 On behalf of the Institute of International and European Affairs, you're all very welcome to today's event with Parfait Onanga and Yanga. Who is the special envoy of the UN Secretary General for the Horn of Africa. We're delighted that Parfait has been able to join us today, as what is particularly busy and challenging time for him. This is the seventh in the IEA's Development Matters series, which is sponsored by Irish aid. Parfait Onanga and Yanga has been the special envoy for the Horn of Africa since March of last year. Before that he fulfilled various UN roles, including that of SRSG and head of the UN mission in the Central Africa Republic. He was also the coordinator for UN headquarters response to the Boko Haram crisis. And he was the head of the UN office in Burundi. At an earlier stage he was the director of office for the UN Deputy Secretary General. And other earlier roles included a period spent at the Procuretory Commission of the CDPTO. And prior to that he was a diplomat in Gabon's mission to the UN in New York. The special envoy will speak to us for about 20 minutes and then we will have the usual question and answer session. You can join using the Q&A function on Zoom, which you will see on your screen. Please feel free to send in questions throughout the session as they occur to you and we will come to them or to as many as possible of them during the Q&A session. You can join the discussion on Twitter using the handle at IIEA. We're also live streaming today's discussion. So a very warm welcome to all of you who are tuning in via YouTube. I now invite Sinead Walsh, who is the Deputy Director General of Irish Aid and the Horn of Africa Director to offer some words of introduction. Sinead is recently back from a highly successful period as the EU's ambassador to South Sudan and we're delighted to see her back in Dublin and Sinead over to you. Thank you so much, David. I'm delighted to see you and also to see Special Envoy Parfait. In preparation for today I was actually trying to remember Parfait whether the last time we met was in Kenya when they were working on the South Sudan peace process there in 2019 or whether it was when you came to Juba for the Sudan peace talks and as I was trying to figure this out I realized that it's actually an illustration of how interconnected these conflicts are in the Horn and all of these political issues are in the Horn that there is so much back and forth. But as David said, just hugely appreciative of the fact that you can make time for us, which even by the Horn's normal standards is an incredibly busy and hectic period. I think, you know, most of our participants today will know that the Horn of Africa is a major priority for the Irish government has been for for many years. I would venture possibly rarely if ever as much of a focus as it is today. I think it is well known we will take up our seat on the UN Security Council in January on the first of January at 12 midnight. And we're currently getting ready for this. But maybe what may be less well known is that of all the UN Security Council files, about 70% are Africa. Within that proportion about 65% I think is the Horn of Africa so really the Horn of Africa is is going to be I suppose such a huge part of Ireland's tenure on the Security Council and and we're, we're working day in day out. My colleagues and I on obviously on Ethiopia, and particularly also on some of the UN Security Council items on Sudan, South Sudan and Somalia. And so I might just briefly touch on on what some of our our priorities are. You know, I think Ethiopia, one has to start with Ethiopia at the moment. This is actually Ireland's largest bilateral development cooperation program. We've been working there for many years. The situation in Ethiopia is enormously worrying the possible implications on the country itself and the region I think are almost unimaginable. And there is much we don't know because of the current communications blackout. And, but I think what we do know is is pretty devastating and you know that the notion of a, a, an offensive a major offensive on the the regional capital. I think is obviously a huge concern. We know over 40,000 refugees have already fled to Sudan, and we're very worried to hear, you know, and Minister Kovni has made a few statements about Ethiopia including about the ethnic profiling dimension which is really worrying in in Addis Ababa, among other other places. And so through, through advocacy through the minister and his engagements at European and international level through our embassy in Addis, you know, and, you know, we are we're doing our best to advocate on the situation and we're also providing humanitarian funding to, you know, to the affected regions within Ethiopia but also to the refugees in East Sudan. And it will probably be, you know, quite a long time before we can kind of step back and take stock of what's in the middle of happening in Ethiopia. I think Parfe, it certainly relates the genesis of the crisis that we're seeing certainly relates to the theme of your talk today on politics politics and governance in the horn. And at least in part, I suppose what we're looking at is a conflict around the Federalist model, how this relates to ethnicity and these these kinds of issues. And that brings me on to Somalia, where we're also seeing tensions around federalism and where that model is under pressure in the lead up to to the election there and tensions