 Thank you again to all of you who care to come here this evening on the night of last Wednesday of the Persian New Year the Charged Ambassadors. I'm sure some of you had much more engaging events to attend, but I'm Delighted to see you here. My thanks are also again to so as to the Jam Charitable Trust and Of course to Dr. Hassan Aikimiya for inviting me and delighted And this is a good exercise as I said last time to try to sum up some of my thoughts about my forthcoming book. What you're going to hear this evening is actually going to be a second part of what I have discussed last evening. Some of you who were present here probably can relate to some of the themes that I discussed earlier on. For those of you who were not here, you haven't lost much, so this this lecture is going hopefully to stand on its own feet. I titled it Unraveling of the Qajar Covenant and the Rise of Competing Modernities from the Constitutional Revolution to the Pahlavi Order 1891 to 1925. Of course, both the dates and the title may gradually, in the course of our of the lecture, may shift a little bit. But basically the idea is to try to show what I have pointed out in my last lecture as the emergence of or re-emergence of what I call and what can be called the guarded domains of Iran under the Safavid and the early Qajar period has substantially transformed and as I pointed out unraveled in the latter part of the 19th century and early 20th century most significantly during the constitutional revolution that eventually led to the rise of the Pahlavi Order. What is significant about this episode? I've left behind actually before getting to this. I've left behind perhaps one of the most delicious eras of mid-19th century the age of Nasser Dinshaw, one of the most significant period. As I've written about it, but once you write about something then it becomes kind of repeating it. It's not much of a challenge. So I moved on, of course, in the course of discussion, we can go back to that period. But what I would like to say here about the period under consideration is that we see two competing and again complimentary forms of modernity is both of them acquired, I would say more than indigenous, although as far as the constitutional revolution is concerned, most of the time the attention is to how far attention that has been paid to it is how far the European ideas of democracy, enlightenment, popular representation has been practiced, implemented in the course of the revolution. Much less attention was paid to the domestic themes or the indigenous ideas of reform that already was in the air in the 19th century as a force of dissent. I'll come back to that in a moment, most significantly the Pahlavi movement and what I would like to show here is to try to show that one trend, which is the trend of popular sovereignty, the rule of law, and the popular representation and popular presence in the political horizon which became very evident with the constitutional revolution in the first decade of the 20th century gradually and why gradually transformed into a period of autocratic rule as it emerged under first Reza Khan in 1921, coup of 1921, and eventually to the emergence of the Pahlavi order in 1925. What we saw that this form of constitutional sovereignty was actually took over by a strong centralizing state and the strong centralizing state is no longer the guarded domains of Iran, guarded domains of Persia, but it's now a nation state that it's emerging, even it's in its title, no longer the term from 1914 onwards. The term Mamoleke Mahruseye Iran, guarded domains of Persia, was dropped. First the Rubrik Doulat-e-Aliyeye Iran, the sublime state of Iran, was adopted and soon after that was also dropped and it became Iran or Doulat-e-Iran. As the official title of the Pahlavi rule. Now, what are the major features of this or what are the major characteristics and forces that contributed to this change? Perhaps the first and the most significant at last time, last evening, we didn't have much time to talk about, is the question of a crisis in the agrarian commercial economy of Iran. Late 19th century, Iran was fairly substantially incorporated to the world market. That's for the first time. Iran no longer was a country that was surviving on a subsistence economy and although agriculture remained the most important source of revenue, the most important sector of the economy and the most important revenue maker for the state, but nevertheless we see that commercialization of the agriculture, creation of certain commodities that usually known as the cash crops and its export to the mostly European market made Iran a more dependent in certain sectors of the economy, more prosperous in terms of international trade and of course had some repercussions for other sectors within the economy. So that's one trend I hope that some of the images I'm going to show can explore this a little bit further. As a result of this, a series of concessions that were made. So this was a two-way avenue. Not only it was the export of the commodities cash crops to the outside world in a sense most significantly tobacco to opium as the most important revenue producer for Iran in the 19th century before the days that you would have the stigma of what you would today identify with opium. And a number of other items silk production has subsided as from the 1860s onwards partly due to diseases that destroyed basically the silk economy of Iran in the 19th century partly because it could not compete any longer with the forest in terms of production of the silk and even silk textile no longer had that kind of a prominence that it's enjoyed in the 18th, in the Safavid period. The foreign investments in Iran came mostly in the form of concessions or concessionaires and that was almost an inevitable process in the whole of the Middle East. You would look at North Africa, Egypt, Ottoman Empire, Iran. You would see the same phenomena of the available capital venture capital in the European markets find its way for investment in countries that had some