 Rwy'n credu i'n ddweud, rydych yn fawr. Mae'r roryn Cwym yn y cyfnod. Mae'r cyfnod yng Nghymru, ac mae'n yn fawr i'r fawr i'r fawr, mae'n rhaid i'r ymddangos cyfnod hynny. Mae'r cyfnod yn gweithio'r ysgol, yn y cyfnod ymgyrch, mae'n gweithio'r gweithio. Mae'r gweithio'r ddweud, a'r ddweud. Mae'n ddweud i'r ddweud i'r ddweud i'r ddweud o'r ddweud. Mae'r ddweud i'r ddweud o'i ddweud, ac mae'n ddweud i'r ddweud i'r ddweud o'r ddweud. Yn y gallu, yn y gallai ymgyrch fel yma. Merhid i'r Begyngorganu Onl we blew the thing. We are particularly honoured that you have given time to us to actually comes speak to this very large audience here for us to come and speak. So without further ado, you have the floor. Thank you very much. I was reminded of the country in western song going out the same way we came in as you gave your instructions. I'm tempted to also say yes to it because I must have forgotten there was a campaign on, and it happened so… Mae'r chyfnod yma'r g fathersa i'r tyfan, a fyddwch yn ddefnyddio'r cynllun fyddwch yn ymlwyng i gwerthwyr. Felly i mi gael y cyffredin Liaith gael arniidd i ddim yn gydigio â flyn rydym ni'n erbyn! Felly mae'n grannu gynnwys Cymru. Mae'n grannu'n ddwy 450 o fynd i'r gyffredinol, ac rydym yn ganod yn cael ei hwn ar y cyfloddau. And rwy'n gwych yn allanfaithau sydd yn yn deall i ddim yn ei gael ar hyn nhw. ac oeddwn i gael bod oedd y gallwn cael ei wneud hynny ym mwynhau i unig cyfnodol a'i gael oedd. Rwy'n meddwl i chi, rwy'n meddwl i'r ddeichydd, ac rwy'n meddwl i'r tyfu, ond rwy'n meddwl i chi i gael eich cyffredinol yn cael ei gael i'r davol. A dyna'r cyffredinol, rwy'n meddwl i chi'r hynny, a'r cyffredinol yma, a'r cyffredinol yn cael ei gael i'r cyffredinol. Ac oeddwn i'n meddwl i gael i'r cyffredinol i'r cyffredinol, It has shaped an awful lot of things if you like.임 Opinions, attitudes and mood. Some of us did predict that the referendum would go the way it had. And we are now living with the consequences of it, almost three years after the vote was cast We know that our elections are just a month away And there is a huge focus on the European Union generally because of Brexit and therefore I think there is more focus on the European Parliament Ond ydy'r parlymyd yw'r cyffredinol yn fawr o Brexit. Yn ymddech chi'n gwybod, ydy'r parlymyd yn fawr o Brexit. Michele Barnier a'r Prif Weinham yn yn gweithio'r parlymyd yn y cyfrifio'r proses. Mae'n ddod yn fawr i ddod yn ddod yn fawr. A'r cyfrifio'r cyfrifio'r cyfrifio'r parlymyd yw'r parlymyd. Felly mae'n ddod yn fawr oedd. Rwy'n rwy'n eich ddod yn fawr o'n gwneud ar gyflawn i ddod ar y penedig. Roedd yna un cyfrifio Youtube yn glir i transistorau mewn cyfrifio'r parlymyd, ac yn ein fawr o gwneud y ddod yn fawr. Felly efallai ddod yn gweithio'r parlymyd yn ddod yn fawr o Brexit. Rydymeth yn cyffredinol yn i ddod yn ddod yn gweithio'r parlymyd i ddod yne. Ac mae'r ddod yn ddod yn ddod yn 2004. Felly balch y cyfrifio'r parlymyd. a dyma'r gweithio ysgol yn ymddangos iawn, ac mae'n rhai ei ddweud yw'n meddwl i'r ddweud ymddangos iawn, ond rwy'n meddwl i'n meddwl i'r ddweud yn meddwl i'ch meddwl. A ymddangos iawn i'r meddwl i'r meddwl, ac mae'r ffordd iawn i'r ffordd iawn i'r meddwl i'r ddweud i'r meddwl i'r meddl. Felly, rydyn ni'n meddwl i'r edrych yn y parlyfyrdd yn ystod oedd i'r 40 ysgol. Gallwn i'n ddifwng, mae'n gweithio'r gwaith, mae'n ddiddordeb yn ymgyrchau o'r maes ar y cyflosion, a mae wedi'u gweithio'n gwybod i'r gwaith yng Nghymru, ymddi'r cyflosion, a dyma. Ac mae'n ddiddordeb y 9 ymddangodd mae'n gweithio. Mae'n ddiddordeb yn ddiddordeb ymddangodd, ac mae'n ddiddordeb yn ddiddordeb ymddi, gan ddiddordeb ymddangodd a'r ddiddordeb yn ddiddordeb,)] intech o'r crossedにはr bank, but I've been very delighted that Jim denk Membersen, a London standing MEP who's now is not standing again and indeed he didn't think anyone would be standing again in Northern Ireland, but Jim's experience in the parliament where it was very much just a collective debate in chamber really didn't have power compared to what the Parliament can and does today. So it has evolved over time as the European Union has evolved over time. That is done particularly now to the Lisbon treaty. The Parliament is now co-legislator. We're in equal footing with the Council, which causes tensions. But that may be an important part of the process of Europe and its future. We're also responsible on the budget, which is crucial. We don't tax, of course, but we do have to okay the budget. And indeed, on international agreements, we also have to ratify, as indeed we will be ratifying the Brexit withdrawal agreement if things ever evolve in that direction. And perhaps we'll have a debate about that as to what might happen. And I think the Parliament, you know, has exerted its powers, its extra muscle, its extra teeth, if you like, particularly around the election of the President of the Commission. And I think, you know, that is a significant development which the Council, the leaders weren't too pleased about the last time around, but the Parliament had chosen through this spits and candidate process that John Claude Juncker would become the President of the Commission, and he did. I suppose all Parliaments are talking shops. I think some view the European Parliament as a particularly big talking shop, but in my view that's what politics is. It's a talking shop. I talk at the lifts, I talk at the coffee bar, and I talk in the Parliament. And that's how people, you know, debate ideas or learn what's on everyone's mind and then work towards progress. But on lots of issues, I mean, for example, on medical devices where there was a scandal and we had to review the regulation, it takes a long time. And sometimes I think the disconnect that we talk about between citizens and the European Union is because we might announce something five years ago, and then another three years later we're announcing it again, and then maybe in another three years it comes into the Member States. So I think it's the time lag between idea, proposal, reform, amendment, and signing off that gives a sense of what are they doing there, but that is just part of the complication that is the European Union because it is made up of 28 Member States and European Parliament and Commission. So it is one of the complexities. I know that I did a lot of work on unfair trading practices in the food supply chain. And when that started out, you know, more than a decade ago, there were three of us in the room from different political groups. But we figured that if we wanted sustainable food supply chains, we had to root out some of the unfair trading practices. And when Commissioner Hogan took over, he initiated the legislation and it is now in place and Member States have to implement. So it