 Bon dia a tothom, good morning. Presentem aquestes jornades que es divideixin en una sessió d'ara al dematí i després en una altra sessió a la tarda, que col·laborem amb el projecte Inserge of Freedom, amb l'associació també Béletrina d'Eslovenia, a la Universitat de Barcelona i també la Fundació Ciprano-Garcia, que ens acompanya a la Rosa, saps? Per aquí, no sé on està, aquí, darrere, el que explicar. És un projecte que porta pel tema de la transnacionalitat, aquesta memòria comparada, aquestes històries comparades, que sempre és el nostre referent permanent de l'observatori europeu de memòries d'aquí de la Universitat de Barcelona. També agraïa aquesta casa, com sempre, la nostra casa, l'associació dels espais i, òbviament, agraïa també l'assistència dels professors que m'acompanyen avui en aquesta taula. Començarem amb la professora també d'aquesta casa, catedràtica, marinaix, companya i amiga, que ens parlarà d'un cas comparat també amb el que passava i aquests imaginaris del mai 68 i realment, a veure què passava en un país com aquí, que també es buscaven moltes llibertats i no les institucions, perquè estàvem vivint una dictadura que el 68 encara semblava que no s'acabaria mai, per dir-ho d'alguna manera. Després, el professor clàssic i el professor seca també de la Universitat de Zagreb i de la Universitat de Bersòvia, que l'éssim, amb aquesta espècie de casos comparats, ens presentaran una mica que em funcionaven aquests moviments també, buscant llibertats, noves aspiracions polítiques, socials, econòmiques, de gènere, etcètera, a la llogos làvia del 68 i a la polònia també del 68. Penso que el nivell d'aquest projecte és molt interessant, de fet és un projecte també cofinançat com altres dels nostres projectes per al programa Euroforcitizens de la Comissió Europea i d'alguna manera, sense enrotllar-me més, i abans de donar la paraula professorament i naix, recordeu-vos que som molt benvinguts també al nostre treball interdisciplinari de l'observatori i que el que s'ha de fer, precisament, és intentar buscar aquest intercambi d'experiències i aquest intercambi a nivell de projectes diuen de bones pràctiques, dels processos de la història i de la memòria que confleixen d'un costat i l'altre de la nostra Europa, tant convulsa i que, a més a més, sembla que tampoc acabi de superar les múltiples crisis des de fàtimes tantes dècades. I, a més a més, aquestes efemèrides que sempre també aprofitem i per què no aquests programes europeus d'història de memòria aprofiten aquestes efemèrides dels 50 anys del 68 en aquest cas i en aquest projecte, també altres tantes efemèrides que celebrarem. Recordar que farem també moltes activitats a aquí Barcelona properament sobre el tema d'un altre efemèridi, els bombardejos de la capital catalana, i no només de la capital catalana, i esperar que la jornada sigui molt fructíferes i que seguirem a la tarda amb una altra aula d'aquesta casa. Moltes gràcies, també gràcies a l'Oriol per l'ajut i la coordinació i a l'equip de l'observatori, també el públic que heu vingut i que penso que trobareu un interès en les conferències d'avui. No me'n rellomés i m'he dit fins a la paraula. És un aspecte de debat que hem de tenir després. En el cas d'Espanya i Catalunya, el meu argument seria que el mes de 1968 no era un water shed en la història política d'Espanya. I, de veritat, la singularitat del cas que tenim en el debat d'avui en el cas d'Espanya és basada en la longa dictatòria de Franco. Per tant, això pot accountar la distinctivitat de l'aplicació de protestes, de social protestes, aquí a Espanya, alhora. És cert que, en la dictatòria de Franco, hi havia entreteniments de tradició, oposició polític, resistència, i el feminisme que ha escombrat l'ordre establitzat. Però, de vegades, el meu argument seria que, generalment, aquest challenge es fòcores a través de l'idea de la distinctivitat política d'Espanya i d'enviar la llibertat i la democràcia. Per tant, en el cas d'una llibertat, pot ser que la llibertat o la llibertat ha de tenir més fòcores en polítiques que en el context de Paris de 1968. A partir de mes de 1968, en Paris, en la protesta, en general, han estat descrivits com un partit, el que és el nou moviment social de l'anàlisi de 1960. S'ha emergut a l'anàlisi d'un llibertat civil en l'U.S. i en l'Irlande, passivisme, liberació feminista, moviments anticolonials i altres. I és generalment que estan basats en informes submerges. Està passant a l'estat d'un llibertat i de l'invertiment de la llei. Ahir, a l'estat d'un llibertat, hem de fer moltes eleccions i practicar desidots a totes les organitzacions informes i la lideràcia non-hierarchic. Els jugadors que estaven als llibertats en l'Ajuntament de 1968 eren joves, dissenjants europeus que van fallar contra el establishment i que el hierarchy entrenjat en les unions i les partit polítiques que necessiten restreint, jeszcze afiliat i disciplina els interessants d'un SALT Juan, cap al que exigeia leadership, pel que eren leaders, i control polític. Aquestes formes d'organització f amb unentitiu i encapsulat ...self-management, informal membership and flexible action. They are also very highly associated to collective identities, collective identities that foster the notion of belonging, of belonging to an imagined student