 to be here from our own impact, the courage, about the general theory of the Polynesian social and political organization using his environmental approaches, which those of you who are graduate students have been opposed to multiple times in classes, I know. And I guess the only other thing I would add to what's written here, which is that Pat is the Chancellor's Professor of Emeritus in the department, is that he has just come back from receiving an honorary degree in Tahiti, which is a career goal for all of us here. I don't know what the French are, but I'll get right into it. So, most of you in this room are young, so remember this, but feel as we will. Son Wines, and they had this advertising slogan, I will sell no wine before it's time, because this was cheap jug wine, so carafe wine. But Kent Flannery quoted this in his Hilo-Nakeats monograph, which took him, I don't know, 20-some years to write. And so I had to borrow this too, because what I'm gonna talk to you about today is the very first project I did when I came to Berkeley, not my first project of my career, but first one at Berkeley, 1989, 1991, I went to Mongolia Island, and I've just now completed the monograph. It'll be published next year, I hope. So, some things take time. I will publish no site before it's time. So Rosemary alluded to, I have been working for many years under this general kind of approach of using islands as model systems for understanding human natural interactions. Polynesian islands are great places to do this, because they're, you have all these relatively isolated, circumscribed islands. They were all settled, that is, within Polynesia, by groups who are very closely related to ancestral culture. So we can kind of, we have a controlled comparison case where we can look at how the same culture, ancestral culture, adapted to modified change and had to itself respond to various changes set up on these previously uninhabited islands. I got a lot of slides, so I'm gonna go fast. That's where Mongolia is located in the southern, it's the southernmost of the Cook Islands Group in central eastern Polynesia. Some of these were scanned from very old slides, so they're just like 30 years old, folks. No digital photos in this era. Here we are flying in, you could get to Mongolia, and I think it's still the same today. Once a week on small plane, about a 10-seater little twin-engine airplane. So here we are flying into Mongolia. The airstrip is somewhere down that point, you can hardly see it. And the thing to note about Mongolia here in this kind of lousy slide is that it's a pretty low island. It is volcanic in the central core, as you'll see in a second, but it doesn't have a lot of elevation. I think 160 meters is its highest point. There's the topographic map. It looks a little pixelated to me, but anyway. What you can see on the map here is that we have the central volcanic cone, which is dissected with radial stream valleys, like six stream valleys that descend from the central, can't really call it a peak, but highest point, 160 meters. And then what's showing here in the sort of solid green is a ring of uplifted reef limestone, which is called Makatea in Polynesia, means white rock, because you cut into it, it's very white. And so that provides a kind of unique geological situation, volcanic interior, old volcanic interior. I should say 20 million years old, which is unusually old in the Pacific. Most Pacific islands, only about five million years old, and then they subside. What's happened with this one is it came back up again, which is too long to explain how geologically, but it was pushed back up, and the reefs that were surrounding it came up with it, creating this rampart sort of around it. When we worked there over the two field seasons, concentrated, there were six districts, as you can see here, traditional districts. We concentrate on Kea and especially Waitatea, so that's where most of the sites that we've located are shown here, various kinds of sites. Essentially, the settlement pattern was focused on the interior, because that's where you have streams and water and you could irrigate. The coastal margin was, until the missionaries came largely unoccupied, it was utilized for fishing, but people were really inhabiting the interior because we have these swamps, you can see at the base of each valley, where the drainages would come down and pond against the Makatea, and those were converted into intensive taro irrigation swamps. The people were living in dispersed habitations around these taro irrigation systems, their temples there and so on. The site I'm going to talk about mostly today, Man 44, where the Tangata Tower Rock Shelter is located there in Kea. If we focus in with an aerial photograph of that area of Waitatea, so here's the location of the rock shelter, this is the Makatea, that upraised limestone, so it has an inner escarpment, which has basically solution eroded back over several hundred thousand years, it's up to 80 meters high cliff, and then you've got this interior, very old eroded volcanic terrain, mostly in degraded fernlands, and in between the lower slopes and especially the valley bottoms, this is all in irrigated pond fields, and I think you can sort of make out some of the fields there, the rectangular fields, and then where this drainage hits the Makatea, there's a little, it's really a pond, they call it a lake, Teriyara, I'll get to that at the end of the talk, we have time, we did pollen coring there to get a vegetation change. What happened, the water actually goes through into underground solution caverns, it eventually comes out under sea along the coast. Well here's the rock shelter, lousy photo, but we found this, I think it was the second day of fieldwork, it was one of these chance things, riding along in this old pickup truck, these dirt roads, trying to head down to that lake, Teriyara to set things up for our pollen analysts who are gonna fly in the next week, and I saw this big overhang off, not very far away, and I said, stop, stop, I wanna go check that out, and here was this beautiful big rock shelter, and turn out it was the best site we ever found on the island, we found it the second day, so luck, sometimes luck plays a role. So we did a test trench in 1989, which was from about here back, this trench here, and the site proved to be beautifully stratified and full of wonderful faunal remains, and you'll see that in a minute. So we targeted it, we got an NSF grant, I think the first work was a Werner Grant actually, no, sorry, it was the National Geographic Committee on Research, and then we got an NSF grant, went back in 1991 and opened up the rest of the units you see there, about 29, it was square meters in total that we excavated, and of course it was an interdisciplinary project, designed that way, here are the members of the field team in 91, so my main collaborator, David Steadman, some of you remember, he spent a semester here at Berkeley, zoarchaeologists, avian paleontologists, really trained in geoscience, it's not archeology, but Virginia Butler was our zoarchaeologist on site, trained by Don Grayson at Washington, expert in fish bones, John Hather, archeobotanist, also worked with us on site on plant remains, Joanna Ellison who did the paleonology, and my two