strong agricultural or some stable agricultural base. Egypt perhaps the most important with the production of cotton during the famous cotton famine during the Civil War in United States Civil War. Iran and Ottoman Empire both the heartland of the Ottoman Empire both for the production of tobacco which partly was for domestic purposes partly for export and opium as I pointed out. Concessions made the state a little bit more well off because it was an easy way of generating revenue without going through the very laborious process of tax collection that was always on the side of the state a problem to try to raise revenue through agriculture tax collection tax collection farming out auctioning offices and so forth which are the characteristic of the late 19th century Iranian system all was part of the cumbersome task of tax collection so that's one factor and we should keep in mind that when we talk about concessions and concession years such as the regime the most famous concession that led to a revolt that's not the only one the others probably very successful and we don't hear about them as much was partly because of this inevitable process of the movement of the capital to these economies. The second is that as a result of the concessions and as a result of greater dependence on the international market therefore the economy the domestic economy became much more susceptible to international fluctuation of the market particularly to the to the vacillation in the currency since Iran the was a silver based currency as opposed to the gold based currency the vacillations were even more significant and around the turn of the 20th century around 1903-1904 there was a crisis in the New York market in the price of the silver that it took about a year or perhaps less than that before it shows its effect in the Iranian market in terms of the devaluation of the depreciation of the value of the Iranian currency which brought about a major crisis as far as the bazaar the market was concerned it's not a surprise that in 1905 the first trigger of the constitutional revolution is the fact that the merchant or a bunch of merchants who want to raise their prices of sugar then became a very important imported item from Russia were faced with the price control of the state policies of the price control the famous pastenado in bazaar that raised the first signs of protests mass protesting Tehran these were the sugar merchants of the bazaar which as a matter of fact brought about the next important 20 discontent of the bazaar more and more as a result of this shift that occurred in the economy of the 19th century and the early 20th century the merchants became more visible traditionally speaking the merchant class in Iran has always been recognized and fairly apolitical not involved in the public policies except for the fact that they're making a lot of demands a lot of complaints to the state for not being able to protect them in the international market in view of the import by foreign firms into Iran but beyond that they were fairly quiet class by the early 20th century we see them much more present in the horizon we see that their voices heard not only through their their their petitions to the state or even public petitions but by financing as for the late 19th century by financing the religious establishment in Iran which was a very close ally to the most high the most high is very close ally to the merchants to try to actually voice their discontent and grievances against the state and particularly against the injustice in the tariff system to which the Iranian trade was imposed so again by the turn of the 20th century we see the second important change bazaar is much more activist and the merchants as the leaders of the guild system in the bazaar as being recognized as the princes of the market really raise their voices and we hear them much more much more clearly the regime protest in 1891-92 is the first instance or at least the first the first important instance of the success of the merchant class to try to persuade the religious establishment to make a popular movement against the regime concession in Iran which was given to a British company for the monopoly of the tobacco trade and then of course from there on you see this voice being heard throughout the period along with this we hear more more from the moshdahid class which always was very important in my last lecture I pointed out that how the state would patronize them how the relationship between the government and the good religion was maintained as one of the major guarantors of the stability of the political system now that also went through a period of crisis we hear from moshdahids of esfahan as early as 1892-93 that's raising questions about the legitimacy of the qajar rulers not the legitimacy of the state not the legitimacy of the monarchical rule but the legitimacy of a particular ruler in this case not so it should so that's another feature actually it's remarkable the earliest reference to the Islamic government hukumat islami goes back to 1892 by Muhammad Ali Najafi agha the famous moshdahid of esfahan big troublemaker and well known for his extraordinary Machiavellian kind of politics that he played in esfahan in the period of his presence as a major moshdahid of the city and the whole in a sense I don't want to use the word mafioso but the whole kind of a structure of religious establishment in big cities playing a very important part they as I pointed out now becoming more visible allies of the merchant class the merchant class basically financing them they were acting as if you look attorneys or the solicitors this country would call them solicitors I suppose for for the merchant class their courts basically this is the religious courts they drew all the contracts if you had any kind of a civil issues of civil law you go to a moshdahid and every major big family my merchant family had a a moshdahid on their side either from them their their own family usually one of the sons were sent to become a moshdahid or they would come