community. These young, non-conformist students challenge capitalism, the political system, consumer society, cultural standardisation, alienation. So this youthful non-conformism, I would say, I would argue, is an essential part, a crucial part, of the protests of May 1968. There's also another aspect I would like to discuss, which is the idea that there was an existential questioning of the meaning of life and freedom, so that the search for freedom in the case of the students, the youth of May 1968 had to do with disenchantment with life, an existential questioning. There were rebels without a cause, I would think, that was the 1958 film, but by then they had gained a certain idea of a non-defined cause, would be my argument. In this sense, as I mentioned, the idea of existential questioning to my mind is very crucial. And here we have the quotation from Ducca, who said at the time that May 1968 was basically sustained by existential disgust with a society that chatters on and on about freedom, while subtly and brutally oppressing the immediate interests and needs of individuals and the people fighting for their socio-economic emancipation. The anti-authoritarian students aimed to change society, to develop a new age, a new age that at the same time was very much in line with the new technologies in their way of protesting. And here I will go back to the 1964 Marshall McLuhan's classic work and the famous phrase that he coined, the medium, is the message. In other words, in asserting the isentrality of the media, a notable example of this kind, this form of protest to my mind, is the development of innovative practices, collective imaginary, and at the same time, new representations and the use of the media to communicate dissent, like we have here in many of the images. And in this case as well, I also want to comment on the social performativity that to my mind is also central to the social protest of 1968. Social protest, that, as we see, used slogans chanting the streets and from the images we have here, all the symbolic symbols involved with that. And social performativity, as I've mentioned, to my mind is central and here I have the quote from Ironman who states that social movement is a form of acting in public, a political performance which involves representation in dramatic form, as movements engage emotions inside and outside their bounds attempting to communicate their message. So we're talking about the ability to communicate their message, a political public performance which involves drama, which involves representation. And this, to my mind, is my understanding of what the social protest of May 1968 is. And that, to my mind, is what I will use to understand what happens in the case of Spain. Is it a social performance? Is it non-conformance? Is it counter-cultural? Does it engage with emotions? Is it a non-defined protest in its goals? And here we would have, before I go on, an example of what I understand to be social performance. Drama on the streets, engaging with masks. This is really thinking in terms of the time, attracts the attention and also attracts the attention of the media. And finally, my argument would be that, following on Melucci, that the freedom, the search of freedom involved in May 1968 in Paris would be or could be understood in terms of freedom to be. Freedom to be. Freedom to be, not to achieve, political rights and democracy, but freedom to be. Freedom to be free from the social conventions of the time in the case of the non-conformist students. Now, in contrast, in the case of Spain, the Franco dictatorship leaves very little room for subtle oppression that causes existential disgust, asco existencia. Franco Spain was blatant in its subjugation, in its absolute power, in its unremitting repression that eradicated fundamental rights for 40 years and just a reminder that in September 1975, shortly before his own death, Franco had his last five victims executed by firing squad. So that is the degree of repression that we have at the time. And another feature I would like to bring to mind is how the Franco state was based on national Catholicism among, as we know very well, but it also set up a patriarchal gender system grounded on male hierarchy as a corner of the new state. A corner of the new state that set up laws, legislation, that openly and blatantly subjugated and oppressed women. And I think that is also to be taken into consideration when we talk about the feminism, this movement that emerges at the same time in the late 1960s and early 1970s. And as well, the Franco regime not only used law and order and repression, but it also implemented a new representation of feminine identity, female identity, as what is known as the perfecta casada, the perfect married lady, the lady who is totally dedicated to the family, to the children, to her husband, and totally subjugated to that. So there is a representation of what women's role is in society and what their identity is, which will be one of the, I think, very clear reactions and reconstitution of a new identity by the feminist movement that will take place at the time. So it will be a reaction to the Francoist view of women. The universe of the left is complex and I do not have time to go into it in much