 I would say most of the international community have seen the true face of Iran. They've seen the barbarism of this regime against its own people. They've seen how it exports aggression beyond its border and beyond the Middle East. And I think there is a common consensus that this regime must not acquire nuclear weapons. We've had very good discussions on forging a common policy, on trying to work together to thwart the danger. I can repeat again something that you've heard me say many times. Our policy and my policy is to do everything within Israel's power to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them. And that will remain so. But obviously the fact that we in the United States are working together is something that is important for this common goal as well. In addition to thwarting the danger, we also see an opportunity to seize opportunities, the opportunities of expanding the circle of peace. We intend to deepen the peace that we've already made in the Abraham Accords. We discussed some of the initiatives that we are considering doing together. But also to perhaps achieve dramatic breakthroughs that I think could be both historic and enormously significant in our common efforts to bring prosperity, security, and peace to this part of the world and beyond. So with this in mind, I have to tell you that I also believe that expanding the circle of peace, working to close finally the file of the Arab-Israeli conflict, I think would also help us achieve a workable solution with our Palestinian neighbors. For all these reasons, I welcome you once again to Jerusalem. Welcome. Thank you, Prime Minister. Thank you very much. It's very good to see you. And I want to thank you for what has been, as always, a very productive, very candid, and I think important discussion that covered a lot of issues. Just as I did upon arrival in Israel, I had a chance to express directly to the Prime Minister my condolences and that of the United States government for the seven Israelis who were killed in the horrific terrorist attack earlier this week outside their synagogue. President Biden called the Prime Minister immediately after the attack to underscore the United States steadfast support for Israel and its people, a message that I reaffirmed in the meeting we just had. In the context of this attack and escalating violence, it's important that the government and people of Israel know America's commitment to their security remains ironclad. That commitment is backed up by nearly 75 years of United States support. America's commitment has never wavered, it never will. And today, the Prime Minister and I discussed ways that we can continue to strengthen our partnership and our shared security interests. We agree that Iran must never be allowed to acquire a nuclear weapon. We discussed deepening cooperation to confront and counter Iran's destabilizing activities in the region and beyond. Just as Iran has long supported terrorists that attack Israelis and others, the regime is now providing drones that Russia is using to kill innocent Ukrainian civilians. In turn, Russia is providing sophisticated weaponry to Iran. It's a two-way street. Russia's ongoing atrocities only underscore the importance of providing support for all of Ukraine's needs, humanitarian, economic and security, as it bravely defends its people and its very right to exist, a topic that we also discussed today. Now one of the most effective ways to make Israel more secure is to continue to build bridges in the region and even well beyond the region. That's why we've worked relentlessly to deepen and broaden the Abraham Accords and other normalization agreements between Israel and Arab states. Earlier this month, a large delegation from across the United States government joined representatives from Israel, from Bahrain, from Egypt, from Morocco, from the United Arab Emirates, in Abu Dhabi for the first meeting of the negative forum working groups. This was the largest gathering of Israeli and Arab officials since the 1991 Madrid conference. These groups are focusing on issues affecting the lives and livelihoods of all of our people, food and water security, clean energy, health care, education and coexistence, tourism, regional security. It's part of a comprehensive effort to enable collaboration not only between our governments, but also our businesses, entrepreneurs, civil societies, young people. The prime minister has spoken about our ability to do big things together. Well, Israel's greater integration in the region is very much one of them. A few years ago this kind of cooperation would have been unimaginable. Today it is genuinely fostering new opportunities for people across the participating countries to connect, to collaborate, to learn, from teaming up on cancer research to launching new startups in green energy and drought-resistant agriculture, to competing in real sports and e-sports. Each of these interactions helps chip away at enduring biases and mistrust, and this never would have happened without the leadership of the prime minister. We're determined to keep building on that progress, on new issues with new countries as we work to strengthen the circle of peace. These efforts are not a substitute for progress between Israelis and Palestinians. But as we advance Israel's integration, we can