first, two graduate students here, well not my two first, but the first who came here to Berkeley explicitly, Pia Anderson and Julie Endicott, were also on the team, just some shots of the excavation, I said beautiful big shelter, you can walk around the whole thing, it's dry, behind the drip line, about 200 and some square meters that are nice and dry, and it's very beautifully stratified, as you can see, between about a meter, a meter 20, getting where you are on the side of finely bedded sediments, as you often get in rock shelters, and here's one of the main stratigraphic sections through that long trench, and you can see how nicely stratified, but also complex this thing was with, in many cases, there are various hearth and ash beds, and then pits, and it was a challenge to excavate, obviously, when you're first, we're first going down on 89, the first test bit, of course you're going blind, you don't know what you're gonna encounter, but once we did that, we then expanded out, very carefully trying to follow individual beds, and so on, and we used the Harris Matrix recording system, this is just another shot, it's another section, going kind of orthogonal to the last one you saw there, it's the face that you see here is drawn there, and because of various intercutting pits, so on at one phase, only part of the site had the earliest deposits exposed, that's the part you see here, that's zones two, three, four. We numbered, just in case you're curious, we numbered the beds, whoops, I went up one too far, here we go, so you'll see there are beds numbered there going down, numbered them from top to bottom, but then we synthesized that into a set of zones, combining in some cases very fine beds together in one stratigraphic zone, and we ended up with 19 stratigraphic zones, and I think that's the next, so all of those were put together into a matrix, stratigraphic matrix, the zones are there in heavy boxes, and then a series of features, there are about 55, I think, total features, mostly combustion features, horse or earth ovens, and I've only shown on this version those that actually had some artifact or their content, because we do have a matrix of it all, but it's much more complicated to try to read, so just keep in mind, we're going, almost the charts, and I'll show you from now on, use the zone system, and we're going from bottom up through this, okay, and in the case of something like 19, this is because it was a huge boulder that separated one end of that long trench, and you just couldn't correlate directly, so we have to have 19 kind of floats out there in space, but in general, the stratigraphy is going with numbers from one up through time, and one A is all pre-human, and one B is sort of the first people are mucking about on the site surface, and then two on is real occupation deposits. As I've been down in the sediment lab all morning, yesterday, this is reminiscent here, one of that dirt lab downstairs piece of historical interest, I actually set that up with Marshall Weisler back in 89, can't remember, and I think some of the very first work that was done there was Jim Allen, your student who I hired as my GSI, so we did all of this, and I'm not going to talk about what all this means, but we analyzed a whole series of sediment samples up and down the column, you can see there's a lot of variation there, but I'll just show you that for the fun of it, so I'll be in the monograph, come on, doesn't want to go forward, go, it's trying to understand the data, and it's sitting there, come on, let me try it this way, advance, you sucker there, okay, and point counting of any of the micro artifacts, and you can see if you look at this, most of the stuff is fine rock or lithic fragments, a lot of charcoal, a lot of bone, anyway, I don't have to talk about that in detail, what is interesting is the radiocarbon chronology, now because it's an old project, started almost 30 years ago, I have spanned under the progress of radiocarbon dating in this, and it's interesting to write this up now, we ran, say here, 24 radiocarbon dates initially after the first two field seasons, now this was before AMS, AMS was not yet developed, before any Bayesian calibration or whatever, and this is what an oxcal plot of those dates looks like, pretty much in stratigraphic, put them in stratigraphic order, you can see there's a few outliers, most of them fall in sequence, but there are outliers that for one reason or another, probably this case older material that has gotten reincorporated up higher in the section, I don't know what's going on with this one, of course there's a huge standard deviation. In 93, AMS dating was really just beginning and the Lawrence Livermore lab here set up its AMS facility and we had an opportunity, Berkeley faculty, to request dates through Lawrence Livermore at, I think almost, I think it was free actually back then, so I took advantage of that and the big question we had initially was the age of the first occupation of the site and in fact that layer 1A underneath, which had a lot of extinct bird bone, so we ran a series of AMS dates, so these are the first AMS dates, these were all on extinct bird bone, and these are all on rat, Gillian will like that, ratus exulens, the little Pacific rat, which came with Polynesians, and so we thought that's a good way to try to tie down when did people get on the island, and you can see they formed a real nice tight little set there at around, I think it's around between 1,100, 1,200 AD, but you can see that the extinct bird bones go back to more than 6,000 years ago, so 1A is really a polymcest, natural deposition birds were roosting on these cliffs, gradually dying and falling into this thing. When I decided I really had to finish writing this thing up a couple of years ago, get back into it. All right, I said, well we gotta get some new dates from the main occupation layers. So over the last three years, I've now gotten another 25 AMS dates all on identified short-lived charcoal. Fortunately, John Hather had identified a lot of material from the side, I got it back from UCL, and so I selected that, and you can see how the chronology has just tightened up, just because we're doing short-lived identified material and AMS dating, again there's an outlier too, you have to take out it, this one's obviously an outlier, so is that, because these are in supposed stratigraphic sequence. But it's a really nice set now, and old dogs trying to learn new tricks. I've been spending a lot of time on the B-Cal and the Ox-Cal sites doing Bayesian calibration. So this is using B-Cal, I'm not familiar with that, but Katelyn Buck's system, so there's the model. Because it's well stratified, you can pretty much put everything into a nice column, except one of those zones, nine, we're not certain exactly where it fits. Anyway, and that's what B-Cal gives you for the alpha or beginning dates for each of the main zones, going up very nice, tight calibrations. Of course, the early polymcess has a big range, that's the pre-human. And if you prefer Ox-Cal, here's the Ox-Cal calibration, they don't all fit nicely on one slide, so it goes one, two, three, early to late, it's running that way. But all of those AMS dates can now be fitted quite nicely into a Bayesian calibration. So the site, the