detail, but indeed in Spain the repression left very little room, as I mentioned, for existential disgust for counter-cultural movements. Again, the left in Spain was generally founded on orthodox Marxism, socialism, and even though, as well known, was a minority radical left of Trotsky's Maoist Marxist Leninist, they did not highlight a revolutionary agenda that included critical debates on consumer society, on social conventions, as manifestations of power. The strong political identity of the left meant that the workers' movement, trade unionism, and the left politics. So that the working class, the left represented a social class that had been harshly defeated and suffered stark repression. So their agenda, their goal, was amnesty, the overthrow of the Franco regime, and the establishment of freedom and liberty and rights. And the fact that they worked in underground context, all their operations were secretive, clandestine, that also meant that leadership was a very clear issue, hierarchy, leadership, discipline, unquestionable acceptance of order shaped the clandestine world of the left. Why? Because of the harsh repression. There was no way there could be self-management, open discussions, open debates at the time. And if there was some idea of social performance, social performativity, here we have Santiago Carillo, the head of the Communist Party, and it is true that he appeared in a wig in Spain. But this was not social performance, it was simply in order to be able to go over the border to get into Spain disguised. So I don't think one can take a reading on those terms. It is not the mask that we have seen in the images of the Protests of 1968. The student movement, yes we could attempt to find issues of counter-culture there, but at the same time it's also a clandestine left under the dictatorship. And although there are recitals, some new forms of practices of activism, like sit-ins at the universities, etc. the idea of freedom was associated with the end of the dictatorship in most cases. So there isn't a mental map if you wish that allows them to develop counter-culture values at the time. There were of course readings in this university at the time of Mark Goose of photocopies that came in an underground way to discuss things. But again, I would argue that despite the capacity to mobilize, Marta Harnaker I don't know if there's anybody here who actually read her, but the seminars and the discussions were based on a book by Marta Harnaker which is a simple compendium of Marxism. And this is what we were reading at the time, rather than Mark Goose, Mark Goose also circulated, but this was really the way the major contact and readings that students had at the time. There were, as I mentioned earlier, student movements. In fact, before 1968, in 1966, the major movement in Barcelona was what is known as the Cappucinada, when the young Catalan students at the universities of Barcelona they had a sit-in together with some intellectuals in the monastery of the Cappuciners, the Cappucin Monastery in Pedro Álvarez. And during that period where they were having the sit-in, as you can see, dress formally in their suits and in their ties, remember that when students had exams at that period in the late 60s, early 70s, the day of the exam they would wear suits and ties. So this is what's happening here at the time. Although we may see some photos of young men in cordroy jackets which is also associated aesthetically with the left. As you can see from these images, these are the well-dressed, serious and even to some conventional students in the sense that their fight was a fight against Franco. Now, there is a space where there is some kind of culture which would be more an association with May 1968, la Gauche Divine. And in fact it's actually I think quite significant that they call, they use the French word, la Gauche Divine. The divine left. Now what are the characteristics of this group? It was a very short-lived cultural movement that included intellectuals, writers, artists, filmmakers, models, photographers, architects, designers and where were they from? They basically came from the progressive circles but of the middle and particularly the ones cosmopolitan, families of Barcelona. So they were the young generation of rebels against their own families who were nonconformists in their way of behaving. They would behave specifically in what was termed at the time nonconventional, scandalous behavior. They were bohemians, they were night owls. Here what we have is She, that's the more recent one. She was one of the main photographers of the time this is one of the photos of the time which indeed obviously disconcerted well being Barcelona society of the time and these were some of the photos they used that sheet that were published and here we have Teresa Jumpera the model that represented the Gauche Divine. Now they came from the Barrio Alto, the upper class, they would meet in the famous discotec bocaccio, and they would spend the summers in the chalets on the Costa Bra, in Begur. So this is where they are, but they are the non-conformists, they fit in a lot better with May 1968, but they were also considered as superficial postures from the perspective of the serious left that fought against Franco. Now