to a very complicated alliances with the moshdahid class so that's the second important feature of the period what happens however with the rise of the constitutional revolution these two classes also being aided and supported by the forces of dissent for the first time namely that major moshdahids at the top of the admins at the top of the religious structure are rather reluctant to be parties in protest against the state and what we see with the emergence of constitutional revolution is that the second layer because most of the time when we talk about religious establishment we don't really differentiate between various classes within the religious establishment everybody who has a turban and a robe we consider as a mullah or a member of the religious establishment whereas if you look at them they are very much layered and there are various tendencies within the religious establishment most of the preachers who us who basically are those who preach in the mosques to larger constituencies have a much kind of a greater touch of the local populations and they speak the language of the ordinary people a very good example of that is Sayyed Jamal-e-Din Esfahani this is not Sayyed Jamal-e-Din Afghani Sayyed Jamal-e-Din Esfahani a major famous preacher of the constitutional revolution remarkably from a Bobby background like many of the other activists of the period these are the remnants of the earlier Bobby period who survived as the force of dissent throughout the Nasseri period from from 1840s all the way to the 1900s and now reemerged as a voice of dissent and the voice of the people in the constitutional period what is also remarkable about them that their message has been in a sense modernized so it's not the message of the Bobby movement as well as the political message of the Bobby movement is the removal of both the monarchy and the religious establishment that's the revolutionary a message of the 1850s that gradually changed and now by the 1900 you hear them talking about the ideas of constitution ideas of the rule of law ideas of representation by the public some of them writing about the themes of enlightenment european enlightenment so it's a kind of an acquired modernity in the sense that it was very familiar with the early 20th century movements of protest all around the middle east and beyond incidentally one should remember as part of the globalization of these movements throughout the turn of the 20th century you see across the board all the way from China to Eastern Europe you would see all these movements of constitutional demands and Iran by no means is the only country in that regard but again it's without being a victim of exceptionalism the Iranian case is interesting because you see an element of she is represented by these middle-class preachers and by the lower-class students the seminarians the Torah you see the mostites at the upper echelon a few of them taking part in the constitutional revolution and you would see that the message is very conveniently is now a message that would appeal to the general public in terms of the production presentation representation as I pointed out and the rule of law given painted very much in a personalized color so it would actually appeal to the general public so that's another term that's another interesting feature of the emergence of these voices of dissent that now find a conduit to try to mobilize the general public more than that this corresponds as some of you I'm sure are familiar with the period of realignment of the great powers so Iran that for the whole course of the 19th century as we saw in the last lecture has been more or less compressed by these two great empires on its northern and the southern borders the Russians and the British that turned Iran really nearly into a buffer state and Iran with this strategy of survival somewhat managed to play out these two powers against each other throughout this period now faces a very different circumstances in which there is a grand alliance between the European powers against the rise of the imperial Germany and as a result of that the famous 1907 division of Iran into zones of influence is a reflection of this change of the geopolitics of the early 20th century and that has an impact on the way that the constitutional revolution was played out try to show some slides finally it's again a very remarkable coincidence that all of this comes about at a time when this process of foreign capital being imported into the Iranian economy comes in the form of a concession for extraction of oil so this is what economies sometimes refer to as the emergence of the extraction economy that's where you would see that the concession years explore and produce a new source of revenue that much of it goes as we all well know to the concession here in this case the Anglo-Persian oil company what a portion of it small that it was comes into the Iranian state and plays a very important part in the reshaping of the Iranian state and the state reform reforming of the state in the early decades of the 20th century so that's the other factor that one should remember I said finally but now finally is this thought there is the emergence of a nationalist or re-emergence of a nationalist ideology Iranian nationalist ideology which is somewhat different from what the memories were in the 19th century as I pointed out in my previous lecture much more concrete much more appealing to the pre-Islamic past and in a sense to try to try to diminish the significance of the recent past for the sake of glorifying the distant past in this case the Sassanian pre-Sassanian mostly did through the Shahnameh but gradually with archaeological discoveries with the greater awareness of ancient Iran the Persian Empire if a few minutes time and so forth so this became the sort of legitimacy for the new order both during the constitutional revolution and much more so with the rise of the Pahlavi we see these ideological rethinking or reframing plays out in the structure of the state in the legitimacy of the state and by