 Yannis, as yes as one of the protagonists for exactly that, could I ask you to draw this narrative, because we spoke about this this afternoon, but to draw why is the EU disintegrating and how can we change that? So what's broken? The cartel upon which the European Union was created. It was created as a cartel of big business, steel and coal initially, car makers, then French farmers, large-scale French farmers, not the little ones, and of course the bankers eventually. That cartel, you know, cartels are pretty good at distributing profits during the good times, but when you have a crisis like that of 2008, cartels are terrible at distributing burdens. And when you have a technocracy in Brussels which was created to manage the European Union in the interest of big business, they will deliver austerity for the many and socialism for the very few upon the first sign of a crisis. And then xenophobia springs out of that woodwork like in the 1930s, when the many are suffering and they don't even know why in a country like Germany, which is sinking in money, swimming in surpluses, the federal government has a surplus. The banks have a tsunami of capital coming from Italy, from Greece, from Latin America, it's flooding the German banks in Frankfurt, which are still bankrupt, but that's another matter. You have households which are in surplus in terms of savings, and you have corporations, Zeemans and Volkswagen have huge savings, which is absurd because businesses are supposed to borrow in order to invest. So everybody, seemingly everybody in this country has a surplus, and yet half of the population of this country is worse off today than they were 15 years ago. And then they hear that, oh, we're going to give 100 billion this year and another 130 next year to the Greeks. And they say, our hospitals are sinking, we are swimming in money, but we are suffering and you are giving all these billions to the Greeks. Of course, the money never went to the Greeks, it went to Deutsche Bank, Deutsche Bank and Finanzbank, but the average German voter never hears that. So a proud nation is turning against another proud nation. The Germans hate the Greeks because the Greeks, they live under the sun in nice weather, they drink Uso, okay, and they don't work and they're caught up, that's what they're being portrayed as. And so, and at the same time, they're taking all the billions away from the hospitals and from the infrastructure of a country swimming in money. And they hate the Greeks, and then the Greeks say, but you're Nazis and they hate the Germans. So we end up with a Europe which is broken because of a broken cartel-like capitalist model, the effect of which is to turn our peoples against one another and to give immense energy and power to the xenophobes in Greece, in Germany, in France, in Italy, and the new Mussolini's, called them Salvini's, whatever you call them, they are rising up and they are the only ones that are triumphant. So that's what's broken. What do we do about this? Well, let me tell you what we're not going to do. We are not going to follow our comrades and friends of Aufstein, of Jean-Luc Mélenchon, to the logical conclusion that they are bringing to the table that this is broken, therefore let it go to waste and let's go back to the nation state and build socialism in one country. Stalin tried that, didn't work out very well. And we're not going to do this not because they are wrong about their analysis that the European Union is unreformable. The European Union comrades is unreformable and we're not going to reform it because we cannot reform the European Union. We can only transform it. And how are we going to do this? I will answer very specifically with an example. But before I do that, let me say that when we inaugurated DiEM25 in the Volksbudet Theater, not far from here, in February 2016, we had an opportunity to look at the people there who had come in order to feel a sense of togetherness that there is hope. I could have gotten up on the stage and I could have said, this European Union doesn't work, let's disintegrate it. I will now catch a flight of the Aegean Airlines or whatever, Lufthansa and go to Greece and I'm going to fight there for socialism and you do this here. And then let's exchange notes at some point. If I had done that, the people in the Volksbudet would have been grossly disappointed because suddenly they would feel that they are alone, that they are Germans that must fight the German establishment as Germans. And we would feel alone in Greece because we would have to fight the Greek oligarchy as Greeks alone. What we said instead was, let's all get together and fight our oligarchies together through a common program of change. And that means we are not going to give away the European institutions that are unreformable to those that use them against the many. We are not going to say the European Investment Bank, do away with it. We're not going to say the European Central Bank, well shut it down. We're not going to say that all the various achievements of parliamentarians in Europe, trade unions in Europe to create some kind of protection of the environment at the European level, at the level of labor markets that we're going to give them all up. No, we're going to take them over. And we're going to take them over and put them to use, press them into the