do so in ways that improve the daily lives of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. And that's crucial to moving toward our enduring goal of Palestinians and Israelis enjoying equal measures of freedom, security, opportunity, justice and dignity. President Biden remains fully committed to that goal. We continue to believe that the best way to achieve it is through preserving and then realizing the vision of two states. As I said to the prime minister, anything that moves us away from that vision is, in our judgment, detrimental to Israel's long-term security and its long-term identity as a Jewish and democratic state. That's why we're urging all sides now to take urgent steps to restore calm, to de-escalate. We want to make sure that there's an environment in which we can, I hope, at some point create the conditions where we can start to restore a sense of security for Israelis and Palestinians alike, which of course is sorely lacking. We also remain committed to supporting religious coexistence and diversity, including in Jerusalem. We continue to support upholding the historic status quo at Jerusalem's holy places, including the Temple Mount Haram al-Sharif. We're grateful to the prime minister for his repeated expressions of support for that position. One of the things that makes the partnership between us so strong is that it goes well beyond any one American or Israeli government. Few people understand that better than President Biden, who's worked closely with every Israeli prime minister since Golda Meir, and Prime Minister Netanyahu, who has worked closely with his share of American presidents. Quite a few. Throughout the relationship between our countries, what we come back to time and again is that it is rooted both in shared interests and in shared values. That includes our support for core democratic principles and institutions, including respect for human rights, the equal administration of justice for all, the equal rights of minority groups, the rule of law, free press, a robust civil society. And the vibrancy of Israel's civil society has been on full display of late. The commitment of people in both our countries to make their voices heard, to defend their rights is one of the unique strengths of our democracies. Another is a recognition that building consensus for new proposals is the most effective way to ensure they're embraced and that they endure. Our fellow democracies can also make us stronger. That's what the United States and Israel have done for each other over many decades by holding ourselves to the mutual standards we've established. And by speaking frankly and respectfully, as friends do, when we agree and when we do not. The discussion that the Prime Minister and I had today was no exception. That conversation will continue, including with other members of Israel's government civil society, as part of a perpetual process to defend and bolster the pillars of our democracy, which we are both committed to. So Mr. Prime Minister, again, thank you so much for your hospitality, for the very good conversation, and for the enduring partnership between our countries. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thanks everyone. You are watching Live Images, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaking at the podium after wrapping up their meeting in Jerusalem just a short while ago. We're going to get straight to it and unpack exactly what we just heard with me in studio. Danny Ayalon, the former Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister and former Israeli Ambassador to the US and our senior diplomatic correspondent, Owen Altman. And Owen, I'm going to start with you. Lots to unpack. What stood out for you? A lot of comments that we were expecting, and perhaps others that we maybe weren't. Yeah, I'm really interested to hear what Danny Ayalon has to say, whether he gets his gut feeling that this was a good meeting or not from Antony Blinken's body language. Frankly, I'm not so sure. At any rate, you're right. Wide-ranging comments, very carefully worded on both sides. I think it's a credit to both men. Both speaking very carefully, thoughtfully and purposefully. On Netanyahu's part, actually, I found a surprising point of moderation on Iran from someone who has made this his flagship issue going back years. Talking about Israel's red line is preventing Iran from getting nuclear weapons that means to deliver them. Not having Iran be a threshold nuclear state that seems to be, if you take Netanyahu's words at face value, something he's willing to accept. And that is quite a concession from Netanyahu. Netanyahu, there are not words, for example, that we heard from your ear, Lapid, as foreign minister or even, I think, from Nishtali Bennett as prime minister. So I found that to be quite interesting. On Blinken's part, a thicker laying on Israel's judicial overhaul than I think I expected. For example, if you compare it, Benita, to what we heard from European officials, I was there and President Isaac Herzog tripped last week to Brussels. This was a much thicker laying in terms of how he described the judicial overhaul and America's position toward it than we heard in Brussels where it was either not stated at all in public statements or done very elegantly. This was beyond elegant. This was much