between the federal government and the member states, of course, compounded by the threat of Tabaab and Ireland is in discussions at the moment about taking the role of the chair of the Somalia sanctions committee for our Terminal Security Council. And we hope to play a role in helping this troubled country move away from conflict. Another troubled country and one that is very close to my heart is South Sudan, where I spent most of this year of COVID and, as David said just finished off my second stint in South Sudan. And I think, you know, another country which is struggling with with governance power sharing of course after the 2018 peace agreement, being the order of the day at the moment, and certainly a role also played by by ethnicity, although I would have certainly served a lot of politicization of ethnicity and so sometimes I wonder, you know how how much of the ethnic dynamics that we see are actually stoked by by politicians. The as far as as the our Security Council agenda is concerned on the Horn is of course Sudan and and of course there there are some, you know, real positives here and Ireland is very keenly supporting the the transition. It's fragile, but at the same time I think it's important to recognize and learn from the positives of what's happening in in in Sudan to date. And I remember very well, being in in cartoon for a meeting just before the protest started in December of 2019. Had anyone said to me, you know, in six months time but she will be gone I literally would have laughed in their faces I mean I had no no conception that this was was possible after after 30, 30 years. So, so changes possible changes possible in the Horn, people power has has really proved to be to be powerful. And Ireland would certainly like to support that kind of peaceful and democratic change elsewhere in the Horn, where opportunities present. And so parfait special envoy you have such a wide and deep experience at the UN and in Africa. So I really couldn't think of a better person to come in and advise us at this time as we as we take our Security Council seat. And that allows us obviously as Ireland to to tackle these horn issues from from a different vantage point so so really thank you so much for taking the time to be with us today and a big thanks to IEA for for putting all this together. Thank you very much, state and with that parfait. I give you the floor. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you, David. Thank you so much for this brilliant introduction. I think the difference between you and I is that you'll be sitting in the in the Security Council and dealing with all of these on a daily basis. And I'm rather happy that the topic of the day will allow me to discuss more broadly issues, not really dwelling to specifics. What I think city is I would like to thank the is Institute of International and European Affairs for your kind invitation to speak at his prestigious Institute, your warm welcome and generous introduction. So, give me lots of, of course, pleasure and to be with you today and I hope to contribute to your institutions. Well established tradition of advancing the global to score policy discourse on the key challenges affecting our world, and ultimately the lives of people around the planet. Incidentally, today's event coincides with the commemoration of the International Day for the elimination of violence against women. Sadly, a silent pandemic of violence against women and girls is causing an acceptable pain under the shadow of the global coronavirus pandemic. And it is appalling to know that such a violence takes place, primarily in the family. Let's pay tribute to the millions of brave women and girls and men who are breaking the silence to fight this awful sport. Being virtually with you in Ireland reminds me of one of the torch bearers of this fight against violence on violence against women. We might search as the former president of of Ireland, President Mary Robinson, whom I had the rare opportunity to work with and learn from in our common passion for work piece, particularly in Africa. As the first UN special envoy for the Great Lakes region of Africa. She dedicated a lot of of her work and energy, and I will never forget President Robinson's and weathering commitment to consolidate peace and stability in that conflict-ridden region with a special emphasis on the role of women in peace and security. In one of her many visits to the countries of the region, I had the privilege of accompanying her to Kirungu in the northern part of Borundi, where she was due to meet with the late President Corusiza. We reached that remote city located in a luxuriant hilly bush after riding a noisy helicopter for 45 minutes. The president was upbeat and determined to rally strong political support for the implementation of the peace agreement. The peace, security and cooperation framework agreement for the DRC and the region, a document she rightfully labeled the last chance agreement. I was deeply impressed by her stamina and inspired by her clear vision of the prospects for lasting regional peace and stability. On our way back to the capital city of Burjumbura, I couldn't resist but to ask her what the source of her faith in the cause of peace was. After a little pause, she replied in her thoughtful and elegant voice by modestly quoting another iconic personality, friend, reverend Desmond Tutu of South Africa, who once said that he considered himself a