service of genuine solidarity against the big business cartel. We are going to take them and turn them against both the business as usual establishment, which is creating the crisis that is feeding the Salvini's and against the Salvini's. But comrades, the worst enemy of progressives is hot air, fanciful, wishful thinking. Another Europe is possible. If I hear this again, I am going to kill myself. We know it's possible. But this is not a policy agenda. In order to make a difference, you see, all of us who are in this room are irrelevant, because for you to be in this room, you're already politicized. You already have hope in your hearts. Otherwise, you wouldn't be here. What matters is the taxi driver who brought me here. It is the person on a mini job, the person working in a warehouse operated by Amazon on zero hours contract who don't give a damn about you and me, about political parties, about the political process. They've given up hope on democracy. It is they that we must address. And they will ask a very simple question. What are you going to do on Monday morning? If I give you my vote and you win power, what are you going to do on Monday morning? You know, if we say to them, we dream of a better world, they say, bugger off. If we say to them that we are going to change the treaties and create a federal Europe, you say, yeah, yeah, yeah, by that time, I will be dead. You think of the long run, I'm trying to work out how I'm going to make ends meet this week. What do you have to offer me? This is where the European Spring program comes in. Because not only does he have the framework of, you know, the big picture of democratizing Europe, of moving towards a democratic federation, all those things. But it answers the question of what to do on Monday morning and allow me to give you an example. We are going to have a press conference on Monday morning. Once we win power, right? We are going to have a press conference. Now imagine the following. At the press conference we have the European Union Council, who of course will be a member of the European Spring, the President of the European Central Bank, the President of the European Investment Bank, and the President of the European Commission, who is not going to be younger. And the announcement, the press conference lasts 45 minutes. And we announce the following, okay? Then we have further press conferences. But to begin with on Monday morning, first thing, the European Investment Bank is going to issue bonds, as it always does, but this time it will issue bonds to the tune of 500 billion euros every year for five years. And that money, which together in four years, five years will be two, two and a half trillion years, is going to be placed in an agency for planning and implementing green transition, green energy, green transport, research and development into green technologies across Europe. They worry that the European Investment Bank would have, if we were simply going to say that, is that if we issue all these bonds and we sell them, their price would start going down, so interest rates will go up, so the borrowing costs for this will be very high. That's why we have the President of the European Central Bank next to the President of the European Investment Bank, who makes a very simple announcement. If the price of those bonds starts coming down, we are going to buy them in the secondary markets. A smaller side, there is nothing new in what I said. The European Investment Bank is issuing bonds. The European Central Bank is buying them. We are not inventing the will, but do it at a level of 500 billion every year across Europe to fund the green transition and create the agency that is going to identify the green energy union projects which Germany needs more than any other country in Europe. We all need it, but Germany needs it a lot more than any other country. Suddenly, somebody asked from Brexitland, I believe, the question about unemployment. If you pump 500 billion euros every year, it's 5% of GDP. That's the new deal of Roosevelt brought to Europe today without even a federal government, without new rules, without new institutions, without the treaty change, Monday morning. Everything I said and described is legal. It can happen now. That's the first part of the announcement. It lasts for about five, six minutes. We moved to the second part. Did you know that last year, the European Central Bank made 91 billion euros in profits? There's no sense in a Central Bank making profits. It's not a private bank. It's not a business. Those profits, it's like money getting money only because you have the authority to print it. So this money belongs to the euro zone. It belongs to the citizens, to the peoples of Europe. It is not German money. It is not Greek money. It is not taxes. It is not a return to investment. It is not wages. It is money begetting money. So let's take this money and fund an anti-poverty program across Europe where poor families receive checks signed by the President of the European Central Bank. Another aside, fully legal within the existing treaties, the Charter of the European Central Bank, all it takes is a decision by the European Union Council. And when the European Council is not taking this decision, it is guilty of neglect and negligence for not having taken that decision, which is within its limit to