more direct, again, not fully direct, but I don't think you leave this statement with any confusion about how important this is to the Biden administration. Actually, you want to go back to Netanyahu for a second because it does bear emphasis. Talking about Joe Biden as a true friend of Israel, this is a talking point of Netanyahu time and time again. Shouldn't be taken for granted that kind of unambiguous praise for a Democratic American president. It stands out. It stood out here again. So I should wrap that up with Netanyahu. As for Blinken, there's so much more to say. I think we'll probably hand it over to Danny I alone. But again, talking about how far he'll go with Saudi Arabia, for example, again, in his statements about Iran and, of course, Ukraine. And exactly that, your thoughts and exactly what was being said between the lines there. Okay. So there are quite a few nuances which are very important. First one is on Iran. Second is that Iran should never be allowed to develop, attain nuclear capabilities and, of course, the delivery means, ballistic missiles. When you hear the Americans, they say that they're committed not to let Iran acquire. They're not talking about developing. So this is a major difference, a very major difference. Did you say that on display here or did you say a concession from Netanyahu? Well, I would say that it is not different than the traditional American position. And that means they see differently on, you know, as well as much as the timeline is concerned. Israel would like to strike now or very soon from now when they enrich 90%. If you recall three or four or five years ago when Bibi Netanyahu made his famous speech at the United Nations with the bomb illustration, he talked about the red line of 90%. 90% I'm not sure is the American red line yet because they're talking about acquiring. So this is something which has not been resolved and it is quite amazing to see that the two sides after so long are still sticking by their own positions. What the Americans are trying to do is maybe sugarcoat this difference by one, you know, of course, assuring their ironclad, as it was mentioned here, commitment to the security of Israel. And also if we look at last week, Jennifer Oaks, you know, this exercise, which was one of the kind, it was first of the kind because it was the first time on such a massive scale which included air, navy and ground operation. And this is also something where the Americans are doing in order to appease the Israeli mind and buy more time because Israel would like the United States to publicly say that not only options, that all options are on the table, but that a military option is very, very viable if the Iranians will not stop. This has not been happening yet. By the way, Israel here is not alone. Saudi, all the other Gulf countries including, by the way, Egypt and Jordan are with us, but the Americans have not realized. So this is one important difference that you can tell from the two speeches. The other thing is I've never heard an American foreign secretary or a high-level American speaking so explicitly. And here I pretty much understand what you say so explicitly about what democracy means. Usually say shared values and you don't have to explain. Here is talking about the free press, about the rule of law, about the vibrant civil organizations. It has never happened before so publicly which means the Americans are very much concerned. So I'm sure inside the room, the meeting, I'm not sure it was as pleasant as it was reflected with these two speeches. That is absolutely my instinct. And also when you hear Anthony Blinken saying as a friendship that exists, but we will also speak frankly when we agree and frankly when we disagree, alluding as well to the Temple Mount, talking about democracy as well. What did you make of the body language of the way he delivered his message as well over and above the words? I think they are very concerned. They are very concerned about Temple Mount, about the status quo there, about what Israel would respond to this horrific massacre of the seven Israelis that were gunned down by the synagogue in Jerusalem. And the last thing they would like to see is all of a sudden the burgeoning of new Israeli communities into the Samaria. This is something which they are of course very much against. And this is why you saw such a reserved body language by Biden. And also when Netanyahu spoke about he was forward-looking. Expanding the circle of peace. Yes. So of course Biden has to, I mean, Blinken has to follow suit. But he said that this is not replacing a political process with the Palestinians. And I think more importantly, Anthony Blinken left open the real question, which is how far is the Biden administration willing to go to give things to Riyadh to incentivize them to normalize? I mean that's the secret of the Abraham Accords is that the Trump administration gave things to most of these governments to entice them to take the plunge of normalization. And the Saudis we know from even I-24 News' own reporting are interested in getting some of these goodies from Washington. The question is how far is the Biden administration willing to go? I don't know that we got a strong question. I wonder if the enthusiasm that the Biden administration might have for that is in part connected