does take time, and I think that's part of our difficulty if we have one around communicating what we do. You probably know that none of our groups in the Parliament have an overall majority, but neither does any country hold the cards. So it is about that collective trying to come to a majority to move issues forward. So compromise and building coalitions are how we advance legislation, primarily in between different groups. But sometimes even in political groups, there are differences depending on the Member State that colleagues come from. So while we're with the EPP, there are times when the Fenergal delegation will vote differently, and that is the same with all others. You know that the EPP at the moment, the European People's Party, is the largest with 216 seats. The sociates are next with 185, and together we have 403 seats, just about a majority. But we would work with other groups. Sometimes the ECR, which would contain the former UK Conservatives, sometimes with the Liberals, sometimes with the Greens, so it can be a mixed, if you like, gathering that would advance particular pieces of legislation. And in terms of the issues really determine the outcome of votes, it isn't always just on right, left or centre divide that results come out. The committees are where the key work is done, and indeed if you're an expert in any area, the European Parliament is probably the best place to be, because you can, if you like, advance issues and ideas that are important to you, you can take on either the chair of committees. We are not a big enough delegation to do that, but I found ways around that recently, small but perfectly formed big elbows. So you can advance things. There was one issue that I dealt with from the very start. I recall two gentlemen coming to my office very angry about enlargement, and they were involved in charity in Romania, and their anger was that the European Union opened its doors and its arms of welcome at a time when children and people with disabilities and older people were languishing in the most horrific institutions, and Europe was actually funding that. So we worked hard to change that. It took a long time for us to get there, but we did it. So I think that for me the European Parliament has been a place where if you are prepared to work with others and find a path on an issue you are concerned about that you know is important, you can make real progress, despite the cynicism around it being just a talking shop. So in committees you can get reports, you can advance debates, and you know the system works. I mean I often think, and I think Gail Mitchell used to say, there's sort of a miracle about how the European Parliament works. There's like a, this gathering in committees of reports, ideas, amendments and eventually it all filters up towards the main parliament where we vote finally on pieces of legislation or resolutions on issues that we think are important. Sometimes the differences between groups are very visible and sometimes they're not. It really does depend on the issue. Although increasingly when I chair debates and votes and you're looking out on this vast chamber there is the irony to some extent that the hard right and hard left vote the same way practically on all issues. So they're against it for different reasons. It's probably like the Brexit phenomenon if you look at the rejection of the withdrawal agreement. It's because of levers and remainers are rejecting it for different reasons obviously. So that trend has, I think it's more obvious now in terms of the divide and divisions in the parliament. And there's a fraying of the edges on the centre right and the centre left, which I will talk about when we look to the future of the parliament. If you all had a crystal ball you probably would be better able to judge that future in terms of numbers than I will. But I'll give it a shot. Unfortunately European elections are still seen as secondary elections. So people either might vote because turnout can be low in some member states or they might take risks that they wouldn't take in national elections. And maybe that's just a sign of the state of play, the time, if you like, line that the parliament has been in existence. I don't think they are secondary elections. I think they're very significant. And maybe there will be a Brexit impact where people understand the importance of not just the European Union but also the role of the European parliament. And indeed the fact that many MEPs were in parliament talking about issues of concern to us as a member state, which I think was a really positive development and one that we need to see a little bit more of. As you know, sometimes voters look at national issues. There's water meters and medical cards. And these are very real and fundamental issues, which is why 2014 were the dominant issues in the election because people care deeply about issues that impact them immediately in their daily lives. And I think we can't forget all about that. I suppose the one thing that's also true and I made reference to it earlier is that when it comes to the parliament it is a wonderful place to make a one minute speech, because about a little bit like 10 seconds longer than you need for social media. So those who are very eloquent and particularly on the hard right side of the house have the capacity to reach out beyond the plenary and beyond parliament using social media. And some have been around for 20 years doing that so they have succeeded in the UK in terms of framing the debate that Europe is the enemy and when we remove ourselves from the shackles of it all will be good again and balance will be restored. And I suppose it's a cruel irony that Europe is so open and transparent and fair that this is funded by the European Union, which is a strange thing that you fund something that's about to kill you. But anyway, we can discuss that as well. And somebody did say to me, would there have been Brexit if there wasn't a European parliament, but then that's really not the question. We have Brexit and we have the parliament. The parliament has done a lot of work over the last five years and I won't list out the number of things it has achieved, but they are there and they're on the record. I think people really focus on what it hasn't done or what they dislike about it. So issues like copyright reform was very controversial and a lot of different debate and still a debate on that particular issue. Going back to the Brexit process and reflecting on the fact that the parliament has been deeply involved in it, for me there is many lessons. One lesson is that there was a great sense of collegiality when you had colleagues from other member states coming to our country to the invisible border and standing up in the