prisoner of hope. I have since kept these few words as a man, especially during challenging times as the ones we are currently facing. I hope that our discussion today will be both meaningful and fitting to the extraordinary circumstances the Horn of Africa region and more broadly, our world is going through. I am grateful for your interest in the fate of the people of the Horn of Africa, the region that is home to approximately 280 million people if you count the Horn as encompassing all EGAN member states. And a vast majority of whom are young, the region that is going through profound and multifaceted transition processes and synod you just referred to some of this issue that will be before you in the council. They are all in search of greater stability, economic prosperity and regional integration, a region that is struggling to free itself from the shackles of decades of conflict, extreme poverty and dictatorial rule. Before I begin addressing the current political situation in the Horn of Africa against the backdrop of the novel coronavirus global pandemic, also known as COVID-19. I would like to begin by asking you a question. How many of you have heard of the name Luar Mayen? And this is, it brings you back home, Sinead, in South Sudan. Luar was born in Wharton, South Sudan and lost members of his family while making the perilous trek from South Sudan to the refugee camp in northern Uganda. Today, this resilient young man is a successful video game developer residing in the United States, leading his own company and using the experiences from his past to inform his products. Luar's experience at peace building and conflict resolution is inspirational story should keep us all hopeful that a different world is always possible and that when given the opportunity African youth and young people in general can do wonders. History is especially important during difficult times when it feels as though everything is falling apart during times like these ones. Chairperson, distinguished guests, our world is facing daunting challenges and harrowing disparities that continue to plague humanity. COVID-19 has probably exposed discrepancies and magnified inequalities worldwide and it is often sadly the case. Those at the bottom continue to bear the brunt while COVID does not discriminate against the hub and have not nor borders nationalities, ethnicities or religious beliefs. It is a fact that those more fortunate have been able to shield themselves better. Prior to COVID-19, our world was already exposed to multiple threats and crises. If we take poverty alone, daily scores of human beings are silently being killed by hunger around the world. However, this uncomfortable reality is often ignored in headlines. We know that things could be better, could be different than anything COVID-19 has taught us that we can no longer hide behind our false securities. Indeed, most crisis the world faces today don't respect borders. We do have a choice. We can choose to draw lessons from this pandemic and reverse course or choose to keep burying our heads in fictional comfort zones and face consequences of catastrophic proportions for us all sooner or later. In the Horn of Africa, against the most pessimistic projections and to our surprise and relief, the world's health impacts seems to have been mitigated, at least for now. COVID-19 remains a slow-moving threat that requires continuous vigilance and engagement in a region already battling numerous threats and structural deficiencies. In the interim, it appears that the proactive prevention measures applied region-wide have succeeded in protecting people from COVID-19's most immediate devastating health consequences and fears of or out-havoc. Given the region's weak health systems, this is indeed good news. However, while numbers are relatively low, the picture may be blurred due to the lack of reliable data. This pandemic is compounding three existing challenges and will have serious and long-term social economic implications, making it ever harder for countries in the region to achieve pre-pandemic objectives and the sustainable development goals. A team on which the Chair, David, you've been working very substantively. As we speak, a new wave of desert locust invasion, the world indicates, is running months of hard work and endangering the lives of millions of people across the Horn of Africa. While we all agree that development is first and foremost a responsibility of each government, the fact is all nations are not equally equipped to address and meet the basic needs of their populations. There are, of course, ethical reasons for this. Most of the countries in the Horn of Africa region are relatively new nations with a weak or non-existing social contract. Even in older nations, state formation is still underway, and efforts to construct a common narrative remain precarious, given the very fragmented and predominantly identity-based nature of their policy and scenario you refer to that. Those of you who have been following political developments in the Horn know that COVID-19 has had a direct bearing on a few electoral processes, including in Ethiopia. Decisions on postponing or proceeding with elections have raised complicated political legal human rights and public health challenges in several countries. The consequences have not been the same in all the countries, and a major difference is in their ability or lack of it to find a common ground, ideally