actual occupation by humans or Polynesians begins at around early 1200s, AD-CalAD, and runs right up to European contact. The uppermost zone 17 actually has some historic bottles and a bit of ceramic fragments and things like this. Wasn't an intensive historic occupation, but we went into the contact period. Missionaries arrived there in 1832, so we're basically from the early 1200s to the early 19th century. Now, I wanna run through some of the data, this is a data-rich talk. The final sequence, and one of the reasons we went to Mangaya and went to this site, or once we found the site, focused on it, was my collaborator, David Steadman, works on birds, and so again, on these remote islands, those of you not familiar with Polynesia, we didn't have vertebrates other than bird, land vertebrates other than birds, pretty much, because nobody else, you know, the tigers and the pussycats and the bears and the wombats couldn't get out there, right? They couldn't swim, but birds could fly in. So what you get on these Pacific islands is, well, seabirds, nesting populations, but also various land birds whose ancestors flew out, and then which often evolved to flightlessness, among other things, and what some remain flighted. Let's see, you get a bunch of endemic species evolving on these islands, and Steadman had been there briefly to the island before me and certain cave deposits in the Mangatea had found bones of extinct rails and so on. So we were very excited with this site because we had a really nice final sequence, including a lot of bird material. So this is showing you basically the flighted creatures, seabirds, land birds, and there is a fruit bat, so there's a mammal involved here, a little fruit bat, which is also very tasty. And as you can see, I mean, overall generally, as time is going this way in this thing, is of course a big decline in the land birds in particular. So they're hitting them hard, right? And they are declining, probably a combination of taking them for food, feathers, and habitat disturbance and destruction. They're clearing land for gardens, and so they're reducing the habitat. The Pacific wrap may have also had an impact on predating on some of the young or the eggs. So a combination of things. The bat story is quite interesting. Here's the bat, reasonable numbers here, and by about zone five it's gone. And this really interested us because the bat is there today, right? This bat's flying around the island today. They still shoot it with shotguns now and eat it, but the archeological record says it's gone by zone five. Aha, although there's no historic record of this, it's pretty clear it was reintroduced in the 19th century. We know they did this in Tahiti. They brought it from Tonga. And the clue to that is the Mangayan name, right? Because there's a name for the bat all through Polynesia or exists. It's called peka. And instead of having peka or pea here, they call it moa-kiri-kiri, chicken with fur. So if they had retained it, you see from ants, they should have the Polynesian name, the ancestral name. Instead, it's pretty clearly it was reintroduced, although there was no record written down of that. And when this thing comes back in that, you know, they don't have, they lost the memory of it. What's that? Oh, furry chicken, good to eat. So, there you have it. I'll just go to this in detail. Just summarize, when we take the whole land bird record and then then the sea bird record, it's a story of real loss in the avifana. As you can see here, the resident land birds declining from 18 to five species present on the island today. And the sea bird's 13 to eight. So big reductions in the resident avifana. Now if we look at the introduced fauna, because Polynesians brought with them pigs, dogs, chickens, as well as the rat problem. Well, it's a debate whether the rat came purposely or not. But you can see here, the pig, for example, pretty substantial numbers early. Then some declines. Then it sort of rebuild. I'll get back to that later. And if we include the medium mammal, which is probably almost all pig, so we separate it out because small, long bone fragments of dog or pig are almost impossible to separate out, unless we did DNA analysis on it. But given that pig dominates, we feel that most of the medium mammal is pig. So combine those, you'll see that there was a lot of pig husbandry going on early. But then declines and then it increases again. The curious thing is pig was absent at the time of missionary contact. So they had eliminated the pig. Probably I would argue because they were competing with pigs for food, basically, because on small islands, we had agriculture, you can't let pigs roam free, you gotta feed them. Otherwise they'd devastate your garden. So at some point if your population numbers are up high and you're hard pressed for calories, you have to make a decision. You're gonna give those tubers to the pig or you lose 90% of the energy. You get nice pig meat to feast, but you're losing 90% of your caloric value. So anyway, what we know definitely the pigs were gone and the missionaries, a very interesting missionary council, missionaries arrived and they found there were no pigs once they'd converted the people and they brought a breeding pair of pigs. And among ions, this is well described, took those two pigs, decorated them with bark cloth, took them to the temple of Moray and said, go to it pigs, do your pig thing. And very soon there were big pig herds and they were raising tons of pigs. And the rat, this is the rat frequency. These are, these grass were all corrected to what concentration indices. So they're all nests by cubic meter, okay? So because the zones vary in thickness and so on. You see the rat is doing an interesting pattern as well. I'm high density early and then drops way down and then it goes back up to a high density. I'm not quite sure what the explanation for this one is. But just a further note on the rats. This is a quote from the missionary Williams, 1837. You can read it for yourselves. I hate it when people read their PowerPoints. So as you can see, when the missionaries came, the pigs were gone and the dogs were gone too by the way. And so the principle flesh food for the Monions was these little rats and they loved them. They said, they would compare any new thing to a rat. It's sweet as a rat, they'd say. And then they had, you see on Sabbath the Sunday, well they had to catch, on Saturday, they had to catch the rats because they couldn't do work on Sunday after they were made good Calvinists. But they wanted their rats to eat with their vegetables. So we know the rat became a very important food item. So this gives you some hints I think of the level of protein kind of deprivation or stress of the late period pre-missionization. So let's turn to the marine realm in that regard because typically on these Polynesian islands, the marine realm is where you get a lot of your protein, fishing, shell fishing. But the problem with manganese is due to this unique geology, the reef is very, very tiny. You have no barrier reef, you have no lagoon, you have only a very narrow fringing reef. In many cases it's only 50 meters wide. It's like the width of this building or something. So your area of potential resource exploitation in terms of reef, fishing and