we do have other elements as well, the anarchists movement, what can we do about that? Anarchism, as you know, was indeed until the post-war period, one of the major groups within the Spanish working class movement. Now anarchists as well, they also looked to the past, they were defeated in the civil war, and the anarchists reemerged who were present in the late 60's, 1970's, their framework was the civil war, their framework was the dictatorship, they were not at all happy with the idea of counter-culture and non-conformism at the time. So that was their reference, but however by 1977, so we're speaking further down the line, there is a revival, if you wish, in Barcelona, with the Hornades libertarias in 1977 in July, this conference or this meeting of libertarians in Barcelona held particularly in the Parque Güell, and this took on a counter-cultural aspect and features. They debated on art, education, urban development, feminism, ecology, they were filmmakers, trade unionists, feminists, who took part in this, and they attempted to establish an alternative culture that advocated non-conformism, activist outlook on life, and it was celebratory. Pepe Rivas, who was the director of Ajo Blanco at the time, related this experience in 1977 to an intersection of the experiences of exiled libertarians of the 1930's, May 1968, and the Latin American anarchist movement of the time. And there is indeed, I think, a very, very strong difference. There is no existential disgust. This is a joy de vivre, this is a hopeful experience of life. It is very optimistic and approach. It's not a rejection of the, as we have seen in the case of the 68, of conventions, in the sense of oppression. No, no, this is a way of looking to the future, which in that case, I do not think it fits in to what May 1968 would be. And there were over 600 visitors to it. And also, I just wanted to mention that there is a link with feminism here, because in the 1977 meetings and in the Parque Güell of the Libertarians, Mujeres Libres, the women's organization, that had reemerged by then in 1976, took part. This group, which is quite singular in the fact that it is an organization that reemerges in contact with the organization from the 1930's, the war organizations. And here, again, we can speak of the tension, the generational tension. The older Mujeres Libres, free women, they looked to the civil war, to politics, to more doctrinal ideology. And the young feminists were non-conformists, they were talking about sexuality, they were talking about sexual freedom, life-affirming attitudes. So this is another aspect of what we can speak about there. And then finally, in my remarks, the women's movement of the time. Now, it has been argued quite forcefully that the women's movement is a direct legacy of May 1968. François Beek has argued, and she argued in 2008, for example, that we have to understand the feminist movement, and I'm quoting, as a legacy of May 68, since it has reincorporated the political conceptions, forms of organization and variety of actions that came from the May 1968 movement. I disagree with that understanding of the women's movement in Spain and Catalonia at the time. Again, why? Because, again, it was in the context of the dictatorship. So one of the aspects of the women's movement is the fact that it is politically oriented. It is within a political culture of opposition to the Franco regime. And the apprenticeship, the learning process to later become feminist, also comes from the fact that they are organized within the clandestine movement against Franco. And also they have a very clear perception of the oppression by the Franco regime on women, as this will show you there. The penal code, the civil code, and the law against what was called social dangers, which had to do with homosexuality, which were the Franco laws against women, which oppressed them directly, as I mentioned earlier. And this is another example of it, so that the women's movement emerges precisely to eliminate the Franco regime and achieve freedom. And I think it's also quite significant that amnesty is on the agenda of the women's movement very clearly. But amnesty is on the general agenda of the opposition movement against Franco in the transition period. But my argument is that the women's movement, the feminist movement redefined their understanding of amnesty. So we could speak in terms of a feminist amnesty, a new reconceptualization of what amnesty should be. And in this case, this amnesty is defined, or redefined, not just as amnesty for those people who are imprisoned because of their political activism, but also the women who are imprisoned because of the specific Franco laws against women. And so in this case, there is I think a very wide definition, and it's also a political definition. I'm going to read a quote that I don't remember whether I have it with me or not, I don't think so here. From a 1977 statement of the journal Donaldson Yuta, the feminist journal, it said in this definition of feminist amnesty, embracing a wide range of demands. It says, fighting for an amnesty for women is fighting the role they want to impose on us. Fighting for the right to our own body and our own identity. It is fighting discrimination in prisons. It is