pacific? Well, one of the things I was pleased about at the Pacific Islands Forum is it was a long night, but it also gave me the opportunity, with all the other leaders, to take through, to track them through what we'd actually been doing, which they were not aware of. And the Prime Minister of Samoa in particular said, look, could you actually put that down on one sheet of paper for me? I've never heard that before. They have responded to many things that they understood to have been what Australia's position was and actions was, but were surprised to learn of the detailed information I was able to provide to them. But that said, I understand the deep passion and feelings that they have on that particular issue, and that's why I was at pains to stress to them how seriously we take it and what we do, whether that will ever completely satisfy some, I think, is an open question. But is it impacting, I think, fundamentally the nature of the deep relationship we have as a family? No, I don't. I mean, Frank Barley-Marama and I have an excellent relationship. He wasn't terribly happy with me that morning. He was texting me from the plane the second he got off back and server, quite friendly. That's the nature. There's give and take. There's respect. I respect the fact that he feels as strongly as he does. I'm certainly not offended by it because I know he's speaking to me from a deep place of conviction. And how can I do anything other than respect him for that? Final question, PM. You've travelled quite a lot as Prime Minister. You've visited a lot of countries. What has been the most memorable moment on the international stage that you've had as PM? Would there be one moment that sticks out? Yeah, and it happened in Australia. Standing in the silence beside the Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe, as we later reefed in Darwin, it was intergenerational. It was beyond current events. It was a moment of, it's a very emotional thing, it was a moment of generational healing, an act of grace from a great leader, for which I will be forever grateful to him for. Well, thank you, PM. Thank you for taking our questions. Thank you for telling us a little bit about what it's like to be the Prime Minister. I want to wish you luck on behalf of everyone here as you represent our country. I will come back in a little while to introduce Penny Wensley to move a formal vote of thanks. But before I do so, can I please ask you to join me in thanking the PM for giving such an important speech and for taking my questions? Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.