shellfish gatherings is extremely limited on Mangaya, about the most limited I've ever seen. You of course can go offshore and do some pelagic fishing, but the open ocean is a desert compared to reefs. Your reefs are where your high productivity is. That's where your biomass is. And so if you have very small reefs, you're gonna have real limited possibility for marine exploitation, there we go. The final record is very rich in fish bones. Virginia Butler, as I mentioned, was our zoo archeologist and she's written this up very nicely. She made her own reference collection on the island with local fishermen helping her over 100 species. And she used that to identify these plates, which will be in the monograph, we're showing you a reference and then an archeological for comparison. And this guy, Eleotris, mentioned that in a minute, it's very interesting because this is a freshwater, a sort of Gobi-like little fish that lives in those lakes and those pond fields and turns out, let's see if I can get the next slide. It's going very slowly. Come on. Come on, come on. You've never used this computer, it's a new computer before to do a presentation. Anyway, you should see five families of fish dominate the faunal assemblage here. And the most, just a percent NISB, and the most dominant is that little freshwater guy, the Eleotri Day. And there's an ethnographic description of, they use nets, little sane nets to haul, sane haul these lakes or ponds periodically. Apparently they would not do it all the time, they would like put a taboo on the resource for all that gather and then they would sweep this thing. And it looks like that's, we're getting a reflection of that strategy here in the site. And the other one that is freshwater is the anguilidae, these are freshwater eels. So they're taking both of those. Everything else is marine. And this is freshwater versus marine compared through the sequence, you can see marine dominates and they too kind of go in parallel. But freshwater is not in consequential, but at the very late period what happens is the freshwater actually exceeds the marine. So, and I think this had to do with the maximum development of the pond field, the irrigation system, and they really did, so this was the kind of sustainable resource that they actually developed. Whereas the marine resources, they were just hammerings, you'll see in a second. And so these are again changes in, those are the two freshwater ones. You can see the big bumps up in the freshwater, especially the little gobid, and then some of the marine changes. Now in the invertebrates, especially the mollus, again remember this reef is very limited, these are some of the main species, gastropods and five elves that we had in the site. And here I've got the rank ordered by concentration. You can see again a limited number, about six, seven of those taxa really dominate the assemblage, even though they're taking basically anything they get their hands on. It's interesting that early on, remember that's when the pig and dog exploitation, the birds are going very high, the mollusks are in relatively low concentration. I just think they weren't really bothering when they had these other protein resources, but once they had hammered those and the pigs were declining for reasons I will suggest, then they went to the mollus, big time as you can see. And I don't have time to get into all the details of it. It's interesting when you look at these various species and the changes, I'll just mention for example, tectonarius grandinatus, this guy here, see it's primarily only early and then gone. Well, this is one that lives right around the rocky shore of the beach, very easy to gather. You just go right out there, its habitat is right there and you would hit it. So it's hit early and then it's gone. In contrast, modiolis, which I think I have, or is it, yeah, this one here is X, which increases a lot in the late period. That is something that lives on algae. And the reef today, these reefs are very fragile, so you just go out and walking on them to gather shellfish and stuff, you start crushing coral. So you imagine centuries of people walking, very narrow little reef, what happens is you get a dead coral platform instead of living coral, and that's an algae habitat. So I think that some of this shift has to do also with the changing ecology of the reef, but which itself was a reflection of human activities. So you get these algae beds and you get these mussels. It's a little mussel of modiolis. And the one, I wish we could measure size changes in many of these taxa, but they were also smashing these things up. They were trying to get every last scrap of meat out, as far as I can tell, so they were hammering the shellfish. It's a very little hole shellfish you could measure. However, this guy, which is very highly prized, it's the biggest ballast out there, has the biggest meat package in it, the turbocytosis, and it has a operculum, a trapped door here, which is extremely resistant, and those are almost always found whole in the site. And the size of that operculum is allometrically related to the overall size of the shell, very nicely, so we could measure that. So there's one species, we could measure it, and there you see, again, from early to late, the data on sizes of these operculi, and you see what's happening. It's early on, they're only going for the big ones, the very first players, and then, they still have some big ones, but they're taking them down to the small size, and the big ones get fewer and fewer, and then at the end of the sequence, they're only taking small ones. So this is a classic case of what's called resource depression. And there's some other interesting mollusks that are not marine. This guy is a arboreal tree snail, one on the left there, or the partial, they're about this big, and in Tahiti, they like to make lays, necklaces out of these, or beautiful white things. And apparently, it's a species native to Tahiti, which looks like they transported it into Mangaio. This has been argued for some of the other islands by malacologists. And this middle one is a freshwater snail, which seems to have, again, come in with Polynesians on probably their irrigated taro. So that's another transported sort of invasive species if you want. And the other one is a naturally occurring. Archeobotany, quickly. So the site was not only rich in fauna, but in plant remains. John Hather, who was an archaeobotanist at UCL in London, worked all this up. This is the list from macrobotanical remains of crop plants that we had evidenced. Probably not everything they were cultivating, but a nice representation, and from early on in the deep layers of the site. So we know they were bringing in a whole lot of food plants and various other non-food plants as well. Let me show you what some of these looked like. John, who had both macro, and he did a lot of SEM work, identifying some coconut, for example, that both the shell, we have husk, and this is sugarcane, the stock of sugarcane. It's a Polynesian domestic, or oceanic domesticate. Pandanus, the screw pine plant. You can actually eat, it's not a lot there, but you can suck the bottom off this thing. But they also use the leaves for making mats and so on. Hernandi is just a locally occurring. It's not edible, but