chamber the next week talking about our issue. And if there was one thing I'd like to see us do more in the parliament and if I'm re-elected I will push this within political groups, we need to understand the issues that affect us in all member states. So the green jersey is lovely, I just haven't got it on today, but in a sense we need to be a bit bigger than that so that we understand the problems in Estonia or what's happening politically in Italy. And that we might have a view on that like we've had in terms of colleagues on Brexit in particular. I think that's been very good and I think it's broadened the remit of the parliament and the fact that as I said that we've had these open debates with Michel Bernier and Yonker and Donald Tusk who I have to say I like his tweets because I know exactly what he means when he writes them. And I like his statements in parliament and it was interesting recently where he was really saying to the parliament and some of the leaders around the Brexit debate you know pull back a little give the UK more time don't force this you know that he has a more longer view than others of us who perhaps were looking to the elections he has more time for a vision. I think there's a problem between national parliaments and the European Parliament because one of my jobs as First Vice President is dialogue with national parliaments and we do it. We have a structured dialogue with European affairs committees and we meet regularly in COSAC formation and colleagues come from the All-Aire and but what I sense increasingly is an unhelpful rivalry between national parliaments and the European Parliament. Some national parliaments want to take back control it's the new buzzword and are fighting for that so wanting to make sure they pull more back from the European level to the national level. I also think that many national parliaments and governments across Europe say that they value Europe and the institutions. I'm not so sure that they all value the European Parliament as an institution or indeed respect the fact that it is the only democratically elected chamber representing European citizens. So I do think we need in the next parliament whoever is there to work for a better relationship because as I say to colleagues in national parliaments you are directly elected. We are all in the business of politics looking after we hope the best interests of those who have elected us so we should try and achieve it in a collective way rather than having this rivalry which certainly does exist at the moment. And it also you know the old narrative that even at amongst government or at council level that when agreements are made on various pieces of legislation and it doesn't go down well back home then it's nice to have others to blame for that even though you might have signed on the dotted line as a leader of government. Or indeed as a minister. And I think national parliaments could do more in terms of scrutinizing proposals. They do it already but I think we could do more of it. I suppose when I say all of this and even with my own agenda and time I think what politicians don't have is enough time to reflect, to read, to talk to each other in places where you're not being recorded so that you can have time to thrash out ideas. I feel very strongly about that that increasingly you have to make up your mind before you read it or you're asked to comment on something. And it's the one thing that I think we all need if we're involved in policy or in any area of leadership in business or others is just to let your head settle on issues and try and find more information and think it through and talk to people who have different ideas. That's not a sign of weakness it is a sign of strength but I think increasingly in our politics you're either for it or you're against it. If you're in the middle you're weak and in fact I think those who are in the center are actually the strongest and the backbone of all democracies. I think the council needs to be more open and transparent and indeed the EU ombudsman Emily O'Reilly has made that point. Just a few words on the election itself and the issues you probably know we will have elections in 28 member states. I think that's quite certain now so the UK will be there. So migration and security, terrorism, climate, artificial intelligence, all of these big ticket items are for discussion and have to be faced in probably the medium to longer term. Our own internal parliament research service have come up with 10 issues to watch post the elections and challenges for the European Union. The composition as we're discussing of the parliament and indeed the commission. I think that would be really interesting. It's also very exciting time when commissioners are nominated. What will the European Union be like post Brexit if we ever get to post Brexit? And I think that's something that is a concern because you cannot have this rolling uncertainty. It is bad for everybody. And it's interesting when I'm out and about talking to people just in view of the campaign that's on. There are a number of people saying to me just finish this now that the UK need to go. I'm surprised to hear that but I think it reflects a feeling that we're nearly worse living with this. We don't know where we're going and a lot of businesses are fearful of investing and there is a real concern around that. So we also have to talk about the future of the EU budget and that will be difficult with the UK remaining in even if it is for a short space of time. I'm glad to say that one of our own Tom Arnold has done Trojan work on the task force for Africa. And to me that is really a key issue for my children and theirs perhaps not as big for me because it's going to be a long term strategy. But if we ignore that we ignore it at all our peril because the future of Europe will only be strengthened by a stronger developing good governance in our near neighbour which is the African content. We're looking at trade wars and you will know all about that. And I didn't know much about intelligence perhaps but I certainly have learnt a lot about artificial intelligence and it's quite exciting. It's also quite frightening and I'm concerned too that regulators and politicians are always behind the technology. How are we going to ever get ahead of it so that we do the right thing rather than do catch up legislation? And I don't have the answer to that at all. We have a group SPAS who look at the challenges beyond 2030 and one of their stark findings is that the world is becoming less free. So democracies are in decline which is quite a frightening reality and I might mention posters in that vein because there's been a lot of talk about election posters and I have a wonderful husband who puts them up and