 If you have comments make them as short as you can, if you have a question please let us know to whom that question is directed to and please introduce yourself first. Go ahead. My name is Pei Ehmensson. I'm an entrepreneur in education. And I think education is one of the most important things. As you said one size doesn't fit all. A trend in education is that you are getting in more and more private entrepreneurs to work alongside with governments. I'm running at present 100 schools with 35,000 students in six countries. I have one school in Jeddah, with 1,000 students perceived to be one of the best in Jeddah. I had very interesting discussions with the minister of education here just before the pandemic. Because we see enormous potential to go in with private investments and do education here. So that's just my reflection when we are talking about this. Make sure to use the private entrepreneurs. I've also been part of a big UNESCO study, Mahatma Gandhi Institute of Peace Education in 50 countries. And you showed that there are more and more alternative ways to do an education. That could complement and be a catalyst to a change in providing a better education. Go ahead please. Yes. Thank you very much. I'm Hiro Akita from Tokyo. So I'm not the Middle East expert, but since I'm from Asia, based on the experience in Asia, I really agree that the inter-regional economic cooperation is very, very key to sustain, avoid the conflict and maintain the peace. Based on that, I have a question to Mr. Alinea Di. If possible, I'd like to ask a question to the chairman. My question is this. In order to deepen inter-regional economic cooperation, maybe ideally Israel should be included. Because they have high tech, their economic power. I wonder if, how do you see the potential or possibility in long run that Israel will be included in Middle East regional economic integration and cooperation. And related to that, how about Iran in that context? Thank you. Thank you. Let me start with Abdulrahman then, Dr. Munna, on that question. I'm not going to answer. It's good that I'm not speaking in this session. Yeah, I think I'll answer it in two elements. The first one is the idea of including all regional states, including Israel, within the concept of regional economic integration. And that has already, we've seen some initiatives on that, going back since the Abrahamic Accords, where the I2U2, where the Nagav Forum, they're all directed into reaching that economic prosperity goal in which it enhances the quality of life for the people and show that there could be a change of narrative in the region. That's the concept of these many literals, as too many literals that came out of the idea of the Abrahamic Accords to start with. The other element I would like to mention is in term of compartmentalizing. We do not see eye to eye with many countries when it comes to politics. But that's not a prevention from pursuing economic, mature interest. And that's where we engage all countries, from the way perspective we engage all countries in the region. We have dialogue with everybody, we build bridges with everybody, including Iran. And the idea is to expand on that mature interest ground to achieve the economic prosperity that we pursue. And maybe a part of your experience is basically that. But that requires also two main things. One is an agreed upon principles and values, values and principles of non-interference, of respect of sovereignty, of cooperation. And also requires pragmatism and compartmentalizing your engagement with countries. So you work on what could be a mature ground of interest and you avoid tackling straight away the divergence of views. However, that also doesn't mean just being fixated on getting the low hanging fruit. You also need constant dialogue to deal with the divergence of views in the longer term. Thank you. I was wondering if you want. Talking about education, education is one of the main themes we have in Egypt, is to concentrate on education. I don't think we do that enough. What is allotted to education is far less than what it should be. So words are good, but the execution is not. So now talking about Iran and about Israel. Iran, as you know, Iran and Saudi Arabia had an entente through China, which was very good and which was accepted by everyone. So it was the first approach to Iran in the Arab world. This is one. The other one is Israel. As you know, Israel and Egypt have done the peace process now for 30 years and it has been sustained. We are very, very scared that this new tragedy might fragilize the treaty with Israel. I will make a comment and there are questions here and there and here and there. We have two types of meeting at our leadership. One focuses on political issues, the other one on economic issues. If you take all the economic summits, which we pay a lot of attention in my institution, they are all successful. They agree on the issues and we go and implement. For example, in Kuwait they have agreed on the importance of putting a mechanism for cross-border payments. We at the Arab Monetary Fund actually initiated a new institution based on executing that objective. In Saudi Arabia they agreed to increase the capital of the financial institutions. It has been implemented. You take all the summits at the level of the leaders. Whenever it is an economic summit, very successful agreement, we ended up as our culture, kissing each other, hugging each other, etc. Whenever it's a political summit, they will leave without shaking hands. We need to pay a lot of attention to how Europe got together, Europe was in fights. They got together on the grounds of economic and financial issues, economic ties. This is what we need to pay attention to and lately at the Arab Monetary Fund we have been advising certain relevant ministers on those issues. I think we are no different. We are no exception. We can agree if we would. For example, electricity connectivity. We have made good progress in connecting different countries in terms of electricity. Whenever projects