 You know, in Western Europe people tend to think that colonies and imperialism was about white people colonizing colored people. Well actually, in Eastern Europe it was one white people colonizing another white people. Ireland is a good parallel to Russia's role in Ukraine. And this war will stop when President Putin and the Russian elite conclude that the Empire project is not worth it. You know, they are going through the normal... But will they come to that conclusion? Yes, they will. Like you did, like the British did, like the French. Think Algeria, think the French in Indochina, think Portugal in Angola and Mozambique. First you deny your subjects their otherness. You know, the British in Ireland. What are peasants having their own state? What is this about? They just speak funny. They speak our language. They are like us. Then, when there is violence, you try to put them down. And then eventually, if you've suffered enough, you say, not worth it, let them go. And it's only then that you have a chance for a lasting equilibrium. The Russian opposition is now having this important conversation. That the Empire project is bad for Russia. Russia is the largest state on Earth, doesn't need land. It needs to develop its people and its internal resources. And we need to help President Putin and the Russian elite to make that judgment as soon as possible. Okay. Mary Beth. Let me talk about the geopolitics of the conflict. So one could... Let me make a distinction. One could be very unhappy about the current world order. And maybe some of the people sitting here are unhappy. And there are many reasons to be unhappy. For example, within 10 years, the largest economy in the world will be either China or the United States. Then the third will be India. The fourth will be Japan. And the fifth, I think, will be Indonesia. Well, this new world, is it reasonable to think that the G7 with Italy on the table? Nothing against Italy, but it will not be in the top 20 countries in the world. Is it reasonable to expect that the G7 will decide the fate of the world? No. We have to come up with a new world order. We all agree on that. Now, it's important to think that even though there will be a new world order, it doesn't mean that the first proposal to be put on the table will be accepted. Do you agree with the Islamic State when it puts forward a proposal for a new world order? A universal caliphate? You don't. And when Putin puts on the table a proposal which is essentially the return to European colonialism of a different kind, we obviously cannot accept that. And part of the shock in Europe is that we see the worst ghosts from the past. Radakh is right. This is European colonialism. Even, you know, think about the examples that Radakh didn't give, that Putin keeps saying that Ukraine is a Russian creation. The most offensive insult you can make to a people, that probably is older than the Russian people as a people. Actually, it's the other way around. It's the other way around. It's Kiev that created Moscow. It's the other way around. And we hear echoes of the British saying that Britain created India, that India didn't exist as a nation. It was a number of principles, but not a unified country. We hear echoes of how, you know, Portugal created its colonies and so on and so forth. This is a colonial project, an imperial project, with a genocidal element that we haven't talked about. But, you know, many colonial projects have a genocidal element that we've seen here. Putin doesn't talk about NATO. Putin only talked about NATO in the couple of weeks or couple months before the war where he was trying to blackmail NATO. Once the war started, I have seen all his speeches NATO never comes up. What comes up is, interestingly, the old Russian colonial past. He told an audience of young Russian entrepreneurs, you know, imagine an American president talking to young entrepreneurs. He would talk about, you know, Silicon Valley technology, the digital future. Well, Putin decided to talk about how he is like Peter the Great and Russia is now involved in a project of gathering its lost lands again. This is the project for young entrepreneurs. If you're a young entrepreneur, you may want to gather some lands. So this is essentially Putin's project, a colonial project. I think in this competition between China and the West, there is more than a traditional geopolitical competition. Because what you said, Kishore, Chinese civilization, not universalism. What the West says is universalism. And our universalism, it's Western. It was born in Europe, then it became the West. It has spread around the world with the sword, with colonialism, with imperialism. So it has brought the idea of anti-colonialism with it. That's the complexity of this world. And now we are at the point where we realize that we are no, we, I mean, the West, we are no longer going to be the center of the world. And the question is to move from universalism to pluralism, which is to accept that they are in the balance between the individual and the collective that we have been discussing in a way around this table for two hours. In this balance, the West has put at the core of the individual. And that has been the core of its energy, of its dynamism. This idea that the individual has enormous agency. We see in Asia that the world, I remember when I was working for Ban Ki-moon after Kofi Annan, he used the word harmony every three minutes, harmony, harmony, the sense of the collective. And that's important. That's the community. That's what Dugin also was mentioning. And we have lost that balance in the West. And in China, this sense of community, it can become oppressive. It can become the social credit system. It can crush the individual. And what we are looking for is a balance which recognizes the agency of the individual so that history doesn't stop, so that there is movement, so that there is curiosity. But at the same time, that this focus on the individual does not become so strong that it becomes the war of all against all. This is where precisely why it's very good we are having this discussion. Because there is a perception of China among 12% of the world's population. And there is a perception of China and they're remaining 88%. And as you know, if you look at the 193 countries in the world, I think 140 trade more with China than they do with the United States, as an example. If you look at 193 countries, they have a free choice as to whether or not to participate the Belt and Road Initiative. 130 countries have signed it. So there is no doubt that China will emerge as a powerful, assertive force in the world. I mean, you don't have any illusions. And I believe that the concept of a benevolent great power is an oxymoron. All great powers will put their own interests first. And that's the way we should react to it. But I can tell you the neighbors are working very hard to ensure that they can work with this China. And they believe, and this frankly I would say, if there's one lesson from East Asia for Europe, is that if you have a great power in your neighborhood, include the great power in everything. And the reason why we have launched the world's largest free trade agreement, ASEAN launched it in January 2022, because that's the way you anchor China.