takes them down and long that he may continue to do it. It's a big chore but it's also a part of stimulating debate even though I do understand that some areas don't want to see posturing. But we do need to have a conversation about that. It isn't fair to new candidates. They need to be visible. And it also I think if democracy is a little inconvenient then so be it. I think that a little inconvenience is no bad thing where we have the freedom to vote and we should just be mindful of that. Global power is shifting. Four of the world's largest eight economies are European and that includes the United Kingdom. By 2050 only one Germany will remain in that category. The world economy is turning east in 2005. The size of the European economy if you look at current market prices was more than six times larger than China and today China has all but caught up. So there has been quite significant changes. Tell them I'm busy. I'm not taking calls today. And connectivity and I mentioned the social media and all that goes with it is also changing the narrative whatever that is including how democracies work, how families interact, if it's a WhatsApp. Without the WhatsApp where would we be? People used to dial. Do you remember that sitting in the hallway when you were very young? You'd bring the lead under the door because you were talking to somebody you shouldn't be. They were great days actually. I enjoyed them really well. But I think there's one quote from their report which is important. It says not only does Europe need Europe but the world needs Europe as well as an inspiration for a better future, a sound balance between economic, social and environmental objectives, a beacon of democracy, diversity and freedom and a true champion of multilateral solutions and collaborative approaches in a world increasingly dominated by nationalism and zero sum politics. And I think that kind of sums up where we're all wondering how the future will pan out. Interesting, when we look at what the European Council of Foreign Relations came up with on what Europeans really want, they debunked five myths. So they said 2019 will not be a referendum on migration because a lot of the debate has been that it will be a referendum on migration. But a lot of people have not decided how they're going to vote which is why I'm wondering why I'm in Dublin but we'll come to that this afternoon. And that no single issue is on voters' minds. Many are more worried about immigration than immigration. So there are still countries who are losing their youngest, their best and their brightest to Ireland actually and that gets mentioned in the conversation. So sometimes what we hear in the headline isn't quite the reality on the ground. There are other issues for example Islamic radicalization, 22% of voters are concerned about that and the rise of nationalism. And just on that whole religious dialogue, one of the other jobs they gave me was dialogue with religious and non-confessional organizations. I think it's really important, I think that for a lot of us we don't take on board the links between religion and politics. And also that people of faith also vote where we've divided. There is a bit of a division here whereas around the world and if you look at the horrors of Sri Lanka, we know that many religions and Christians indeed are persecuted. And it's something I think we need to keep in mind too, when we look from where we sit, we don't quite see these big picture issues which are happening around us. Interesting research from the US, Pew Research on the whole European project, they do it every five years. And in essence Europeans credit the European Union with promoting peace and prosperity and democracy but say Brussels is out of touch with its citizens. So we're back to square one. So 74% across the ten countries that they surveyed value Europe because of peace. And 64% for democratic values but 62% again believe Europe doesn't understand what its citizens need. But then all citizens don't think the same way. So the idea that we would follow a group of citizens and deliver everything is just not so. We need to get people to vote so whatever you can do try that because unfortunately the voting level is in decline from 62% in 1979 to 42.5% last time around. I'm annoyed to say that the turnout of women is lower in European Parliament elections in contrast to national elections which I'm not sure why. It may be back to the idea that it's a second level election and it's not so important. As you know Ireland seems to love Europe with all its heart at the moment. 91% support Europe were there with the Netherlands. I think that's interesting because the Netherlands and ourselves have done a lot of talking around Brexit so we get the whole single market customs union thing. And therefore there is a very clear reason why we value that. In terms of Ireland, the issues for Ireland and Irish people first is the economy and growth. That's the big issue that is raised then human rights and then questions around migration. So I think Irish people and citizens have latched on to the damage that could be caused with either Brexit or further disintegration of the European Union. We need to mention that there is concern that these elections will suffer from interference from forces outside and the Parliament has done a lot of work on that as indeed have others. So it is something to watch out for. Again Donald Tusk mentioned the external anti-European forces seeking either openly or secretly to influence the democratic choice of Europeans. So it is an issue that we probably will watch. So coming to the results and impact of the election. I'm not going to call it in Ireland because I can't because the debate is only starting. I think the narrative now is that the populace are going to gain and it's going to be disaster and nothing ever will happen again. And I think if you feed that beast that will happen. So we need to cut some of this back to size here and see what is actually happening on the ground. Is it simply that it's about disintegration or further integration in terms of the future of Europe? Are there the only options on the table? And again going back to what Brexit has unleashed is a questioning in all member states about what we really want to leave. So Le Pen has pulled back from Brexit. Countries that are mightn't be happy with Europe are certainly not saying we want to leave it. They are saying different things about how they might want to see it reformed. And I think that also those of us who are in the centre and value trying to make progress with others. I think we're pushing back on this narrative. So we're not just accepting that it is inevitable that there will be populace forces who will gather together in great numbers