for some reason a lot of those seeds in the site. The cordyline, the Polynesian tea, not the tea you drink, has a big edible root that when you cook it turns sugary, that's there. And bamboo, which again, not an edible plant, but very important for them for fishing poles and also used in house construction sort of thing. So bamboo is introduced as well. John, they're identified, we made a wood collection on the island, and he carbonized it so we had a charcoal reference collection some of the first work of this kind done in the Pacific. And he analyzed charcoal from four different units. Stratigraphically, this is just a summary, one of them. We have all the taxa, try and go into that 50-some taxa, woody plants. But you can see overall what the trend is. You start from totally indigenous layer right when people arrive, and you then begin to get various Polynesian introductions reflected in the charcoal. It goes along pretty much the same until the end, and then you can see the islands really being, the vegetation is being transformed into a very heavily managed, mostly Polynesian introduced tree crops, things like breadfruit, coconut, candle nut, which dominate today. We also, and this is recent work of the time we did the excavations. We didn't try to do anything on this, but I retained the sediment samples, and so recently I sent a sequence to the site of Mark Horrocks in New Zealand who's doing, some of you know, a lot of phytolith, pollen, and starch analyses. So he ran a sequence for us, and we do have some interesting results from that, that add to the macro plant remains, again, coconut, pandanas, banana, for example, reflected, and phytoliths as well. And so here's the pollen diagram, too small to really read, but it'll be in the monograph. So there's a set of samples going bottom up through the site. And what's interesting, for example, is coconut reflected throughout, and big increases in the pandanas, the screw pine, which is something that's fire-resistant and in historic times dominated of the vegetation on the island. The phytoliths, not so interesting. They, of course, most of them cannot be identified to specific taxa in this case, and I don't see a lot of change there, except a bit of increase in the palms, which also reflects the pollen and coconut. So that was not terribly enlightening, but we did it. And then material culture. The site was very rich in artifacts, numerous kinds. In the early two occupation phases, they were doing a lot of lithic production. Jenny Kahn, who will have a chapter in the monograph on the whole lithic analysis reduction sequence. So you can see here preforms of, most of this was ads, production of adses. So here are various preforms. And then, of course, a series as well of finished, come on. Come on, come on. Being very recalcitrant, you know, it jumped over one. There we go. So really beautiful finished adses, as well as preforms. You know, for anybody who likes artifacts, this site was wonderful. I mean, we're just, every day, we're coming up with goodies. These are early ones. Here's some other forms. Just to show you pretty pictures. And here's some more. And you can see a lot of variation, obviously, in the typology there. And if you then look at that in terms of the sequence, there are, in fact, some substantial changes from the early ads kit to the later. In particular, the development of what we call the tang, which is the butt end of the ads, becomes very developed in these later ads, you can see those central ones up there. And they're largely untanged or minimal tangs in the early ads. This is something that was noted by early archaeologists doing typology, but they didn't know how it fit into the sequence. And now we can show how that developed and what the timing of that was. So this chart shows you these types. The types were developed by Roger Duff back in the 1950s. This is nothing new. But getting them in an actual sequence. I'm sorry, my Excel wanted to do time this way, so it's reversed from the other charts. I couldn't get it to cooperate with me to get it the other way I gave up. I was just doing this the other day. But you can see how there's some interesting changes, mostly the type three being late and these type one and two being early. Those are the untanged forms. Now one of the things we've done recently as well is to collaborate with Marshall Weisler, do a lot of geochemical sourcing on ads material. With Marshall back in the early 90s, for his PhD dissertation at Berkeley, we did some of this, but the techniques were pretty crude back then. Simple XRF major elements. Recently, Marshall now has access to much more fine grained ICP, MS, or whatever it's called, and inductively coupled plasma, whatever. And isotopes. So with those in combination, we can discriminate now sources, because it's all basalt. And previously, we couldn't discriminate some of the fine differences in islands or quarries. Now we can. So we just published this, some of you may have seen. This was a couple of months ago in PNAS. And the summary will be in the monograph. But you can see the main sources there. So we have two sources on Mongolia. And a lot of what they were working was of the local material, not surprisingly. We also have ads as either as finished or as material coming in from Marutu and the Austral Islands, from two sources in Samoa, and from the Marquesas Islands. And this is in the early phase in particular. So there was a lot of interaction, voyaging going on in East Polynesia in that early time period. Again, this summarizes here, time going backwards in this case. As you see, the majority of material is always local here in Mongolia, but a substantial amount of imported material early on. And even later, there's some importing, but it tends to come from more local or more closer sources of Rautonga, the closest island to Mongolia. And there are various other kinds of artifacts, just to show you what they look like. Again, very rich. Abrading tools, I'm right now involved in with the branch coral abraders with worn sharp over at Berkeley Geochrome. We have an NSF grant. We're running uranium, thorium, high precision dates on those. So we're gonna have another dating sequence through the site. We'll see how that compares to the radiocarbon. Fishing gear, fish hooks, there were over 300, and this is just a selection of the pearl shell hooks. Polynesian archaeologists get very excited. We get all a quiver, can't we, we see fish hooks. Those are fish hooks in pearl shell. These are in turbo shell. So that shell I told you that was reduced in size. And interestingly, the turbo, you see in this chart, dominates later, here in the site, and the pearl shell early. Now, there's no locally occurring pearl shell on Mongolia. Marine surveys have never turned it up today, and you need a lagoon, basically, with depth to have pearl shell. So the pearl shell early, along with the adzes, must be imported. They're probably bringing it from other cook islands like Ikeutaki, the big lagoons of lots of pearl shell. So when the pearl shell largely drops out here above zone six, there's a little bit late. This may be a reflection of the island kind of closing in on itself, cutting off its external exchange relations, which relates to some of the oral traditions also on the