of benefit, we have no issues. When we speak about political issues, where do we stand from different issues, that's where we have differences. We have a question here, please. Thank you. My name is Karima, but I have a question for Mr. Abdulrahman Niyadi. As I work in the field of women empowerment, I would like to know if there is a national or international policy of the UAE. Rengarding what you mentioned, women empowerment to counter terrorism. I mean, we have always saw it as a part of our women empowerment objective. We have always saw it as building healthy society, is building more resilient society to the ideas of extremism. And that has been always within the vision that we have. I'm not sure if there is a global push to look at it from that perspective, but to be clear, women empowerment is one element of women empowerment. Women empowerment is much larger as well. It has also that economic goals of enhancing the economic workforce, the entrepreneurship and all that within the same spectrum. But I wanted to shed light on addressing the idea of extremism through an angle of creating a healthy society, which women is a fundamental part of it. Thank you. Very short one. People think of agriculture and farmers as men, very far from that. Most of the agriculture is done by women. We work with 6,000 farmers and we are shocked. We are starting to reach 20,000 farmers in Egypt. When I go to the community and move my office to Said, I'm dealing more with the women farmers. Oops. I think it's a sign from above. The second point is I talked about food consumption and wellness. This is purely welcome to the issues of teenagers and pre-teenager food intake. And this is again back to the women important role. So in terms of food security, women inclusion as a critical component, not as a nice thing to have, but as a critical component of either producing food through agriculture or consuming proper food and nutrition. Women are like in the center of this puzzle and we are now working more and more with women and that's getting us to a lot of issues related to it in the Middle Eastern society of who controls the economic wealth among the farmer community. But that's something I believe we need to look at. Thank you, Mr. President. My question is to President Alhamidi. I'm Reata, but I'm a city planner and urban sociologist. In the area, the Middle East area, you have countries with a high income level per capita and we have countries with very low level of income per capita, even though these countries might have an important resources. So from your point of view as president of the Arab Monetary Fund, do you think that the development problem of the area is economic demographic or political? All above. We have issues with political issues, security issues, economic issues, but I really think that when you want to take that, so you relieve me from answering that, we let us, I think we should focus on the issues. Youth is very important. Listen, we have the right paradigm in the region. Other regions, they are getting into the old age. Our region has youth, 60%, in some countries 65%, below 40 years. Therefore we need to change the look or the way of our economic development model on how to work out with this new generation. What I, as a Saudi, what I, the changes I have seen, because now those in the leadership positions mostly young. They can interact with the youth, not my generation. They know what they want and they do it perfectly. So I don't need to go to Saudi anymore. I use my mobile for all my needs. And that was not introduced by my generation, it's introduced by the current generation. And I agree, you know, giving women opportunity. I was at the university, my first career was in the academia. And I taught also ladies and they, you know, at that time they aids for them and sees for the boys. So they are very, in Saudi they are very educated. Once they are given the opportunity, now 35% of the labor market in Saudi are women. Who would believe this? In six year time, we went up to that level and therefore changing the model. Before it becomes imposed on you because you need it. This is I think what UAE also was a leader in this. And I think that we have, we have other countries like Jordan, Morocco because we work with all those countries. Also Jordan and Morocco in terms of the clean energy. I think they have done a very good job. And therefore just there are models that are working unfortunately. You know, challenges comes from everywhere. Sudan is an issue. Palestine now is another issue. And therefore again I believe somebody from this region, we need to focus on economic issues. Our leaders should focus on economic issues. I think that could help enlarging our market. You know, the Arab common market was agreed upon before the Europeans. If you go back to that, that was in the 50s. 56. Thank you so much. And where are we now? We implemented nothing because we went off the economic issues. I think we should go back. We have a very large market with the earth population. The private sector could be very vibrant with what we have. You know, with all those issues, clean energy, educated, young, male and female, I think we can, but we need to change the paradigm. Let us give the young generation the opportunity. They are given in the UAE and Saudi and they are making a change. Yes, lady, please. Yes. Sumaya Abdelatif, vice president of Robert Schuman Institute. My question is for Dr Amuna. Can you tell us more about the solution of one state that Mr Dahlan announced, proposed or it's just an announcement effect? No, I think he's very well read about the solution. He is born in Khenyunis. He is from Gaza. He was in charge of Gaza before he fell off with Abbas. I think he is the best person to do this. Now, the idea of one state solution was first proposed long ago by somebody called Rashid Khalidi. In case you know him, he's a big professor of political science in the United States. Very well appreciated and it was his idea that two state solution is not feasible. After