through consensus-building, as they navigate this difficult transition context. However, not many countries in the region have long established democratic culture. Conversely, many countries have a strong authoritarian past and are accustomed to a model of government that is based on or has legitimized identity politics, including, of course, ethnicity. It will therefore not be easy for most countries to leapfrog and transition to transform deep-rooted mindsets in exclusive politics. So overcoming these challenges and these fragilities will require both visionary leadership and political will, as well as continuous grassroots engagement. In polarized societies, as you are very familiar with, where identities are politicized. COVID-19 has reinforced tendencies to further shrink political space and derail democratic processes. Identity politics bluntly appeal to emotions rather than to any organizing principle or shared transformative narrative that could help fragmented societies build inclusivity and achieve greater unity and social cohesion. And this is not specific to Africa. People often respond to identity politics because they feel recognized and suffer within their groupings, particularly in the absence of real alternatives due to failed state-level governance. I share the Moibra information's definition of governance which should be, quote, more than transparency and democracy, the ability of states to properly deliver to its citizens all the political, social, economic and environmental public goods and services that any 21st century citizen has the right to expect, unquote. Two important dimensions are implied in the above definition. Firstly, that successful governance performance cannot be delivered in a vacuum, but is reflective of the political, financial, economic and environmental constraints inherent to our globalized world. And secondly, that governance processes should not be identity-based and policies should be built on just and fair distribution of services, regardless of identity or political allegiance. So this is said and done. And we often tend to downplay the many pressure points affecting political decisions in countries in transition. Let's not, for example, forget that war was part of a ruthless history in Europe and that it took centuries to forge more coherent and rule-based societies. Of course, should be no excuse for any state in the whole of Africa or continent-wide for not building more peaceful and inclusive nations. Mr. Person, while there have been commendable overall governance gains in Africa in recent years, mainly due to improvements of economic opportunities and human development, the 2020 Ibrahim index of African governance notes that these gains are threatened by, quote, increasingly precarious security situation and concerning erosion in rights as well as civic and democratic space, unquote. Though the path to nation-building is not easy, the trajectory is slowly changing, and we are seeing communities across the continent increasingly demanding for results, effective governance and accountability. This last year in the historical revolution in Sudan, Sinidio you just referred to, which was led by outstanding young people, and especially courageous and exemplary women aspiring to bring about a better future for themselves and their country. While applauding these bold steps, the path to stable political transformation and more democratic societies will remain pretty rocky. Admittedly, much more will be needed to fulfill the stated commitment of African state to silencing the gains and build a future that materializes the vision of a peaceful and prosperous Africa contained in the AU's agenda 2063. Though there is no one fit, one side fits all, and there are different national narratives and processes underway. It is understandable that in today's Africa, people and especially civil society organizations are galvanized. Most people in the region are strongly convinced that they deserve better and are addressing the legitimate aspirations for more decent lives and a better future. Several governments are also saving this momentous development. These admirable efforts will, however, remain constrained if they are not made at the international level with a real commitment to addressing global challenges and imbalances through the more effective multilateralism. Chair, I'm asking if, as we look at things together, isn't it unsettling that 20 years in this 21st century, we are still globally reproducing the partners of the 16th century triangular trade system, which dedicated specific roles to regions to different regions. As the value chain is determined in industrial nations, developing countries where and still are seen as a source of raw materials processed in industrial nations, leaving behind a heavy carbon footprint. Consumable goods are dedicated to select nations and low end products are sent back to these developing nations, which are not equipped to recycle. I know this may be oversimplified, but the end result of this antiquated and destructive cycle is that countries, including those in the whole of Africa, which are the least responsible for global warming are adversely the most impacted by and least equipped to deal with climate change and related environment degradation. Growing water scarcity and desertification are aggravating food insecurity. On the other hand, changing migration partners are exacerbating existing transboundary conflicts