fighting for our dignity as people. To stop being fodder for reproduction, fodder for consumption and repositories of male honour. So I think that definition gives us some insight as to what the agenda of the women's movement is. It resonates somewhat with 1968 in the sense that no impositions the right to their own body, the right for their own identity, identity politics as we have seen is central to these movements. It's also fighting the discriminant women in prisons, dignity and of course the specific issues that the women's movement will develop. For example, they no longer want to be repositories of male honour and fodder for reproduction. And these are some of the main goals that the women's movement attempt to achieve at the time. And I think this is very well expressed by Núria Bombella that the identity assigned by the Franco regime, the perfect married lady, it's been very clearly questioned here and it's been clearly questioned from the major aspect of the women's movement and the major achievement that the personal is political. So they have a political identity fighting against Franco but the feminist identity also emerges at the time from the personal that establishes that the site of female repression is precisely the family, the home and the personal. And I think this is very well seen through this and there were many of them at the time I think that Núria Bombella was very, very incisive in her visualization of this. And this was achieved to, this is another aspect, to identify women's oppression. Now this was the malaise without a name that Betty Friedan had spoken about. Rebels without a cause. But now this cause is being identified very clearly and the site of oppression is no longer just a sign to the Franco dictatorship but also to the personal relationships within the families. And I think this is rather important to remember. It is based on experience. It's not imagined. I would probably argue that the students of 68 it was an imagined oppression to some extent. Conventions in society that they resisted. In the case of women this develops out of their shared experience which is what will lead on to actually establishing a major social movement of the time. And just to give you other ideas about that, I mean how this is visualized and the notion I want to go back to final, to performatility. As I mentioned earlier I understand social performatility to be one of the major ideas behind the May 1968 movement and I think this happens here. Anyway, one of the campaigns by the feminist movement was the campaign against the penalization of adultery. Just to remind us there of those who are not familiar with it on the Franco regime women were severely penalized for adultery. It could go to jail because of that whereas the men were not. And there was a specific case in 1976 where a working-class woman had been married, had a daughter, had... I'm going on, aren't I? Okay, not to worry. And so her... and her husband had abandoned her and she had a second child with another partner. He reappeared and claimed the daughter and then she was put on trial and she was to lose her child. Now I think the interesting feature here is the inter-class connection. This woman who was from a working-class area she did not go to the left wing parties or to the trade unions. She went to the feminist movement to defend her which she did and she was hit by the feminist movement and there was a big campaign in Barcelona at the time. The interesting thing I want to talk about here is that the identity politics behind it. One of the ways of the protest was women coming along and with a placard saying, I am also an adulterist. Which were the images, but I can't go back to them, I don't think. That I had shown here of significant women within... This is Maria Angelina Núñez. No? It's not happening. There we were. Okay. This is social performance and I think that is one of the ingredients of the feminist movement. However, and finally, social performance, cultural artefacts. We find that that is the calendar, one of the first feminist calendars. And my final question would be, now has this got to do with May 1968 or is it another legacy? So what do we do? I mean, are we really speaking about the grandchildren of the suffragists? Because with the suffragists in 1918, 1916, 1918, decades earlier, we have social performance. Maybe it hasn't been recognized as such. But they performed in public. They were transgressive. They had transgressive public actions. They dressed up. They had their bands. They had their uniforms. In the street, in public, they performed transgression and protest, public protest. Different ways of understanding that public meetings are, as many of them did, tomatoes, stones, thrown at politicians, etc. So they occupied the public arena. They gained notoriety. They behaved scantestly in the light of the times. They attracted media attention. So the media is the message then in 1918. Or perhaps we could think in terms of that, the women's movement is not just a legacy of May 1968, but has a long, long previous history before that. And I think it's up to us as historians to go back and identify and see what are the commonalities and what are the differences regarding May 1968 and the protests. Thank you.