 Book II. XII. Ashley being taken away by the hand of God, and Mr. Allerton discharged from his employment, their business began to run smoothly again, since they were better able to guide it, Penobscot being now wholly in their control, for though Mr. William Pierce had a share in it, as things stood he was glad to have his money repaid him and resign. Mr. Winslow sent them over some supplies from England as soon as he could, and when he arrived some time later he brought a large supply of suitable goods with him, by means of which their trading could be carried on successfully. Neither his representations nor the letters they wrote succeeded in preventing Mr. Shirley and the rest from charging both the friendship and the White Angel to the general account, which was the cause of continual contention thereafter. I will now insert a letter of Mr. Winslow's on the subject. Edward Winslow in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, it chanced by God's providence that I received and brought your letters per Mr. Allerton from Bristol to London, and I fear what the outcome will be. Mr. Allerton intended to fit out the ship again for fishing. Mr. Shirley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews' disclaim responsibility, protesting that but for us they would never have risked one penny. Mr. Hatherly takes no decided stand on either side. As to what you write about him and Mr. Allerton taking the White Angel upon themselves on behalf of the partners here, the others insist that they never gave any such orders, nor will they make it good. If those two like to be responsible for the account, well and good. What the upshot will be, I do not know. The Lord so direct and assist us that he may not be dishonored by our dissensions. I hear from a friend that I was much blamed for telling what I heard in the spring about the plans for selling the ship in Spain, but if I had not told you what I heard so peremptorily reported, and which I offered to prove at Bristol, I should certainly have been unworthy of my employment. As to the power of attorney given so long ago to Mr. Allerton, what we feared has happened. Mr. Shirley and the others have got it and will not surrender it, that being the instrument of our agent's credit to procure such sums. I expect bitter words, hard thoughts, sour looks from several for writing this, as for reporting the former information. I would I had a more thankful task, but I hope a good conscience will make it comfortable, etc. November 16th, 1631. Thus far he. The deed mentioned above was given under their hand and seal when Mr. Allerton was first employed by them, and its return was requested when they first began to suspect him. He told them it was among his papers, but he would find it and give it to them before he went. When he was ready to go it was demanded again. He said he had not found it, but it was among his papers which he was taking with him, and he would send it by the boat coming from the eastward, and then again it could not be found, but he would look it up at sea. Whether Mr. Shirley had it before or after this is not certain, but having it he would not let it go, and keeps it to this day. So even among friends men need to be careful whom they trust, and not let things of this nature lie long unrecalled. James Shirley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, I have received your letter through our friends Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherly, who, blessed be God, have arrived safely at Bristol. Mr. Hatherly has come to London, but Mr. Allerton I have not yet seen. We thank you, and are very glad you dissuaded him from the Spanish voyage, and that he did not fulfill his intentions, for we all utterly disliked the project as well as the fishing of the friendship. We wished him to sell the salt, and were unwilling to have him undertake so much business, partly because of previous failure, and partly because we were loath to disperse so much money. But he assured us this would repay us, and that the colony would be long in doing so. Nay, I remember that he even doubted if by your trading there you could meet your expenses and pay us, and for this very reason he induced us to undertake that business with Ashley, though he was a stranger to us. As to the cost of the fishing-ship, we are sorry if it proves so heavy, and are willing to take our share of it. What Mr. Hatherly and Mr. Allerton have proposed, no doubt they themselves will make good. We gave them no authority to make any composition to separate you from us, in this or any other scheme. Furthermore, I think you have no cause to forsake us, for we involved you in nothing but what your agent advocated, and you in your letters desired. If he exceeded your authority, I hope you will not blame us, much less leave us in the lurch, now that our money is expended. But I fear neither you nor we have been properly dealt with, for, as you write, surely one-half of four thousand pounds, nay a quarter, in commodities, dispatched in seasonable time, would have provided you more effectively. Yet in spite of all this and much more that I might write, I cannot but think him honest, and that his intentions were good, but the wisest may fail. Well, now that it has pleased God to give us hope of agreeing, doubt not but we shall all endeavor to adjust these