and, you know, stop the parliament doing its work. Because I'm not sure that that will be the outcome. What we don't know, I suppose there's two uncertainties here. One is if the UK remain in for longer than we had predicted. That will be interesting if Labour has a strong number of MEPs that will help the socialist group in the parliament. We also need to look at what Macron will get in terms of numbers and there are people rallying to him and his relationship with Alde. In a way what we're saying with the EPP might be lower in numbers. It depends on the socialist whether the UK are in or out. That will be a key factor and for how long. And then how Macron can build his group. So maybe the Alde group will have that kind of balance of power. But it doesn't always work that way. The numbers and how you amend legislation, it isn't simply that they get all their own way because we need them to get the votes over the line. I suppose it will be a more intriguing look to the parliament. It's also important to say that the far right tend to coalesce for a day or two and then they find reasons to fall out. So they're not always a very cohesive force. They may be in terms of making speeches but in terms of collective action they have more difficulty doing that than perhaps those of us who are more placid and like to get along with people. So I think that's interesting as well to reflect on. So if you look at the projections that Politigo has made, and these are for discussion, about 470 pro-European versus 250 Eurosceptics that's excluding the United Kingdom. So you know the figures are in my view in the right direction but there is a strong Eurosceptic wing. And it's not to say that those who are Eurosceptic don't have good ideas or shouldn't have a voice. Of course they should. I think we would like to see them channel that in a way that is constructive to change how Europe is in a positive direction. The outcome of the elections will also impact on the selection of the president of the commission. So I think while the elections are important and we'll be all watching the count, I only like the result. I hit the middle bit. I hit watching a match. I just want the result because if you've been through the torture of training it's enough. But in a way I believe the one to watch is when the leaders sit around the table on the Tuesday after and they look at who's going to get what. And I hope she's in the mix, not just he. I think that will be an issue gender this time around both in commission and in terms of the leader positions because it's been too long in the same gender. So I think that will be an issue for the parliament and it is one to watch. As for the candidates for commission president, my own colleague Manfred Weber is there for the EPP and is mounting a very strong campaign for the socialists and the ECOR have Jan Zahidral. So they're there and they're at their working. It's interesting that the liberal group, which Finoffol sits with, haven't won a nominee but they have a team of seven called Team Europe. So there's a lot of kind of power play to go on. I will have in my speech and you can look at all the graphs and charts that are interesting from a country by country perspective. Just a few other comments generally then on the parliament. I'm a great believer in you deal with the hand that you get. So whatever happens, whether there is a stronger Eurosceptic voice, we will I think still be able to do things. But I don't think it's such a bad thing not to do everything because sometimes you're better as Commissioner Juncker did talk about too that less can be more. And it may be a time when Europe should reflect on where we're at now if we need legislation and it's urgent we should do that. But where it's not urgent we should look at how we're implementing and what's happening on the ground. Because very often the parliament legislates, we sign off, we clap ourselves on the back and we don't follow through on some of the consequences both good and bad of the legislation that we have put through the House. So I would like to see the European Parliament being a place where European issues from all Member States were debated and that I would discuss issues of concern to colleagues in other Member States and they would come to me to know what's going on because they think that's a truly European Parliament rather than us all going out and looking after just talking our own story. And I think there's a lesson for us as a small Member State in terms of the solidarity around Brexit because I've been asked so many times will they let us down in the end. And it's quite curious how insecure we are. And I wonder, I'm going to phrase this carefully, is it because we might be so loyal sometimes ourselves that we doubt others loyalty? Because I think that is part of the thing we're afraid. But I do think that solidarity is a two-way street. So I think we do need, as Irish people, to understand more and be concerned about issues for other Member States in the way that they have been concerned for us. And we had, the last leader speech to the Parliament in Strasbourg was the new Prime Minister of Latvia, Mr Karan. He was the former MP and he's now Prime Minister. And he spoke to us in the EPP group because he's part of our political family. And he said around the council, everybody looks towards Tysiwch Llywyr-Adcar. And if Leo says it's okay or it's not okay, they follow him. So in other words that they do coalesce around a colleague that has a difficult issue. And I hope that that is continued. Now I don't dismiss that there will be many issues where it will be difficult for Ireland. We'll have to bat our corner and I think that's part and parcel of politics. But coming into politics rather later perhaps than some. And maybe being also full of impatience and a little bit critical of Europe in the past, I see enormous value in it today for the very fact that I'm there and I can give the voice, I can talk for Ireland and I'm listened to. We're not a huge country, we haven't many MEPs. But if you use your voice effectively and coherently, you do get a good hearing. And if you're a worker and work well with other colleagues and support them in their challenges, you can make progress for issues that are of concern to us. So my last and final words on the makeup of the Parliament. I hope there aren't too many Eurosceptics. It's likely that some form of the Brexit party and UKIP will return. I actually think that Nigel Farage secretly wants to be in the European Parliament because he's had such a good time there. And I suppose if that is the case we need to mark him a little better than we did the last time. If there is one regret I have is that we were doing all the tidying and fixing that directive and we're