and jeopardizing stability in the region. I have come to you today, Chair, not as an expert, but as someone who has had the privilege of traveling around our beautiful planet. I have grown deeply convinced of the complexity and interconnectedness of things and realities we may, at first glance, think as far apart. This has led me to think about the problems we face, not in silos, but rather in holistic terms. How then can we pretend to understand the whole of Africa, the topic of our discussion today, without looking at the regions, and more broadly, the continent, historical, political and economic relationship with the rest of the world, particularly with Europe. The global coronavirus pandemic we are still grappling with has exposed bear the source of our deeply troubled world. Inequalities within and between countries have reached a sustainable levels. We knew before COVID-19 that things weren't going well. We knew that millions around the world were going to bed hungry every night in total indifference. We knew that millions of children didn't have access to school, and that every day the digital divide was widening, leaving millions more in total darkness. Yet, we have largely remained deaf to the plight of many more millions wandering in the wildness or drawn in the womb of roaring seas in the desperate quest for a distant life. Instead, walls of all sorts are being erected, but once the cut overflows, I'm afraid, walls of privilege may be smashed by feats of despair. Over the past few months, we have been reminded of the fragility of our full securities. Many of us have grown worried and insulted by the outbursts of our cozy bubbles. Yet, there is little evidence that we will put our best energies, knowledge, technological advances and financial assets to invest in more inclusive societies rather than stubbornly attempting to fill in the gaps of our decaying vessel. Exitations to fully embrace UN Secretary General Antonio Guterres' call to ensure that any COVID-19 vaccine is made available to people around the world as a global common good is, in this regard, quite revealing. Chair, let me repeat it. Governance in the whole of Africa cannot be fully understood and fixed without addressing the systemic imbalances and biases of our world. The prevailing global international system is insustainable. Its nefarious effects are detrimental to most countries, people and the planet. We know today that the economy grew at all costs as the key indicator of progress, post-profit before people and business before the planet, while acknowledging the commendable steps being implemented to reverse course and limit global warming to pre-industrial levels, including through the modest yet commendable parties agreement. The fact is we are lagging and dangerously close to missing the target as we are from the brink. We are not prepared to what is to come and there will be no new Noah's Ark and no planet B either. In the whole of Africa and more broadly in developing countries, the byproduct of the economy growth race has meant resulting to borrowing massive amounts of money leading to unbearable levels of public and private debt. This has also made more dependency as creditors and multinational corporations have taken advantage of these circumstances to acquire natural resources at cheap cost and other concessions, including through corrupt practices. As the global community finds itself in a protracted economic recession and countries in the whole are struggling to cope with the multifaceted consequences and long term detrimental effects of COVID-19. We should ask ourselves if we want to continue protecting a fundamentally unbalanced system that entrenched inequalities within and between countries and continents and endangers our very planet. Beyond acknowledging that climate change poses an existential challenge to humanity. Why are we still investing so much capital in salvaging a system that is so harmful. Those are some of the questions that I'm asking myself. Encouraging measures and innovative propositions towards what is called a third industrial revolution are being developed, their proponents rightly called for divesting in the first faucet fuels and investing in renewable energy and business models that will help achieve a zero carbon future. We applaud this indispensable energy transition and its base must be accelerated. Yet, let's ensure the new promised land does not repeat past mistakes, placing the economy and profit before people and justice. Similarly, we should remain concerned that in the fast evolving digital economy, fueled by massive, massive personal data, the majority of people get excluded from the very local events. Here you may recall the first provoking statement delivered in this very forum on June 10th by the president of Ireland, His Excellency Michael Igates, on the theme Europe and Africa towards a new relationship. I could have simply quoted his entire breath today to acknowledge its boldness and reaffirmation of African agency, the notion of African agency so brilliantly articulated by my brother and friend, Professor Carlos Lopez. Among the many refreshing points made by President Igates, one particularly struck my attention when he argues that, and I quote, an overall commitment to good governance and state well-being is needed in many African states as a prerequisite. But this cannot be used as an excuse for shaking Europe's moral and ethical obligation to