 Not at all. Money burned very much. How you doing? How are you? How are you? I'm fine. Who's here? Nice to see you again. Nice to see you. I'm not. Nice to see you. Hi. Hi. Nice to see you. Nice to see you. He's not a fool, though. Thank you very much. It was nice to see you. Yep. Good to see you. Fine. Well. You see there? Just told them three days. I was conventionally. At the cemetery. as I'm mentioning in the secondary. Over a long period of time, it's a very independent track of seeing the foreign forces. 74, 78, and also some of the head, at least, tentative opportunities to meet God for a functioning cause, because the aerialness is sick in the seminar. But they could be responsive. And then the group that sort of ranks this trip, Alex Androv, who's been very close to creation, over a long period of time, have others. We maintain just a loose communication over a period of time. Larry has been over there now five times. They've indicated now a positive attitude about seeing the general secretary this week. So we've indicated we wanted to talk to Jack to find out the first call before accepting whether this, in any way, will be inimitable. And I think it was happening at this particular time. Prior to going, I have always established really five conditions for going. One was that there was going to be a release of some families. They've indicated they'd release seven families. 29, though, they've indicated they'd increase it to 10. Most of those are from Massachusetts. A second, rather than to see Gorbachev and Schoenberg not say. Third, an indication I've meet with the dissidents of their fourth, that I'd be able to meet their candidate scientists and to talk with them. And then to have some opportunity to go on television. I've gone on television on two different occasions over there. And they've run it. We've had it monitored. They have changed the words. And to just talk about the desire and the interest of the American people and try to meet some kind of accommodation reductions of tensions. And we wanted to talk with your people. Each time that Larry's been over there, we talked to Jack about exactly the information that they've given to them. Some of the material that they've given us have been really quite important and sensitive. And that's worked out. And that's a second. I just say thank you today for coming in. I know it's been rather short notice. I appreciate your concern and your interest in the budget and what we're doing about the federal budget deficit. And I'll say just a few words here. But I'm not calling ground that's already been plowed. Because I know you've been briefed in some detail on this 87 budget proposal. And why we believe that the proposal is the best way to reduce the deficit. I think that 86 is a year of decision. It's a year to decide whether we have the will to last bring federal spending under control and remove what I see as the last remaining obstacle in the future of growth and prosperity. A year to decide whether we can make the tough decisions that we agreed to last year when the Grand Rudman Mollings legislation became law. And a year to make clear to the world that our commitment to peace through strength will not be compromised. Also a year to maintain our continued opposition to raising taxes. Maintain that. I think the taxes, if the word raised, fit on the economy and take money away from Americans in order to protect government programs, we don't need them to have a void. Deficit reductions, now the law of the land on the Grand Rudman Mollings mandates. And it is a declining deficit path leading to a balanced budget in the fiscal year 91. Deficit of the cut, the big question is how the bill costs for automatic spending cuts that are triggered only if Congress advocates constitutional responsibility and fails to pass a budget that meets the deficit targets. Congress still has a choice. It can be responsible by making those careful and sometimes difficult spending decisions where it can drop the ball and let across the work cuts take over. And as I say, I'm sure that the budget I'll be submitting to Congress was carefully prepared, taking into account deficit or defense needs, drop a roll of government and grab on the college deficit targets. So we need the fiscal 87 deficit target of 144 billion without harming the economy through a tax increase or compromising our national security. Deserve the social safety net for those truly in need. It won't penalize order Americans by reducing social security benefits. And as I'm sure that Donald Kapp and Jim have mentioned, our budget will include a modest increase in defense that sustained recent improvements in capability. Some will say, in view of the Trump being a propaganda that's been going on just too long, that that's too much for defense. But the poor funding levels for national security in our budget are consistent with the real growth path that was agreed to by myself in the Congress last year. Higher taxes are no cure for the deficit. They should include imposed substantial new taxes on American households and as experience has proven. Reduce incentives for Americans to work, save, and invest, thus choke off the creation of new jobs. Experiences also shown that higher taxes necessarily go to reduce the deficit. They more often are used to justify increased bill and spending to reduce the pressure for spending cuts. The current economic expansion is well into the fourth year. Over 9 million new jobs have been created since November of 1982. We've made significant progress in reducing inflation, but we're more than likely to rest until it's down to zero. Non-owned interest rates are coming down at the well below the levels that will reach in the 70s and near the 80s. Excessive federal spending and large federal debts have probably, as I said, the last major obstacle is blocking America's path to last and prosperity. The budget that we're sending to Congress in February 4th will put us on the right track this year, 1991. It will reduce the deficit