the end of the period we see that that process of popular sovereignty that I've pointed out with the constitutional revolution transforms into the emergence of a strong man which is again not an unusual phenomena in the post-war post first world war period as you will see as I'm sure my great expert here Oliver Bastois can see over there is a great expert of the field and in a in a sense this shift this change that comes about allows the rise of a of a military leader who would be able to build up on the available military resources with some degree of popular support one should never forget that to try to basically bring about a major change by putting aside the political ambitions of the constitutional revolution and adopt much of its non-political agenda in its program of reform which is what the early Pahlavi period is all about so that's how I would see that the shift has occurred in the long term between the 19th century and the 20th century so I hope that some of the images that we are going to see can how much time do I have okay good all right then let's move on yes one factor which I forgot to mention is in terms of many of the reformist or intellectuals of the period and item C you see this idea of decline becomes very prominent in the literature of the period many of the reformers are fully convinced that Iran is in the process of great decline despite the fact that Iran as a matter of fact in terms of economy was doing much better and as we know most of the revolutions occurs not in the time of desperation but in the time of greater relative prosperity and this is no change Iran in many many of much of the literature of this period is referred to as Iran of Iran so there was a sense that this is a ruined Iran much of imaginary travel logs of the time written by the dissidents abroad tends to emphasize that factor much of these reform literature of the 19th century by people like Malcolm Hahn was the most famous of them all tend to emphasize this sense of decline and the crisis the rest of them are things that I've just discussed the secularization of messianism is indeed this process of change in the Bobby thinking that earlier on presented a kind of a very shiite notion of messianic Mahdi return of the Mahdi but by the turn of the 20th century we see at least some sectors within the Bobby movement tend to become much more secularizing in their tendency towards the popular movement constitutional revolution as matter of fact as I'm going to show you has somebody remarkable characteristic of a messianic secular messianic movement now starting with the mid 19th century I thought Narsid Nisha and particularly Amir Khabir could not be left out of these lectures this is a lithograph of a banun in ezam which is a drill book that was printed in 1850 very beautifully as you can see in which there are these kind of very strict European methods of drilling was introduced to the Iranian new army so this is the perhaps the earliest origin of this kind of militarization that you would see is as a reform of the military that becomes so significant in the 19th century and not without a reason largely in response to the defeats that Iran witnessed in the 19th century now incorporation into the world market in this map would show you that Iran no longer is a isolated economy but rather has all kinds of commodities that either its exports or imports through the Persian Gulf and through the Kaspia as well as through Azerbaijan via their via the Black Sea the port of Travisan in the Ottoman Empire or through the border Basra, Shirin and Kanaqain with Baghdad and then all the way down again to Basra so its remarkable feature of it is that both the Persian Gulf and the Kaspia as very much more incorporated into the Iranian economy than before and that was an advantage for the big merchants for the merchants who were engaged in international trade it was also a great advantage to foreign investors or foreign firms that were involved in the trade of Iran the numerous items as you can see comes through the opening of the Suez Canal plays a very significant part in greater access to European markets this one by Jean de la Foire's Tour du Monde shows the preparation of medicinal opium for export in the 1880s I think this is very symbolic with the gentleman first I thought is actually British is not is French so French were also involved much of the opium export or part of the opium export was for the purpose of medicinal purposes but it's also the greatest market as some of you might know was in China after the major opium wars that the British were fought in order to open China into international opium trade and Iranians took advantage of that there is a huge amount of smuggling despite the British control of the Persian Gulf there was a great degree of the smuggling of the Iranian opium into Shanghai and the Iranian merchants setting up networks of trade competing very successfully with the Bengal opium which was the major source that the British developed for the trade of opium in China after the opening of the Karun River to navigation that reluctantly Nasser Dinshah was granted to the British in 1880s there was a famous road that was built from from the the from the city of Shustar to Eswan which was the major distribution center this went through the Akhtiari mountains some of you might be familiar very formidable topographically formidable land and the building of the bridges in kind of modern technology European technology British technology actually opened up interiors of Iran to much of the influence both in commercial terms and gradually also it became important as it allowed the Bakhtiaries to become much more present in the course of the constitution revolution in Esfahan as a major power and later on after 1909 playing a very important part in the shaping of the constitution revolution so that's a fact that's a characteristic or an example of the fact how the trade routes allows the movements of ideas or movements of people across the world a burnization another characteristic of the period