signing off on that regulation. And meanwhile the game was being played on the right and the noise and the shouting. We should have got on with our job as good citizens and good politicians. That was a mistake. We should have been much more politically engaged in fighting back the narrative that has, for the last 20 years, led unfortunately in the United Kingdom which I'm very sad about. A divided Parliament, which is bad for Parliament and democracy, a deeply divided society which is really, really unhealthy. So I take some of the responsibility that those of us in the responsible centre should have been watching with the corner of our eyes and really fighting back. And in this election we have to stand tall and challenge those who say that Europe is a disaster and that the national countries themselves are better off alone. I think Ireland and my Irishness is very important to me. But I've also become so aware that the issues of Northern Ireland which we sometimes take on board actually and sometimes we don't, but I feel them now because I go through Northern Ireland to represent my constituents in Donegal and the idea that that would change and suddenly a third country with all of that would entail is just something that I could not allow happen on my watch. And lastly, because of the week that's in it in terms of the peace process and the Assembly, it has saddened me in the European Parliament to hear voices from Sinn Fein and the DUP shout at each other and not talk to each other. And that is a real tragedy and I hope, because Simon Covey, the thonished and Minister for Foreign Affairs is a man of great patience and strength, I hope his work succeeds in bringing these people to the table because Northern Ireland desperately needs an Assembly, desperately needs a place where people can debate and society and all the ills can be worked towards healing. Thank you. Thank you very, very much indeed. I propose to take three questions at each round and I'm looking for questions if you want to make a speech there's still time to make them elsewhere, but we do want to in fact get as many questions answered by this very articulate person. So, who do I see? Yes? Sorry, I should have said, could I ask you to identify yourself by name and any organisation that you're a member of? Sure, Deccan Casey. Deccan Casey, the Irish Funds Industry Association. ECONN committee of Parliament is very important and influential. The ECONN committee is a very important and influential committee in the European Parliament for the setting of financial services legislation. The country has benefited from Brian Hayes' representation on this committee to date. I wonder if you have any thoughts or suggestions on how we might ensure Irish representation on this committee in the next Parliament. Thank you very much. My name is Minister John Keoghline, I'm from Wales here in England. I'm from England. I'm from England. I'm highly honoured to be here. Many of you are from England. Can you name me in any way? My name is Richard Meadman. I'm from England. I'm from the United Kingdom of Wales. I'm a member of a coalition of the next Parliament. Thank you very much. Next question here. Yn gyfgwmhwyl yn Llyfrgellau, mae'n gweithio cyntaf, mae'n gyfgwmhwyl. Mae gweithio bod y cyfrifol yng Nghymru yn dweud i'r ffordd a'r gwaith yn fwy o'r ysgolfa yng Nghymru. Mae'n gweithio'n amser i gynnig o dda. Mae'n gweithio, mae'n ddechrau, oherwydd yn fwy o'ch ddweud, gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gweithio'n gwybod. Mae'r ddau hyn yn ymweld i'w ddiwethaf sydd yn unigolion, ond roi ddau bod ddau bod yn cymdeithasio, nad yw'r ddau yn ddau'n gwych, mae'n gwneud o'r ddau'r ddau, mae'n ddau sydd yn ddau, neu'n ddau'n gwych yn ei ddau, yn y gwych. Mae'n ddigon i'r ddau? Mae'n ddau'n ddau'n ddau'n gwych yn ddau, ac mae'n ddau'n gwych, ymdillodd gyda'r 3 cwestiynau. The Econ committee, where Brian Hayes has played a marvellous role in my particular view, the whole position of Macron and what his impact is on the parliament. And finally the last question by Paul O'Rol is a Graf, which you might just restate what the essence of your question is on the back stop and related matters. I'm just trying to include the people who are at the back who can't possibly hear. OK, so the first question from Declan Casey. Cloning is not allowed in Europe, otherwise we would have cloned Brian Hayes. But I think you're right, he's tough, he's energetic and he worked really hard and he's also great fun. So we will miss all of those things. He has spoken to me about the Econ committee. He thinks I should go there. And I think we do need strong representation. And to some extent, while all the MEPs we elect come from different political groupings, we should try and be on different committees, so at least we're aware. And Declan is certainly one that we should be on. So I think there will be some members elected who will want to be on Econ. So I don't think there will be a vacuum. And I think a vacuum would be terrible just for ourselves here. Secondly, on our attitude to Macron, I mean, he's pro-European. So I think that, yeah, but I mean, you know, these things don't happen overnight. So my view of Macron, if you take the existing structure of EPP, S&D, while we probably don't want him to do well because it takes from us, on the other hand, he will not be voting against a pro-European agenda. So at the moment and during elections, people will pick holes. But when it comes to the hard talk and the hard play of getting a legislation through or in debates, his voice will be part of that pro-European, maybe not in the same speed or direction totally, but it's not going to be an anti-European agenda. He has difficult issues at home, which he's trying to work towards as well. So I don't see that as an issue. We just have to see the numbers that he would get. Paula, that's really a psychologist question, if ever there was one. And I think you might be able to answer it more than I. Look, the big problem for Europe is defending the Irish issue at the peace process, keeping the border invisible and protecting the single market and standards and regulations. Because if there is the slightest gap in the invisible wall, ways will be found to breach it. So that's why Barnier and others have said repeatedly, we have to be conscious of both of those things, which is why one wonders from a psychologist's point of view, why did Theresa May draw her big red chalky lines or indelible ink lines at a party conference about how she would proceed with Brexit? Because that was the difficulty. The referendum outcome was one thing, but it was the, if you like, saying we're absolutely leaving this, that and the other. That's where she became politically trapped. And