island. And the fish hooks also show some interesting typological changes, we'll get into that today. There are a few other kinds of artifacts. Polynesians were noted for tattooing, and we had quite a selection of tattooing combs, needles, if you wanna call them, for a column comb, so they're a comb-like. These were hafted onto a shaft and used to tattoo. For these are from the early part of the site. Ornaments like this one in Kona shell, which version like this was reported by Sir Peter Buck from ethnographic, chiefly ornaments in the Austral Islands. Various other kinds of beads, bone beads, and porpoise, drilled porpoise tooth. And in other kinds of lithic artifacts, such as these, I call them either borers or alls, and this one over here is almost certainly the head of a coconut grater. These were lashed to wooden stools and then used to rasp the coconut meat. I'm still processed like that in Polynesia. And then various other kinds of just retouched lithics. And of course, your work bone and shell and fish hook tabs, and that beautifully work round piece of coral, which as soon as we dug it up, my worker said, ah, toupee, which is a game they still occasionally play. It's discs that are pitched. You have two teams opposite, yeah, with a court between them. So I can't explain the rules to you, but anyway. Okay, maybe about 10 more minutes here. Yeah, they get this done. So that's a review of the data of the site. You can see it's data rich. I mean, a lot of stuff, and the reasons it's taken me so long, 30, almost 30 years to work up. But to interpret the site, we need to broaden out just a little bit other parts of the island because they get the fuller picture for what happened on Mangaya. Now, as I say, the rock shelter, the initial occupation is the early 1200s, but that is clearly not when people first got to the island because our rat dates at the interface down there, they go back to around 1100 or so. And indeed, this is probably the foundation settlement site on the island, a place called Viurorongo, which was excavated by a Japanese team. At the same time, we were on the island, on the coast opposite the best pass through the narrow reef where you're getting with your canoe, located next to a beautiful spring of good fresh water, and next to the most important temple site on the island, the most sacred temple site, which is a later development, but often these temples are associated with founding ancestral places. So Viurorongo, and they, the Japanese team, got a series of radiocarbon dates, if you can't make this out, this is 1200 here. So it's just slightly earlier than our basal dates, but it's sort of overlapping. And so I think the two, our sequence combined with the heiress, really tied out initial Polynesian rival, probably sometime not long after 80,000, but certainly before 1200, certainly in those two centuries. Put it at 1100 if you want. Okay, so that's important. Now we did work on a number of other sites, Pia Anderson and Julie Endicott, both in charge of excavations, additional rock shelters. These helped to fill out the sequence, particularly in the later time phases. So just mention that we're not depending just on the one site for our sequence. And we also worked on, if you'll cooperate computer, come on. Some open sites, because in the late period, certainly that's where everybody was living out around. As I mentioned, these taro swamps are on the irrigated fields. That's where the temples were and so on. So we did some excavations. We, there was a terrace complex, not too far from our rock shelters back by the cliffs. And we worked on a series of these sites. They, of course, the problem with these sites is they're open. They're very acidic clay soils. Preservation sucks. And so, you know, we don't get the fauna material. We don't, very limited artifact range. You do get charcoal, but it's usually very finely dispersed. Anyway, difficult to work on. So I gave it to my graduate student, Julie Endicott, and she went back, of course, and I did a great thesis, you know, went back a couple of years later, or a couple of seasons, and her dissertation here at Berkeley is based on these later sites. So we actually know quite a lot about these late habitation sites, thanks to Julie's work. Of course, she also found her husband there. That's another story. And then this site, which we initially tested in 91, it shows the two test bits there, another big rock shelter in Kaia, and I thought, when we first saw it, oh boy, this is gonna be another one, like ta-na-ta-ta, another great site, you know, stratigraphy and artifacts, all that. We tested it. The occupation deposit was fairly shallow, and the only thing we got basically was human bone. And then bird bone under it in the preoccupation once again, the polymcess sort of thing. So Steadman liked the bird bone. So he went back, I think it was in 93 or 94, with Susan Anton, some of you will remember from here. And so they expanded the excavation. I don't have this slide here, but they expanded basically in this area, and they did about 12 square meters. And this is published, we published all this stuff in antiquity a number of years ago. But this site is full of nothing but human bone and earth ovens, intercutting earth ovens. And the human bone, I didn't wanna show pictures today, some people get upset, same picture of human bone. But if you look at it, it's all highly fractured, burned, nod, et cetera. It looks just like the pig and the dog and the middens, okay? I didn't say they're 41, I think 41 MNI of humans. And essentially nothing else. It's a highly specialized site. So they were making earth ovens, they were certainly processing and cooking these bodies in these ovens. Now, you tell me whether it's cannibalism or not, I know people don't like to use the C word sometimes, but MNI and oral traditions are full of references to cannibalism, let me say it. So ethnographically, ethnostorically, there's tons of this. There are all kinds of traditions, warfare between the tribes. There's two traditions of cooking people in earth ovens. So I think, in my view, we have an archeological signature that relates quite clearly to, I don't think this has to do with, Allah, Marvin Harris, trying to get protein. I think it has to do with intensive warfare and sort of the capturing of mana and the denigration of enemies and that kind of thing. But it's interesting the time period of this. You should see early 15th century, early 1400s. AMS dates on the bone, it's all pretty discreet. It's not a long sequence of doing this. It's a period when there was some intense conflict and at least 40 individuals taken and cooked and eaten and not just one time because they're intercutting earth ovens. So there's multiple events going on. And hopefully I'll get back to this in a second, what I think that means. And then for the very late period, and again, the ethnography is very rich and detailed about war, about conflict, these tribes, these six valleys. They weren't unified into one political, they were always fighting over control of the irrigation works. And this site that we worked on is fascinating, the Tautua Refuge Cave. So up in the limestone Makatea is this big cavern. It's like a mini Karlsberg bag, whatever it's called, caverns. You can see all the stalactites and