in this magnificent painting by Mahmoud Khaane Koshani Malekosho Haray Sabah in 1871 under Nasser Dinshah this is the avenue known as Baba Humayun still I don't know whether it has been renamed probably Shahid this or that I don't know but is the one that's from the Meydane Mashkur Meydane Tupkhane these days Meydane Khomeini leads all the way to the Tehran Bazaar this was one of the earliest urban developments under Nasser Dinshah with modern shopping and presenting of the commodities to the general public as Tehran grows this is not the Tehran that I showed you in 1819 in that sketch now it's a much bigger much more royal in the sense that's the opening to the argh the northern gate into the Tehran agh before of course Reza Shah would destroy the whole thing this is in front of the Tehran Bazaar in the Sabza Meydane square that some of you I don't know how many people have been into Iran and has to the main entrance to the actually it's not the main entrance the second entrance to the Bazaar one of the only that was left untouched by the forces of state modernity of the Reza Shah period what is significant about this this is in the day of Ashura what amazes me is the actual multitudes you see the number of people who are around are much larger than would have been in the middle of the 19th century so Tehran's growth in size and actually growth of the population as a whole this is another characteristic Iran of the 19th century latter 19th century despite all the pandemics despite all the famines and the huge problems that depopulated the countryside and sometimes the cities still had a growth in population so Tehran of the early 19th century was something probably around 5 million 4 to 5 million Tehran of the 10th to 20th century was probably 10 million 11 million something around that so this doubled the population and the bigger cities therefore became much more populated and their presence the population the streets always key to the success of any revolution as many of know many of us know from the recent revolution era not so recent but here again this is again as you can see large number of protesters in the famous sanctuary best on the ground of the British legation in Tehran demanding the issuance of the constitutional decree in July of 1906 it's insignificant because of the fact that this is one occasion that a window of opportunity allows the Iranian protesters to find a chance or a shelter to try to voice their opposition against the state because without sustaining much punishment by the state that is the British legation partly due to the British short-lived interest in allowing the emergence of a constitutional regime in Iran or constitutional reforms in Iran not regime and partly because there were some some diplomats who were more friendly towards the constitutionalists so the compound of the embassy for a short period of time was open as you know embassies had protection from the any kind of an incursion by the state and therefore would have allowed the people who took sanctuary best to try to voice their protest next one again in the best in the British embassy in July 1906 this is the representative of the of the Claudia guild in Tehran that's again a remarkable feature that you would see in the sanctuary in 1906 a huge number of the guilds were represented so that's the first time in the Iranian politics that you can hear the voice of a non-elite from classes such as the guilds and the representatives that go to the majlis and of course the Iranian intellectual elite also looked down upon the representatives of these guilds these are illiterate they don't know anything and why they should have been elected into the parliament rather than us intellectuals and people who know about things but actually as a matter of fact if you read the proceedings of the first majlis which is now available in print you would see that the representatives of the guilds actually are making very remarkable demands they are grassroots and they know what they wanted and this is very remarkable they're very simple they're asking their questions very simply their demands they insist on their demands very significantly not all the guilds were represented by their own members sometimes they elected well educated westerners to represent them but sometimes you would see them that they are themselves are present in their representatives of the bazaar present there so this is one example again an interesting features you see a relatively well known member of the merchant class who were financing the sanctuary in the british embassy in 1906 so i thought this is very symbolic you see the food that was distributed in a common kitchen that was set up in the british embassy and the representatives are the big well-to-do affluent merchants in the bazaar who very proudly stood there and posed for the photograph another feature of it this is the tehran majlis the building in baharistan which of course many times of being the subject of much attack and destruction still is there and this is just outside at the time we've been here about the reports of the constitutional period when there are sessions of the actual parliament is going on there are all these political societies refer to as angiomans that that gather around and listen to these preachers who would actually make extra demands and pressurize the majlis to try to go through to to put through some of the demands of the ordinary people so again it's a voice of the ordinary people that it's really heard in the period of the constitutional period it's probably around 1907 there's a height of the constitutional demands or you would see them in the provinces again it's fascinating this is in shiras in telegraph house in shiras in 1907 or there about 1908 perhaps that you see hundreds would swarm into the telegraph houses send telegrams to Tehran to the parliament and stay there take sanctuary in the telegraph house which was considered as a kind of a symbolic extension of the state and you take sanctions there and make your demands known to the to