progressing and being partners in Africa's overdue economic and wider social transformation, unquote. I would like to take this opportunity to congratulate the government of Ireland for its outstanding campaign and successful relation as a non-permanent member of the UN Secretary of State. Ireland's success can be attributed to its clear rejection of the imbalances that are governing our world today. Many African countries saw in the Irish government message a strong call for a fairer world. This must also be true in the global political governance architecture. The 75-year-old multilateral order inherited from World War II maintains certain countries as second-class nations and notably no African country is today a permanent member of the Security Council. Though, and Senedio again said it, matters pertaining to Africa dominated the Security Council's agenda. This, we all agree, must change. From January 2021, one country of the whole of Africa, Kenya, will join two other African countries to serve for two years alongside Ireland as a non-permanent member of the Security Council. Yet, at least three countries of the whole of Africa will feature on the agenda of the City Council, probably the highest number for any regional group, in any other regional group. Our world continues to suffer from an anachronistic colonial legacy and tenacious patronizing mindset that permeates almost all aspects of our contemporary world. This also must change. Last week, including the G20 summit in Riyadh, leaders of the world's 20 biggest economies said they were determined to support African countries in overcoming the coronavirus crisis, including by exploring more sustainable financing options. As Secretary General Gutierrez remarked at the summit, our greatest defense against COVID-19 is solidarity and cooperation. I echo his closing remarks in Riyadh, but we can only get there together, committed to an inclusive multilateralism based on international law and the values of the UN Charter. To a person, the countries of the whole of Africa have already traveled many decades and achieved substantial progress, given their tormented state formation history and enduring sociological burdens. In fact, we must be appreciative of the remarkable strides they have made against all of us in a relatively short lifespan. Yet, the way home is still a long one, and it is paved with daunting and deeply rooted, but not unsuppressable challenges. They will better succeed by joining hands and strengthening regional cooperation and partnerships, including by optimizing the promises of the African continental free trade agreement. Living in peace and stability in diverse societies is possible, if a deliberate and intelligent choice for respect for the rule of law and consensus building is made. Not once, but all the time, in terms of peace and even more so during crisis. And through that process, lay the ground for institutions that promote justice and fairness. Not as a reflection of the prevailing balance of power, because this can change over time, but as an expression of the inherent equality of all their citizens, regardless of status power or population size. This should serve as the foundation of an inclusive social contract and be reflected in constitutional and legal systems. But, as desirable and indispensable as they may be, strong institutions with built-in check and balance mechanisms cannot be transformative on their own. They require both principal political leaders, particularly in relatively new democratic system, as well as vigilant and engaged civil society organizations and citizens. And this, in turn, implies the enjoyment of all political freedoms and rights. In fact, the credibility of any such compact should be judged against its ability to protect the weakest groups in any society. Admittedly, very few nations are passed a test considering the largely devastating impact of COVID-19 on poorer groups the world over. In addition, we are past the ticking clock scenario. The alarm bell has run and abruptly broken us off. We must stop playing literate and take the bull by the horns. The youth everywhere is rightly impatient and is telling us that the prevailing system is no longer acceptable. We must listen to young people, like valiant Greta from Sweden, and take collective action. Closer to us, my dear friend and young sister, Haya Shebi, the AU's youth special envoy, has also been beating the drum of change and we must act now. This is a mechanism which has suffered a great deal, must be revitalized. Corporations which enjoy tax havens and astronomical profits from a financial system that is detached from a short global economy need to be scrutinized and required to play their part. Our world should not be driven by economic gains only but a higher sense of solidarity and shared responsibility. The profit alone leads to man and in the long term is self-defeating. I am talking about fairness, not charity. I am talking about a global economic system that pays a fair price to farmers in developing countries, allows communities and societies to create wealth and break the degrading cycle of extreme poverty. While protecting the environment, including through climate justice and adequate mitigation and adaptation support programs. This is conditional to achieving the 2030 agenda for sustainable development, including its goal 16 to promote justice and strong institutions with a view to advancing more peaceful and