stalagmites, limestone. But in it, you see the platforms here, house platform and another platform here. There's like a little mini village in there, including a court for this toupee game, pitching, courting to our informant, and that's what it looks like, and ovens and there's a water source in the back. And this is described as the refuge cave into which the Tonga'iti tribe would retreat when the wars were going on. And they related the informant who is a member of that tribe and took us in there, describes this as he's like great-grandfather and great-great-grandfather doing this. And we took radiocarbon samples from some of the charcoal and the ovens exposed on the floor, and indeed they came out basically just immediately pre-contact Europeans. So that certainly fits. I'm not going to go into detail on this. We did also, as I mentioned, core the taro swamps. We got a pollen sequence out of this that clearly shows major modifications to the interior volcanic cone of the island, just briefly the pollen diagram, with forest taxa here that go back about 7,000 years, suddenly cutting out and just these pandanus and ferns and big monster charcoal after human arrival. So that's another part of the story is major modification of the environment in terms of changing the vegetation on that cone. So what you end up with is this kind of a landscape where the valley bottom has been intensively modified for pond field irrigation, right? And the higher volcanic slopes are just denuded, degraded. You can't hardly grow anything up there. They're 20 million years old. They're laterized and nutrient poor. So everything was focused on these irrigation systems. And that's what the ethno-history also indicates, is intense competition over these puna lands. So I tried to summarize that in this diagram just showing how what it looked like originally, people coming in and probably attempting to garden on those hill slopes originally, doing shifting cultivation. They stripped the vegetation and of course, they didn't realize how old this island was and it wasn't gonna recoup and, you know, revegetate and so the whole thing shifted to irrigation. And so you end up, as I published some of this before, also with this very interesting, it's like the mythopraxis of Mangaya where the war leaders, so they had a succession of 40-some chiefs called Te Mangaya in their oral traditions. Each one succeeding not by hereditary succession of a chiefship as is typical in Polynesia, but rather by conquest in war, right? And driving off the vanquished people onto the Makate where they had to eke out gardens, you know, sweet potato. And with taro being the most important crop, the most important God being Rongo, who's an agricultural God, but also a God of war, a two-faced sort of Janus-like God here, and to whom human sacrifices were offered at times of war and in times of peace, daily offerings of irrigated cook taros. It's a really interesting system that evolved. And to try and interpret all this in the last two minutes, in this monograph, I'm drawing on some theoretical work that came out, not of this, but of the Hawaii Biocomplexity Project a few years ago, modeling that we did with Shri Pad Tuljapur Kar and his postdocs down at Stanford. And if anybody's interested in this, I can give you the references published in a series of articles in a Journal of Theoretical Population and Biology. But basically, their models, when you run simulations on food availability and link to population growth on these kind of circumscribed environments, regardless of how big a population you start with or the land area, you end up with curves that are very similar in their shape and in the timing, which is really important. And so you get population growth. They sort of resemble your logistic curve, but they're not a logistic curve, okay? They're truly exponential initially. And then all of a sudden, the crunch comes faster than you think it's gonna come at you, as Cedric Pilsen's like a freight train coming at you. And the flip side of that is food availability. And so as your population crunches coming, what happens here? You're in a state of hunger, okay? And I could give a whole talk about just this sort of model. But when I try to interpret the Mangaian sequence of it, I think something like that is what happened to Mangaia. People arriving, say around 1100 AD, it takes about 300 years to get to the crunch. Well, what would that put us at? 1400, the early 1400s. What happens when we look at the pig production record? Huge decline, right? Pigs are a means of surplus, production is high, food availability, you can afford to have them. The 1400s pig production goes down to almost nothing. When is the timing of that site with the cannibalism at early 1400s? So I think what happened is Mangaia got into a state of considerable stress about three to 400 years after its initial occupation. But they didn't stay in that state. Interestingly, I think there was a restructuring of society. Restructuring involves several things. One, expansion of the irrigation works probably. Those more sustainable fisheries, the freshwater and so on. Probably social and political restructuring. They didn't ever get rid of war completely, but it's quite clear they didn't continue cannibalism rampantly through the whole sequence, right? So I think there was a restructuring. And it's interesting that the pig production does build up again at a certain point. Never as much. And maybe I'm reading too much into the pig, but we grasp at what straws we can in archeology. And then again, getting toward European contact, more stresses were increasing again. So it's not a simple progression. It's a more complicated story, I think, of some early hard times restructuring. And there's an interesting ethnographer, Michael Riley, at the University of Auckland, who's worked extensive Mongolian oral traditions. And he teases out a sequence, something like this, interestingly, out of the traditions. He thinks that there are these references to a deeper time period in their traditions when there was warfare and cannibalism, but then some kind of restructuring and so on. So the two sources of knowledge about this island are not opposed necessarily. So I ended up producing this sequence, and I'm at heart still a culture historian, so we got to have a nice sequence. But I've told you the story already. Anyway, and just to end, just a few scenes, some fieldwork mapping that. Yeah, you know, he was young once and had a dark beard. Yeah. Well, that's very, you know, that's the colleague in the cook on us. They all do his colonial story, you know, the knee socks, it's very hip. And then I was even doing outreach early on. So we had the local high school there. Lecturing to them about archaeology and so on. And then here, just again, yeah, who is that guy on the right? I don't know. Long time ago, Kent, Joanna Ellison, the Palinologists, Dave Steadman, and Julie Endicott, we're all arriving there. And then this scene, this was the morning of departure. We'd been partying for about three days. Polynesians loved to have big parties when, you know, it's the end of the time you got to go, so we made a big Eartho and feasting. And here we were heading to the airport. There's all our boxes there, but here's Pia Anderson and there's