the parliament so we are lucky to have a collection of these telegraphs that were sent from the provinces to Tehran from the places and the multitudes like this that you would see in this case in shiras newspapers play a very important part in actually not only making voicing the popular demand but in effect shaping them and giving them certain conceptual mostly western perspective of the kind of demands for terms of the constitutions for equality before the law in terms of demand for greater economic and social justice the idea of justice particularly played a very important part idea very common in shizam as being one of the five pillars of shizam justice constantly time and the game being emphasized in the literature of the constitutional period and particularly by the dissident forces also I always was struck by the fact this is the most advanced or one of the two most radical newspapers of the constitutional period both of them run by the former bobby's or people coming from the bobby background in this case johangir suresrafil shirasi named after his newspaper suresrafil which is a seraphim the angel seraphim who as you can see he is blows it to his trumpet and the two verses at the top at the bottom both from the Quran I translated them for you here and the trumpet shall be blown and from their graves they will hasten to their lord this is one verse from the war on the second one at the bottom says and when the trumpet is blown there are no kinship ties among them both of them are considered as very important apocalyptic messianic apocalyptic verses in the war on now has been brought up in this context as you can see in the legend of the newspaper in a totally different light you see the ribbon that seraphim is carrying says this is fraternity equality and liberty the message of the french revolution so that's how it has been incorporating the image of that of of of european enlightenment into the context of iranian understanding of what revolution in messianic mahdistic term appears by the way it's not an coincidence constitutional revolution in the solar calendar islamic solar calendar 1323 corresponds to the millennium of the greater occultation reybate cobra in shizam so actually there is a awareness of some of the literature of this period that constitutional revolution should be regarded as the return of the mahti but the mahti in a very different light than the mahti of the babis which occurred actually in 1260 that corresponds to the millennium of the what is as the lesser occultation reybate sohra so the difference between reybate sohra and reybate cobra is the period between the babi movement and the rise of the constitutional revolution and that i don't think is just an accident well at the same time what happens you see a greater kind of a reliance on the brute force by the state in order to maintain control the revolutionary forces that were emerging and very great source of anxiety for the ghajar state this is as you can see is the infamous general liakhov the commander of the cosak forces that were in the service of the ghajar government ever since nasa edinshah in 1870s and now acting as a major force of anti-revolutionary force under the new ruler mahmad alisha very much in inspired by what was going on in the revolution of 1905 and the way that it was quashed in russia the same kind of a spirit now was a source of motivation for the liakhov and the ghajar royalists to try to put down the constitutional movement i think it's very telling the way that they are very confident is posing for this picture shows that they are ready really to quash and crush the revolutionary movement as they did after the bombardment of majlis and the coup of 1908 july of 1908 this june of 1908 you see this is a group of the detainees after the execution of several important preachers and journalists of the period including Suresh Rafiil the the editor of this journal that immediately instantaneously four or five of them where i don't know exactly how many all of them from the bobby background by the way that's interesting and the rest of them here the rest of them as they went one by one identified here there are book binders there are cigar sellers there are some princes of the royal family shots of the yahya mirza who was the relative of another important another editor of an important revolutionary newspaper and so forth how many time four minutes sure and the rise of a popular resistance as in this well-known picture of bugger and the sadhak and bugger the leaders of the popular movement of resistance in tabras against the russians again shows that kind of popular popular size side of the constitutional revolution this was not just a bunch of elites this is just the ordinary people that were involved or you can see after the conquest of tehran in 1909 in july of 1909 you would see them for a moment of time the three representatives of the three major revolutionary forces the sitting soldier referred to as sarbazani melly the national soldiers and actually as you can see the motto at the top is pay and about my this is sure i melly's and what sabbazani melly long lives the majlis the consultative council the national consultative council there's a moment of a triumph of the nationalist or the revolution is the constitutionalist the seated figure is a back theory from the south the the one on the right if i'm not wrong is a partisan fighter from tabriz from azibaija the one on the left is from rash so you can see that this kind of coalition of these various forces coming together i think again is very symbolic i try to persuade my publisher to put this on the cover he she refused okay and another moment here is this extraordinary execution of one major mojtahed which is a very very rare occasion in iranian history that you see this high-ranking mojtahed being punished for anything let alone being hanged this is sheffa asullah noori who shifted into the royalist camp and fought very mobilized very substantially against the constitutionaries after the conquest of tehran he went up on the