inclusive societies in the whole of Africa. It is achievable but not without effective solidarity underpinned by a shared vision and faith in humanity's common destiny, faith in a world where women and girls can freely prosper to their fullest potential. A chairperson, the challenges of our time require a new state of consciousness that is still sober, thoroughly lacking. Even as the promise of effective vaccines against COVID-19 represents an immense relief provided they are made available to all. Moving forward, let's hope that the realization of the existential challenges we collectively face. And we force us to act purposefully and swiftly. The poignant appeal of Pope Francis in his most recent and typical fraternity. Provides us a glimpse of the immense possibilities from which short-term gains still prevent us from fully embracing the rich promises. We must display solidarity and in the words of the late Martin Luther King, Jr. We must learn to live together as brothers, or perish together as fools. Yes, things may be falling apart, but I'm sure, Chair, hope will endure. And I thank you. Thank you very much indeed, Parfait. That was a very powerful presentation and you covered many, many important themes. I think you raised profound and troubling questions about the difficult past that countries in the Horn of Africa have to follow in order to build peace and to create a sustainable economic order. And one which is equitable and which respects basic rights. You covered a multitude of themes and thank you very, very much for that. Can I also say in passing that we very much agree with one point you made about the need for greater African representation on the Security Council. That Ireland has been quite strong on, but we have a short number of minutes left in which we can take some questions from the audience if you were good enough to answer them Parfait. I mean, there are quite a lot which have come in. Which I will begin with relates to the limited success of the ICC in pursuing accountability in Africa and the impact this has obviously on the search for peace and reconciliation. How do you view the prospects for international efforts at achieving accountability in the region? Could I add in also another question just for myself on how you see the role of the UN in potentially helping to bring about a cessation of hostilities in Tigray at the moment. Over to you Parfait. Thank you very much. I try to be brief and say that the concern for international justice and accountability are indeed major, are critically important for I think for the communities for the African people themselves. And that we can see it, people more and more are demanding for this accountability. And as regard the ICC, we must be fair to say that most of the cases in the ICC are African cases and most of them were indeed at the request of African state themselves. So it may not be totally accurate to suggest that as you see as failed in Africa. On the contrary, there was a greater concern in the sense that the institution was maybe a bit unbalanced and that there was too much focus on Africa alone. But at the end of the day, I do believe that these are issues that are extremely vital. They will define of course the future of stability and prosperity in Africa. And African countries are thinking of taking this very seriously. And I do hope that this trend, even though I just stated that there was a risk to see a kind of governance and rule of law scaling back retreating. But in the end, I'm absolutely confident that the demands we are seeing will ensure that justice indeed will remain a major good, common good for the people of the continent. And the UN remains absolutely engaged and as we speak, the most important concern is indeed to providing as much as possible humanitarian support to all those who may be affected by the ongoing conflict. And we are doing this, the whole country team in the country is working very closely with the national authorities, with the government, and we can simply say that this is a commitment which will continue to occupy all of us. You have seen the many calls of the Secretary General to ensure that there is an impeded humanitarian access and protection is provided to both the civilian affected, but also humanitarian workers who are sacrificing so much to provide to meet the needs of those people in danger. So we will continue to do this. We are not doing it only here, but some of those who have already fled the country on the other side we have found themselves in Sudan are also of course provided with as much assistance as possible. And again, as I said, we are partnering with the government in providing this important and vital services to the people. Thank you very much Parve. Turning specifically to Somalia as one of the countries for which you have responsibility, one member of our audience who has lived there raises the deeply rooted nature of corruption in Somalia. Somalia was first in Transparency International Corruption Index for 12 consecutive years. How do you think we can address such entrenched issues of corruption? Well, I mean, corruption is not something that the UN condones. And I very frankly don't think that there is any responsible authority in any country who should be condoning corruption. Corruption has a cost. It costs lives. It diverts very scarce resources from the, you know, the main use that is to meet the needs of people who are really struggling. Corruption