 In 1941, Ai Qing wrote a poem called Mao Zedong, and it ends with a very interesting line, which is the new slogan determines the new direction. This is still important in China because the way a new leadership sets out its new policies is not by going around and talking to the voters and selling its ideas to the populace. It starts out its new term in office by giving new slogans, and then these new slogans have to be elaborated by the party intellectuals and now citizen intellectuals. And this is what I was looking at in my book, China Dreams, is this relation between official discourse, official slogans, and the very kind of nuance and vibrant discussions going on among citizen intellectuals about just what the China Dream means. We assume when we talk about dreams that it's a very deep and nuanced concept, but right now actually the China Dream is still very shallow. It's about just a general direction, a general feeling, and Xi Jinping is using it as a way of trying to excite the Chinese people with his new leadership. I don't actually think it's a problem that it's not deep, I think that deep problems actually cause a lot of trouble, and that we should be happy to see how things work on the surface. I mean, ever since Nietzsche criticized philosophy as a search for meaning in the depths, a lot of interesting work has been done about how the really exciting things are happening on the surface, so it's actually just fine that discussions of the China Dream are quite shallow because that's where exciting things are happening. Even though the China Dream started a few years ago, actually as a response to the American Dream, that a lot of highly placed public intellectuals in China were looking at the American Dream and saying, hey, the Americans got a dream, we should have one too. And then they started thinking about, well, if we have a China Dream, what does it mean? And they often made a very stark contrast between the American Dream as the dream of individuals, a dream of individual success of a big car and a big house, and the China Dream as a national dream of China being a great power in what Xi Jinping called the China Dream of the Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation. Now the American Dream certainly does have its crass materialist aspects. We saw that in a film earlier this year, The Great Gatsby, which is about a big house and how shallow that person is, and actually The Great Gatsby was really popular in China because people were saying, wow, we're at the same point that the Americans were at in the 1920s with this huge economic growth and huge new prosperity. But actually the American Dream, if you look at it, is a bit more nuanced than that. It involves ideas of equality and freedom that's used as a way of criticizing society. We saw this most notably 50 years ago when Martin Luther King gave his famous I Have a Dream speech in Washington, D.C. So what he was doing was using the American Dream as a critical tool to criticize race relations and class relations in the U.S. In China there's not as much of a critical edge to it yet. There's a sense that some of the intellectuals are being critical, are using the China Dream to be critical because they're acting as what they call patriotic warriors. They're worrying about the future of China. And there's a lot of debate about the China Dream that pits people against each other. But in more official spaces, the China Dream is usually seen as either the opposite of the American Dream or very different from the American Dream, that the China Dream is a dream of the Chinese nation, it's a dream of order rather than freedom, it's a dream of all the people rather than individuals. So it's very much a replay of the socialism versus capitalism arguments that we saw in the Cold War.