to their feeling about what Israel is doing on these other issues that are in dispute. The Americans can be very tough. And there is a quid pro quo. They are not giving much, you know, free. So they would definitely expect Israeli restraint on the Palestinian issues. They would expect Israeli judicious conduct when it comes to judicial reform here. And they will never say it out loud to link it with how they act upon extending the Abraham Accord or their position on Iran, which should be really linked because Iran is also a threat to American interest very, very much so. So it shouldn't be linked. However, the Americans can make it very, very difficult for Israel really make us sweat when it comes to capabilities and more that we need in order to build a viable military option that we can go by ourselves. We do have the capability, but how effective it is depends on more material from the United States. The connection between Iran and Russia and the issue of Ukraine, talk to us about what you understood was being said very subtly there as well, Owen. Well, first of all, again, this is not for the first time. Regular viewers have heard me say this so many times that it bears repeating how much of a foreign policy gift it continues to be for Israel, for Iran to be taking Russia's side in the war in Ukraine and giving Russia drones that are killing Ukrainians. I mean, it is an absolute gift just dropped in Netanyahu's lap and before that, in Nifali Bennett and Yipir Lapid's lap, it has completely changed the entire discussion around Iran in a way that's great for Israel. But of course, the issue of Ukraine, Anthony Blinken made pains to put that in there as well, saying not only humanitarian aid security aid as well, it was not 100% clear to me how far he went in those demands with Israelis, whether this was there to send a signal to Volodymyr Zelensky that it had been discussed, or whether there was some more seriousness in the kinds of demands made upon Israel. I would lean further than the former, but I admit I'm not 100% sure from those public states. Well, if you're just joining us, let's take a quick listen to exactly those words as we heard them just moments ago out of Jerusalem. Your visit comes at an important time. It's a time where many in the international community, I would say most of the international community have seen the true face of Iran. They've seen the barbarism of this regime against its own people. They've seen how it has aggression beyond its border and beyond the Middle East. And I think there's a common consensus that this regime must not acquire nuclear weapons. And we discussed deepening cooperation to confront and counter Iran's destabilizing activities in the region and beyond. Just as Iran has long supported terrorists that attack Israelis and others, the regime is now providing drones that Russia is using to kill Israelis. In turn, Russia is providing sophisticated weaponries to Iran. It's a two-way street. Russia's ongoing atrocities only underscore the importance of providing support for all of Ukraine's needs. Humanitarian, economic, and security as it bravely defends its people and its very right to exist, a topic that we also discussed today. Danny Ayalon, your insights on exactly what we were talking about now. Absolutely. Iran is on Iran, certainly about the timetable mostly. And when would the United States come out and say very, very precisely and unequivocally that Iran will never be nuclear, including not all options, but a military option. If they say we are preparing a viable military option not to allow Iran to become nuclear, that will speak volume. And we know that the Iranians heed to pressure. The only time the Iranians voluntarily suspended their nuclear program was in 2003 when they were flanked on both sides of their borders. Afghanistan on the east and Iraq on the west with the American forces, they stopped because they thought they would be next. This is what Israel is looking for. Danny Ayalon, thank you so much. Owen Altman, we have a few seconds left. Parting shot, your take on what we saw and what is going to happen in Ramallah very quickly. Well, if anything, what happens in Ramallah, there are differences in a range of issues. There are some agreement on other issues. And by the way, acquire nuclear weapons. Those are the words Benjamin Netanyahu used, Danny Ayalon. I read that as Benjamin Netanyahu, if you take it face value, accepting Iran as a threshold nuclear state, a huge headline in its own right, but not the only one from this very, very interesting set of remarks. And again, country to countries which have some points of agreement but some significant issues of dispute that are not about to be resolved soon. Owen Altman, Danny Ayalon, we could discuss this for another hour. We have to leave it here, but stay tuned to I-24 News. We'll have more analysis and reaction in the coming hours. I'm Vanessa Levine in Tel Aviv. This is Special Edition. Thank you so much for watching. Our coverage continues. Stay tuned. Join us as we meet the people changing our planet and discover the inventions shaping tomorrow. Israel Business Beat Sundays and Wednesdays, 9.30 p.m. GMT. Discover I-24 News Radio. Now you can listen to I-24 News anywhere, anytime for free. 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