diverts vital, you know, medical education, very scarce resources that really are in need in countries like Somalia. And therefore it's definitely not something that should be, you know, condoned. And we are of course in a country like Somalia. The priority remains of course in addressing insecurity and stability and my colleagues who are on the ground are, you know, working day in, day out with the entire international community present in Somalia with the government to ensure that these challenges can be overcome. But this is not going to happen overnight. I realize that we have so much parallel criminality that is ongoing, simply addressing the threats that Al-Shaba poses and its own criminal organization is all encompassing challenges that of course can only be fully addressed. If we achieve, if Somalia achieve a state of stability and security that will reestablish the rule of law and make it possible to build, you know, reliable and accountable institutions. So it's a long way to get there and we can already be all pleased that steps towards organizing the next elections are underway and hopefully this would be also an important building block into precisely achieving a more stable and secure country. Many thanks Parfe. You spoke very eloquently about the Sustainable Development Goals and the fundamental developmental needs in the region. Obviously the pandemic has slowed things down in the short term. There are major concerns around food security and extreme poverty which COVID-19 has exacerbated. One member of our audience asks whether there are concrete steps which you think could be taken to promote and serve the SDGs implementation in the context of recovery from the pandemic? Absolutely. I mean, look, we said it. Even in the pre-COVID phase, the Secretary-General was really pulling the rambler and telling, you know, and the Deputy Secretary-General, both were already telling the world that beware we may be going off track and we may not be able to achieve the SDGs. And so this was before the pandemic. And today we know that the whole world will be entering into a recession. So we uploaded the recent decisions of the G20 to ensure that they can pull together and provide the resources that would make it possible for us all to be better and stronger in the post-COVID-19 era. And it's very encouraging to see that, for example, for the service of the debt, for the debt service, you know, there was a decision to postpone, you know, to extend the period of phrasing the paying the service of the debt, the debt service, which of course is not the best outcome. Let's be blunt about it, as we do believe that more should be done, including, you know, into totally canceling this debt, you know, if we look at the condition in which those countries got in so much, you know, burden. So, but this already in itself is something those resources would have to be repurposed not to pay the service. I mean, it's absolutely important to see that some countries are putting more money, more of their very limited resources into paying, you know, the repaying the debt than investing in schools, in health services and creating decent jobs. We believe that it cannot be done. These countries will not be able to do it on their own. And this is where we say that one thing is indeed to address the core issue, I mean, the whole issue of debt relief, but also moving forward. I mean, we have to put in place, you know, global trade that is fairer. As I said, you know, we need to ensure that we're not asking for charity. But that, you know, farmers are given their first share that natural resources are not, you know, you know, get acquired for nearly nothing or in-kind repayment for any debt. Things of this kind have to be addressed and more broadly, more broadly, we have to put an end to the kind of carbon intensive economy model that we have at the moment. This kind of global trade, I mean, it serves 90% of global warming and carbon dioxide comes from this intensive trade, maritime trade. But we should do something to put an end to this. Investment must take place where the goods natural raw material exists. And this can be done, you know, by ensuring that, by ensuring that investments are protected, we can all work together with those countries to ensure that legal system are put in place to protect investment that may be coming from outside. But if this is done, jobs will be created, will be absolutely limiting the carbon footprint involved in this intensive trade, and we'll be creating new jobs for the youngsters in these countries, keep them at home and ensure that they can hope for a better future. What is happening today is simply unsustainable. Thank you very much for that. We've unfortunately come to the end of the time for this event, but I have to say you ended on a very important note, which you struck several times during your presentation, namely the importance of youth for implementing the STGs, but for also achieving many of the goals of peace, justice and equity in the Horn of Africa. Thank you very much for taking time to speak to the Institute and to its audience today. We were delighted to have you, Parfait. We wish you every success in your ongoing work, particularly with current challenges. I'm sorry that we have had more time to reach more questions. There were many of them. But thank you to everybody who listened today. And most of all, thank you, Parfait. I appreciate it. Thank you so much.