Julie hiding behind there and all of our friends. I'm Angaya and, of course, lots and lots of people to thank. So I think I pulled it in right about on time. Thank you. Thank you. I know some of you- If you want to take some questions, you obviously have some regional training involved. So with the multiple migrations of people coming along to the island, is it all indigenous population load or is it some kind of mix going on? Yeah, that's really hard to tease out. What we do know, recently, recently worked around, this is Eastern Voluntary. So Western Voluntary is some ontontical settlement by the end of the sea. But then it's increasingly clear that people didn't expand Eastern Voluntary. So around the end of the island. Then, you know, it looks like we've got this big expansion. And, you know, every island gets get moving. The chronology is really kind of clear on this, to me, in the case of all anti-Australia. So there were a lot of people, in order to fuel that rapid, they had to be more, because it wasn't one of them anymore. So there was certainly, you know, some diaspora going on, out of Westphalia, usually. But once each island settled, I don't know if they were clearly training this interaction, using the related families probably. At some point, they, you know, after a few hundred years, they clearly are going on. They're putting on, you know, breaks. And they're cutting off exchange. And the island has a reputation historically, historically of being very close to the offensive. Or like, you know. When they play rugby, in the Cook Islands, everybody fears the M'N'I's, you know. The joke is that the M'N'I and rugby players practice on the M'N'Mocka tail, which is a pinnacle of karst. It's a joke, but I mean, it's tough. I mean, it's interesting, Westphalia, so there's a can of mards. Yeah, just curious about that. Yeah, yeah. So I'm interested in whether or not human burial is still the size of the 41 of the Westphalia. Oh yeah, so thanks for asking that. Because, you know, you might say, well, maybe that's some kind of a cremation site or something, you know. But there actually are lots of burials. The burial practices are well-known. And they're primarily in the caves, tons of these caves on the M'N'Mocka tail. And that's why they would dispose of bodies to them and not burn them and not cut them up or whatever. So, yeah, they're there. And at the moment, seven of the X-ray lovers have been on some of the caves with burials in there. I guess, to credit that, was there any evidence of islands, you know, in the skeletal remains? So, you know, any blunt force trauma, right? I think they are so fractured, you know, it'd be almost impossible to tell that this stuff is, you know, fragmentary. And the long bones are invariably, and we have some, by the way, in this site, in the Mount 24 sites, well, there's a limited amount of human material. And it's the same. So, the long bones are all completely fractured and seemingly for marrow extraction. They all show, like, 99% show burning of calcining, you know. So, there's a detailed report that'll be published on this. Yeah, so, I mean, they are treating them the way that you would cook an ideal base. Exactly the same, I'm saying that much. Yeah, that's good. So, you only mentioned these earth ovens in this one special site, but what about the other sites that people have estimated you would increase? Well, no, I mean, our workshop here is, hey, I think I mentioned one of the 50-some features of which most of them are ovens in our adaptation site. Ovens are harsh. It's hard to tell from the grades to the other, yeah, the size of them, the deep ones, with the stones on them. You just so clearly said earth ovens lead to those human bones. Yeah, well, that site, yeah, they're very clear. There's about six or seven of these. So, you're just looking. That's the point. And you know what I didn't comment on, though? I can find it. So, that site with all the processed humans, let's see how you can find it. The only artifacts in it are items of personal dormantness. Well, anyway. The only artifacts, right? I mean, so, the main are the fish rocks, so this site has four artifacts, and they're all personal dormant. There are beads, yeah, three beads, and one is official point, but it's of a two-piece kind that is also worn as a dormant. So, I think those ornaments are more processed. Can I follow up on how those work? You talked about the wood collection and watching the wood change, and then you moved on to the phylus, I think. Did he find no macro remains? Because you listed the real estate, potatoes, and everything, etc., etc. On your list of potassium. So, what's the question? The question is, did he identify macro remains of plant remains? Yeah, the list that I showed initially that was all based on macro remains. Yeah, which included a variety of things. In some cases, it was, I think, the skin peelings of some of the tubers, leaf material, but now it's down to the sugarcane. So, his work was all basically macro, including jargon. Oh, yeah, then the phylus kind of like. Right, he didn't deal at all with micro stuff, but that was recently by Mark Horst in the Southern samples that I retained. Our question. Did Junus art into your stone tool line? Yes. Oh, perfect, I'll just get a bit of that. And a lot more in the monographs that will be published. Right, oh, yeah. All the line drawings are going to be published. All right, I think she passed away. I think she passed away, but honestly, I haven't heard from her about 20 years ago. My question about today, what about sea level rise and what's happening to the island and what do you think its future is in terms of that situation? Sea level is probably not going to hit Monai or like, it's not at all, so, you know, it's actually still uprise, it's still uprise, so I don't think that's a problem at all. There are all kinds of other issues with Monai in terms of developing. Most of the people, both Monai is living in New Zealand, because it's economic potential is very limited, it doesn't have tourism. It's toyed with things in the past, there were some pineapples for export to New Zealand and oranges, but, you know, there's a few people, there's about 1,000 people that will be there when we were there, I think they're less now. Julie goes back to the time of the sun. Right. What I kind of hear is that it's pretty desultory. Is there any relationship between the recent study that just came out in the last week or so about the first tiefling of the Pacific and then phrasing it back to Pacific Southeast Asian origin? Yeah, that's, I don't know, I haven't had a chesty from the brief that, because I was traveling and all of that stuff, but I knew that it was coming out. It's the Taitunga side of the thing, yeah. Which, I don't know, I've heard, I've got to get the name of a reader. They said the DNA is very close to the time of the days, right? Which, I've been saying that. Yeah. I'm perfectly happy to hear that. Yeah. So, you know, I mean, I did the personal video. Who is it? I mean, the indigenous Taiwanese, not the Chinese. Not the Chinese. Don't know. This is what's called the Taiwanese aboriginal. Yes. Yeah. Yeah, not from the Chinese. Can't you understand? No. I think you were right. Yes. Thanks. Thank you. You're welcome. Thanks.