what is happening now, I don't think it is feasible. Mr Natanjahu has killed the two states solution. You can't go back to it now. So you have to think of something new. I think that Mr Dahlan was very much involved in this. He has the protection of the UAE ruler. He's the advisor of the UAE ruler. He has good relations with the Israelis, with the Palestinians, with General Sisi. You can't get better. He's putting all his credentials in place for people to pick up what he's saying. I personally will write an article about him. I'm very much for Mr Dahlan. He might not be the best but he knows the issue. He has very good supporters within Gaza. Just a question for Mona. On if the alternative was not Dahlan but Marwan Barhuti. If what? If the alternative was not Dahlan but Marwan Barhuti. Barhuti, whether it is Mustafa Barhuti or the other Barhuti. And the one who is in jail is Mahmoud Barhuti. Or Mustafa Barhuti, each one of them is Marwan Barhuti. Each one of them is probably better as a human being than Mohamed Dahlan. But Mohamed Dahlan is a politician. And he is accepted by many people on different sides. This is what we want if we want somebody to lead Gaza as it is now. Because he even has connections with the people of Hamas. Having been born in the same community which is Khan Yunus. So the others, I respect them very highly. Both Marwan and Mustafa Barhuti whom I have known personally. But I don't think that they will be accepted either by Israel or by the rest. I am in the area of human rights. And they work for the UAE government. So I am UAE based. There are so many things very interesting. My question is to Madame Mona. My name is Ahmed Awad. I am in the area of human rights. And they work for the UAE government. My note is for Madame Mona. I wonder if you have thought about any reconciliation process. This is extremely important. Especially in the light of what we hear on some news. That there is the Palestinian in Gaza and the Palestinian in the West Bank. That is extremely important. So from my experience, I was in Geneva in the Human Rights Council. And the office of the High Commission for Human Rights. Every time you have a conflict. If you don't have a reconciliation process afterwards. It will be very difficult to keep pace moving. So it is important first of all for the inter-Palestinian. Inside the Palestinian themselves. Secondly, no donors. Whether institution like the World Bank or whatever. Or any state donors will not give a single euro. Or if there is no consensus inside the country. So I think that the reconciliation process is extremely important to address before. And going any further. Thank you. I think your remark is very well taken. Because there will be no consensus if they don't have some arrangement among them. But this is why I have spoken about Ahmad Dahlan. Because he has the connections. He has the connections for different sides. That are mostly warring at each other. But as he is born in this place in Gaza. I think he has more privilege than any other. Inshallah. Questions, comments, speakers. Any comment? Abdelrahman, please. I just want to comment on the presentation of... And I'll be quick on Ernesto's presentation. It's very important because in policy, in foreign policy right now. We see a lot of connection between policy and foreign policy and technical issues. We deal with it every day. It's very important when you spoke about debuckling and de-risking. We see it from a policy point of view in which you try to create a strategic autonomy somehow. I stress the issues, all to build the resiliency towards issues such as COVID-19 and other issues. It's very important and I think we should embrace technology going forward and could be a solution to many of what we see in our world. Thank you. I may make a comment on this. I also tried to deliver a warning that comes from the mathematical modeling. Deploying the technology with, you say, in a not trust environment. It may not deliver the quality of optimization that you expect the technology to deliver. So the less trust you want and the more you want to control risk, the less you can benefit you can expect from the technological-based platforms collaboration. So we need to balance between how much risk we want to take and how much we expect for the joint optimization to deliver. Go ahead, please. My name is Eunice Isricum. I'm Moroccan and French. I work at the Boston Consulting Group. I just wanted to, I mean, many of you know that, but maybe for the others, about the Palestinians. And as we are saying that going back to the status quo, auntie is not an option. We have to remember, and maybe Mohammed Dahlan is an option. But we have to remember that there are different categories or different Palestinians. There are Palestinians in Gaza. There are Palestinians in the West Bank. There are Palestinians all around the region. 60% of the Jordanians are Palestinians. We heard 300,000 Palestinians in Lebanon, in Syria, so on and so forth. There are the Palestinians in Israel, almost 1.5 million Palestinian Israelis who have an Israeli passport. There are the Palestinians outside in Europe, in Northern America and elsewhere. So we have five categories of Palestinians and I think each category should be heard and taken into account in any political future solution. And I think it's what you said is important about the fact that Mohammed Dahlan was born in Chanyunas and comes from Gaza. But I think probably a solution should take that into account. Because even in the Oslo negotiations, we know that they were mostly led by, I would say, the diaspora of Palestinian abroad. And maybe that is one of the reasons why things didn't go as well as they should have been. Thank you. Thank you so much. Do we have questions, comments? Time to go. Please give me the opportunity to thank all those speakers, the seven speakers for their very comprehensive introductory remarks. And thank you so much for making this session very active. And hopefully to see you in the near future in other events. Thank you.