gallows and that actually symbolic of the early division between the religious establishment and the state something that becomes very real characteristic of the pahlawi period later to the great surprise what happens is that after the victory of 1909 who comes back to power just look at this these are supposedly the great nobility that now became the leaders of the constitutional revolution after the first phase who you are see many of this figure we don't have time to go through but our members of the nobility including abdul hussain pharma pharmaya and a no dole the grace the great the great butcher of tabriz who is now posing very nicely with some of the leaders of the constitution this kind of grand reconciliation of the nobility was very much at the expense of the ordinary people and the shift that comes about with the greater presence of the police force in much more kind of substantial much more organized form that is was ever before and actually as a symbol of the rise of a greater more powerful state during the course of the war which we just passed by it would you see this one example shows some kind of a change that comes about the south persian rifles and the russian cossacks for the first time you see them together and of all the places in front of the al-ghappu in esfahan the symbolic dole at khanay the government house of the safavi period so that i found also a very remarkable feature that how tehran was how iran during the course of occupation noticed a witness this kind of a presence of the occupying forces for the first time or the movements of revolt as you can see in this case of mizak kutcha khan in a rash we don't have time to go through that and some of the bolsheviks that joined him from russia after 1917 to fight for the bolsheviks that created even greater anxieties for the centralized state who saw that this is the prelude to the to the to the conquest of iran by the bolsheviks and the declaration of the socialist republic of gilan was received very very with great anxiety in in tehran and of course colonel reza khan of the cossack brigade behind his a maxim heavy machine gun known as reza khan maxim he was particularly known for the use of this is the state of the art of the first world war heavy weapons so it's not without a reason that he becomes well known or recognized as such plays a great part in pacification of iran against what happens during the course of the war and after and i'd show you one map here of the movement of the occupying forces through iran in the course of the first world war and then of course rise of reza khan in this famous photograph as the prime minister standing next to muhammada san mirza gajar the last of the crown princes after Ahmad Shah actually leaves iran for good and it's one step before declaring the the end of the gajar period this is probably around 1923 and not without a reason just look at the early pahlavi pacification campaigns i just show it in the western iran this is a huge number of campaigns that reza khan fought in order to bring back the strong power to the center that's how the mamaliki mahrusa changed and one example of it this is the south division lashkari junup that fought from shiras all the way to pacification of the south the kukuluya and moving all the way to khuzestan and crushing of the khazal base in the in the khuzestan region i thought some examples of the stamp of the period is interesting two features about it first of all it's no longer it's called the guarded domains of persia but called post the dolata alia iran the sublime state of iran 1914 this is the earliest change that you see and then the remarkable example of the persepolis and the farabahar that you see that appears on the persian stamps as a sign of this new model a new form of nationalism that emerges even before reza khan this is the beginning of the first world war or this very remarkable feature do you remember the first one i showed you last yesterday of of haji ebrahime calentar and agha muhammad khan here is a very remarkable shift this is the same throne this is the famous peacock throne the figure that sits on it is declared as being nadesha hafshar but in every respect this is fatali shah and only the head was decapitated and the head of nadesha was put in its place as a sign of glorification of nadir in the early pahlavi era and reza khan representing himself as a return of nadir as being a savior of iran so that i thought is rather kind of amusing um since we are talking about uh the emergence of the iranian nationalism the celebration of the uh of the millennium of ferdosi and the shahname was a major event in the pahlavi era in 1934 and this is the cream of the crop of iranian studies all around the world really is a very remarkable feature uh this is in dar al-funoon and you see among these people present this is malikoshu aroy bahar the second from the uh right this is muhammad ali furuqi right in the center this is hashan e piir niya mosherud dule and the host of others this is uh the german archaeologist no not kershman uh herzfeld did anybody mention herzfeld herzfeld but the most remarkable which i thought for the anniversary of so as is important this is denizen ross standing right in the middle and in the bowtie and uh among the other guests i thought it's an important interesting feature of the period this is a bosaq wal the great historian of the ellipah laby period so that being said there are some more that i wanted to show you but we don't have time so that brings the story to an end this is now a strong regime in power within a uh which is uh which is now equipped with the ideology of the nationalist ideology and has a strong army behind it centralizes the state puts aside the political agenda of the constitutional revolution breaks away from the religious establishment altogether that's is a major moment of shift that occurs between the religious establishment and the state the old idea of the sisterhood of the two institutions comes in a sense symbolically to an end in this period thank you so much