take. Okay. That announcement takes another four minutes. Let's move to the third announcement. Public debt, which is the excuse for austerity. Every government imposing austerity in Germany, in Greece, in Italy, everywhere uses public debt as a great scarecrow. Public debt will sink us. Therefore, we need to cut down austerity. Of course, austerity has never worked in the history of the world and never will, but that's another matter. Public debt is an issue. But think of how easy it is to reduce the euro zones public debt by 40% with one press conference completely legally and within the rules of the European Union. The third announcement goes like this. We are going to take the public debt of every country. Take Italy, for instance, because it's in the news and because it has the largest public debt in Europe, and which is not sustained. This is why Mario Draghi is printing, has been printing, not him, the European Central Bank, they've been printing money as if there's no tomorrow, 2.7 trillion has been printed in order to support effectively to keep struggling to keep Italy within the year. And you have the Buddhist bank, the central bank of this country being up in arms about that. You have the free democratic party, the Christian democratic party, even parts of the SPD here saying, oh, we can't be doing this, we can't keep printing money and so on. So, stop printing money. And let's do the following. We take the debt of Italy, the debt of Greece, of Ireland, of Germany, of everyone, and to divide it between two parts. The part that we were allowed to have, according to the Maastricht Treaty, I hate the Maastricht Treaty, but let's respect it. Maastricht said you can have debt up to 60% of GDP. Well, let's call this a good debt. And everything above that, in the case of Italy, more debt is above it, the debt is below it, not to talk about Greece. In the case of Italy, about 55% of the debt is bad debt, and 45% is the legal good debt. So what we do is very simple. The European Central Bank announces what we call, as part of the European Spring Program, a debt conversion project. So what did the European Central Bank say? It doesn't print any money, but it mediates between private investors and our states, so that our states can borrow at the interest rates that the European Central Bank charges the bankers. Zero. If the debt repayments of our states for the good debt, the interest rate goes to zero, do you know what happens? I can do the mathematics if you want up on the board, if we were at the university, I would do it. 40% of the total debt repayments in the Eurozone, in aggregate, for the next 20 years, disappears. We reduce total debt repayments for the next 20 years in the Eurozone altogether by 40% with just that one small administrative policy. The European Central Bank is not paying anything because Italy will pay its debt, but it will pay less for the good debt than for the bad debt, and that is completely legal. It does contradict the spirit of the Buddhist bank, but it does not contradict the letter of the law. As far as I'm concerned, I don't mind contradicting the spirit of the Buddhist bank. So you asked me, what can we do? This agenda, which is part of the European Spring's new deal for Europe, creates the circumstances with one press conference, maybe two, maybe three, for changing the climate in Europe. Suddenly, after these announcements, Europe seizes to be in the mind of the tax driver out there, of the person who doesn't give a damn about us, seizes to be necessarily the source of problems, becomes the source of solutions. Changing that atmosphere, bringing hope back at the pan-European level, is going to be the prerequisite for us to have the discussion of democratizing Europe, of creating a democratic constitution by which to replace the treaties, and moving ahead, if we so choose in the context of citizens assemblies, where from the grassroots up we discuss what kind of future governors want for Europe, we can create the circumstances for the democratization process. Now, some skeptics from the left say, ah, that will never work. You will run in the May elections, you know, even if you do well, the European Parliament cannot enact everything, anything of what you're saying. You have to take over the governments in order to do that. By that time, there will be a coup d'etat, like there was in Greece against you in July 2015. It's now going to work. It's going to fail. Well, maybe. But think about it. Who is going to pick up the pieces if this Europe collapses? Who is going to do it? The nationalists of the right or of the left? Or those of us who struggled to save Europe from itself? Or those of us who tried to bring everybody together on the basis of something like the European Spring Program? We are the ones that will pick up the pieces if Europe collapses and to be together across Europe from Portugal all the way to Ireland, from France, all the way to Greece, the Baltics and so on. We need a pan-European transnational list with one program that binds us together, which shows us what is possible within the existing rules, paves the ground for us to change the rules. And that very movement will also be the only movement that is capable of preserving civilization in Europe if the whole thing collapses because of the fascists, the nationalists, and the European bureaucracy.