while the more economic growth and meeting on national security requirements. We've made the tough decisions and now it's time to see if Congress is up to the challenge of passing a responsible budget. We'll need your help and we'll need you to make your views known among your associates or so that they will be heard up on the hill. I know we're in for a tough battle, but I think together we can reduce the deficit. Suddenly, I run a contract to burn the prosperity. And as I told another group earlier today, then come 1991 on a balanced budget, I don't know what a constitutional amendment that says it stays balanced from then on. And if they do that, I'm going to run across the way there to Thomas Jefferson Memorial and take a look to see if he's smiling. Because he's the first that called attention to this, spoke out on this particular subject, the ratification of the Constitution to Thomas Jefferson, eloquently, for a claim that had declared that the Constitution claimed one glaring omission that did not prohibit the federal government from borrowing. I think after 200 years, we're going to catch up. It's been done, it should have been done. But that's more than I should have said. I've talked a lot about you and it's on your mind to read the questions that you've got. Mr. President, your soundings indicate that you're not going to be able to pass the budget. That's about better than what you're going to pass. How many of you are going to pass the budget? That's about better than what you're going to pass. How many of you have a system, you know, your processes now. So what's your name? I check... I don't need a check yet at the max. I know you've already been in a session for a while, and you've got yourself a suit. Jim, I suspect the results were not all that you would have liked. It was like the first year of your term, Mr. Then Mark and I know that they must be very happy about the results. It was a masterful performance for the Bears, but I salute both teams, and I called both locker rooms afterward in my safety. Mr. Sullivan, Coach Berry, and they're quite a two-fine junkie. And also, I think all of us feel a deep sympathy for Jim Wright. He's not only a broken arm, but it's his briefcase arm. That was the first pattern of Ramla. That's the question. Lights, please. Thank you. Mr. President, the Post says that a top Reagan official says the Senate will have to find $130 billion in new taxes. Do you have a comment? Not that I can know you're going to leave. You said anybody in your administration who talks this way will have to resign. Are you going to call for this? Try to find this person and ask him to resign? I don't know. There is such a person. Lights, please. Thank you. That's the Senate down to business. Let me say that I really look forward to being with you for the State of the Union press. As you may have read in the press, as Don Riggan mentioned on Sunday during his visit to David Brinkley, this year's press will be somewhat different from those of the last five years, at least to be shorter and more thematic with the message to install it tomorrow, detailing our legislative and administrative priorities for the near future. We do have a lot of challenges on both the forum and domestic fronts, but we can show the American people that we can produce positive results. Our economy continues to grow and our alliances around the world are stronger than ever. And as you know, next week I'll be sending you my budget for fiscal year 87. It will meet the requirements of the Grand Reverend Holland's Act, and it will meet the target of a hundred and four billion dollar deficit. It will not delay its taxes. It will not hurt the age of the needy. And it will not cut into the ability of our nation's defenses to protect our national security. I've heard some boys on the Hill saying the deficit couldn't be reduced unless taxes go up and the deficit is confirmed by a member of the press. And defense spending goes down. Well, I think they're wrong and I think they can prove it. Regarding another budget matter, I want you all to know that I support reconciliation. I know that Jim Miller has been meeting with several of you in this matter, and I hope you can get an agreement on an acceptable reconciliation date. And so I'm going to ask Jim right now to discuss where we should put on the budget and reconciliation in a bit more detail. Thank you, Mr. President. Let me first describe the implementation of the 1980s. Hello. Congratulations. I'm just fine. This is Bill Chin. I'm just fine. Thank you. This is the mother, Sue Winn. Hello there. I'm very glad to meet you. The father, Bill, you look nice. Hi. These are your two newest Americans they've been in the United States. Six days today. We brought them from Hanoi, Vietnam to their mother in Fairbanks, Alaska, just six days ago. Bill and Sue and I know something about it. The struggle it took. And this is our Vice President, the English Vice President. She, Bill Yuen. Hi. She and Blue Chin. Hi, thank you. This is the mother, Sue Winn. Do you like it here? Well, I know it's probably the look in their eyes is a reward for you and your eyes. We really appreciate it. Thank you for that. Why don't we all turn around and get a group picture? That would be wonderful. Please. Jim, Jim, should I take a class or not? Go ahead. Yes. Okay. This is a grand. Yes. Okay. Thanks. Thank you. Now they're going to go back to Alaska today. Well, now there's a little sweet, a candy in America that's very popular with young people. In fact, it's still popular with me. And in here is a jar with this seal in the name on it. It's filled with jelly beans, so you won't have to open the jar right away. Here's a little sack of jelly beans. Thank you. Thank you very much. Well, thank you. Welcome. Pleased to have you here. We wish you happy and we have best wishes to you. Thank you. Thank you. Nice to see you. Thanks very much, Mr. President. Thank you. Thank you very much. I appreciate it. Thank you for your help. Take care. Thanks. Thanks.