therefore, when somebody mentioned, but what about Northern Ireland? It was like, oh, oh. And what's interesting is her proposal to solve the Northern Ireland question was accepted finally by the leaders, but not accepted in the House of Commons. And I remember making an observation on a British television programme where back that I wonder what's happening and this is it beyond your question in British society or in their psyche because for a great nation, they are, in my view, demonstrating great vulnerability, that they feel weakened by being part of something big and strengthened if they pull away. And they do believe they're going to do much better trade deals than they might within. And I think that's just interesting if I had time to write about it or study it, I would. But I don't think it's quite as Machiavellian as you think in terms of that they want this because it will allow them to breach walls. And one of the areas I am concerned about is in the political declaration, there is reference to the European Chemicals Agency wanting to stay close and the European Medicines Agency, but there is no reference to the European Food Safety Agency. And if you recall, the reason why that whole structure was set up was because of BSE, which originated, indeed Pamela, you can talk more about this than I in the United Kingdom, but it's not referenced and that troubles me a little around the regulatory issues. OK, three more questions. One at the very back, Steve. Yes, stand up. Thank you, Wraith. I really enjoyed the presentation itself and our responsibilities in Europe on the solution of the past one. I had the glories of studying with a person who had a member in a lobby group who had them up in Brussels and one day he said to me, this is the kind of asylum in Spain and the Polish Prime Minister, the twin brothers that was there and that, and he said, these guys are messing with Europe. He said that Europe works towards identifying the common ground and putting itself forward as a part of the solution. And today I see that they need to be worse. And your question is? The legs of Oedron, the legs of people who are presenting in Brexit, how can we think of the protein? How can we help reduce this kind of noise and work towards a common future? Thank you very much. Thanks, Gwst. Do I see? Yes, Gwst, do you hear the problem? So, John, I know you've switched out of security. My question really is, you were saying that the far right and the British media have done a huge amount to try and destroy the European project. And I've been making that quote for the last few times, what actually tangible things are what plans can the European institutions do to spread the good word about what Europe is doing for the European Union. Thank you very much. Any other questions? Yes, Gwst, on the other hand, I'm an architect. Rwy'n meddwl hwnnw, when, before he left, political politics identified to the European Parliament in his last speech that said nationalism say the girl, what would really does the European Parliament regard nationalism as something positive or something negative? OK, so how can we help? I think I made the point that we shouldn't accept the narrative that is being put out there. You shouldn't accept something as being inevitable. So, in other words, that there will be more hard right elected and they will stop the Parliament from doing what it needs to do. You shouldn't accept that at the start of an election campaign. You should fight against it. I think the second way, and I'm going to link in terms of the second question, John, if I may, about what can the institutions do? Drop the word institutions. Institutions can do nothing. People can do everything. So, in other words, even though I'm pulled and dragged everywhere across 13 counties down to 11 now, I go to schools, primary schools, secondary schools, small business groups, large business groups. I go to individuals because I think in Ireland we have one benefit. We are directly elected. We fight to stay. People challenge us and they meet us. I think the problem for some of my colleagues, they're on a list. So I know people are on top of the list and they know they're coming back. I don't know that. None of us running know that. So I think MEPs need to be more engaged in the constituency. It's difficult when you're away, but it's not impossible. And actually, if you believe all the stuff that we will say about the power of working together as countries and people, if you're passionate about that, then you have a duty to do it. I mean I could be at home probably, but I actually, when I see, actually when I see the venom sometimes coming out of people in the Parliament and what they are suggesting and who they are decrying and pitting a person against another, I feel I have a duty to stop that kind of narrative. And you only do that not by institutions but by people. And everybody has a voice and ears and it's a question of not stifling debate. I mean I'm not saying Europe is wonderful. In fact, it never will be. It will always be imperfect. So this is a job of just tweaking all its imperfections. But from my point of view, is it good that Ireland is at the table with 27 others and we're part of the conversation? Yes, absolutely. And is the idea of disintegration something that I would worry about? Absolutely, too, because I think that in the world we're facing at the moment, you know, working together whether it's in small or large groups but certainly at the EU level is really positive. Where it gets tricky compromises something I promote all the time and the word solidarity, which when you go into schools, very few children know the word solidarity. Honestly, it's been actually shocking for me. And when you talk about it then, I say, well, when you're working together on your committees or wherever, they get it, they actually understand it, but they might not have understood the word itself. But the problem with compromise is that usually nobody's fully happy. So therefore, it's very hard to be chirpy and come out and say, well, that's great, I got my way. Whereas a lot of politics today is about the, you know, the maleness of it to some extent or that kind of thing. I won and he lost. But everybody can play a part. And also don't allow people either to say Europe is perfect or dismiss it in its entirety. There are great people. The word that I really dislike is bureaucrats. I mean, because my team in my office will be regarded as bureaucrats. They are the hardest working people anywhere. And they are totally committed to doing really, really good work. So we shouldn't just take the words and accept them and use the same words to beat ourselves up on. The attitude then on nationalism, it depends on the shade of it, I think to some extent. I mean, we all value our citizenship. And I don't see myself as being part of a United States of Europe. I don't see that vision, but I see myself as being part of the European Union as an Irish person. And I think it's a nativism is probably where there's more worry about. But I think we also shouldn't underestimate that when people are feeling insecure, when you're feeling ill or worried, where do you go? You go home. So you treat back to your home as a human being. That's our natural inclination to those you know best. And when you see that reflected then in politics, where people say the migration crisis and their takeover and all of these sorts of narratives, people then say, well, God, we have to look after our own first. And it's to try and break that narrative to say that, of course, countries and your own citizenship is so important to us all, but it doesn't exclude us having a bigger vision and a greater view. And that's why when I mentioned the Task Force for Africa and Tom Arnold's work, to my mind that is one of the most significant pieces of work to come out of the European Union because if we do not deliver on what's in that report, then I'm afraid what we're leaving behind for our children and their children will not be very pretty. And perhaps some of our uncertainties in this developed world is because we know that actually we're exposed. We're exposed because we have it and there are others who do not. And we also know that the way we consume and produce in terms of climate is not sustainable. So we're the ones that perhaps have to make that greatest change and change its difficulty. Thank you very much. I have time for one more question. Lady has a job to do, yes and that's good. It's difficult, I have two questions in fact. One is on transnational lists. Places on that call was promoting that and I'm very pleased that the T-Shop was supporting it. What was the feeling and what is still the feeling? Because we're hoping that it will eventually take place within the European Parliament to that idea. And the second question is regarding the campaign in Ireland. Do you feel that truly European issues will be discussed with Irish citizens or is it going to be about the local road and the local parish being renovated? Okay, thank you Ambassador for those two questions. I always listen to the local issues because if they are the things that are concerned to people they are the issues and we should listen to them. But it doesn't take from the fact that in Ireland because of Brexit I think European issues are more important. I will be discussed more but it will be in the context of how is Brexit going and all of that. So if we hadn't that issue we might not be as tuned in. This could be just like any other European election where it is the national and local agenda that would dictate the issues. So to some extent it's a little bit of everything. It's the local, it's the national because if you take even how we campaign it is my county councillors that will bring my name and information to the doors. I can't canvas all of the doors so they have to listen to the local and then bring it to the European. But they are getting on the doors a keen interest in the European election so that is positive. In terms of the transnationalists as you know the parliament weren't mad about it really or at least the majorities weren't. I like the idea but frankly my language skills are appalling. And because my children, I have four children they were quite young when I got elected I had to prioritise just work and homes so I did that. But I am determined to improve them both my Irish and French and the bit of German that I have. But I think in the long term I think they will have a place in the long term. If you take what I've been saying around Ireland and Brexit and other colleagues speaking about our issues with a passion, some of the Spanish colleagues with a passion that we didn't have ourselves then I think that does reflect a real benefit if we have people who can cross those divides but it's a long way down the road. I don't see it happening in the short term. And I think that's okay. I mean Europe was never done in a hurry. You know usually big changes happened when there were crisis including around food and other issues. So I hope that answers your question I think some of us I know even my own delegation not everyone supported the Vinaigael delegation supported them I kind of like the idea of a bit of risky you know just look beyond the now because if you look back at when Europe was formed I often wonder would it ever happen again because remember they didn't have iPhones and Twitter and social media so those politicians could actually sit in a room and smoke cigars probably I'm sure and have cognac but come to a good decision that we needed to move beyond the weapons and the wars and the horror and division and maybe my concern now is that because we have this instant access to information all the time that nobody's reflecting deeply on where we need to go on all of those big challenges so maybe you ambassador could tell us what's going to happen in the elections I'm not turning it on you but you probably have more idea than I do and indeed we're going to miss some of our French colleagues who are not running and that's the other thing there will be quite a loss of political memory there's going to be a big turnover of colleagues who've been in the parliament for a long long time the likes of Elmar Brock there are French colleagues there there's British colleagues that aren't standing again so there's a lot of colleagues that will go and we will have a parliament that will, you know, some will have learning plates or L plates as I had in the beginning but it takes about six months and you realise it's not that different than the Parish Council it's just bigger You've prompted a response from myself in relation to your last few comments the first common policy ambassador that the European Union of Six had was on food and agriculture and everybody in that room had direct experience of starving the worst year for Germany was in 1947-48 that memory travelled with the first and second generations I've a feeling because I'm now in the third generation at one level of remove that that memory isn't there anymore and just like the first world war where people sleepwalked into a war that nobody thought would happen we're so far into the realm of prosperity and security and the elimination of fascism in so many different countries particularly in southern Europe that we take it for granted we do so at our peril at our peril so we wish you well and thank you very much for your time you're the first speaker who's let out early because you've got a job to do and we wish you well Thank you very much