accounts fairly, as soon as we possibly can. I suppose you sent over Mr. Winslow and we, Mr. Hatherly, to certify each other how the state of things stood. We have received some satisfaction upon Mr. Hatherly's return, and I hope you will receive the same upon Mr. Winslow's return. Now to answer your letter more particularly. I shall be very brief. The charging of the White Angel to your account could not be more surprising to you than the purchase of her was to us, for you commissioned that what he did you would stand by. Note, his commission was abused. He never had any authority for such undertakings as they well knew, nor had the adventurers in England any authority to pay this money, nor would they have paid a penny of it if they had not had some other object in view. End of note. We gave him no such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes paid the bills he charged us with. As to my writing that she was to fulfill two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never so much as thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance any, for I was always against it, and used these very words it will reduce the profits of the settlement and ruin it. The rest of the letter I omit as it is not very pertinent. It was dated November 19th, 1631. In another letter, dated November 24th, in answer to the general letter on the same subject, there are these words. As to the White Angel about which you write so earnestly, saying we thrust her upon you contrary to the intentions of the purchaser, we say you forget yourselves and do us wrong. We will not take upon us to divine what the thoughts or intentions of the purchaser were, but what he spoke we heard, and that we will affirm and make good against any one, vis that unless she were bought Ashley could not be supplied, and if he were not supplied we could not recoup ourselves for our losses on your account. From another of his dated January 2nd, 1631. We propose to keep the friendship and the White Angel, as regards last year's voyages, on the general account, hoping that together they will produce profit rather than loss, and cause less confusion in our accounts and less disturbance in our intercourse. As for the White Angel, though we laid out the money and took bills of sale in our own names, none of us had so much as a thought of separating from you in any way this year, because we did not wish the world, I may say Bristol, to see any breach between Mr. Allerton and you, or between him and us, and so disgrace him in his proceedings. We have now let him the ship at thirty pounds per month by charter party and secured him in a bond of one thousand pounds to perform the contract and bring her back to London, if God please. What he takes in her for you shall be marked with your mark, and bills of lading shall be taken and sent in Mr. Winslow's letter, who is this day riding to Bristol about it. So in this voyage we deal with him as strangers, not as partners. He has turned in three books of accounts, one for the company, another for Ashley's business, and the third for the White Angel and friendship. The books, or copies of them, we propose to send you, for you may discover the errors in them more readily than we could. It can be reckoned how much money he has had from us, and you can charge him with all the beaver he had from you. The total sum, as he has it, is seven thousand one hundred three pounds, seven shillings one pence. Of this he has expended and given to Mr. Vines and others about five hundred forty three pounds. You will know from your books whether you had the goods he charges to you. This is all I can say at present concerning the accounts. He expected to complete them in a few hours, but he and Stratton and Fogg were over a month at them, but he could not wait till we had examined them for fear of losing his fishing voyage, which I fear he has already done. We bless God who put it into our minds to send to each other, for had Mr. Allerton gone on in that risky and expensive way one year more we should not have been able to meet his expenditure. Nay, both he and we must have lain in the ditch and sunk under the burden. Had there been an orderly course taken and your business better managed by the blessing of God, yours would have been the ablest colony we know of, undertaken by Englishmen. Thus far of these letters of Mr. Shirley's. A few observations about former letters, and then I will give the simple truth of the things in controversy between them, at least as far as good evidence can show. One, it seems clear that Ashley's business and the buying of the ship and the resultant plans were first contrived by Mr. Allerton. Two, though Mr. Allerton may not have intended to wrong the plantation, his own private ends led him astray, for it became known that in the first two or three years of his employment as agent he had made four hundred pounds and put it into a brewery of Mr. Collier's in London. Again Mr. Shirley and he had private dealings, and yet I believe, as he mentioned above, that Mr. Shirley did not countenance any private trading which he thought would injure the colony. Three, considering all they had done for the settlement in former risks and recent disbursements, when Mr. Allerton's proposals turned out unsuccessful, they thought it fair that the colony should bear them, and so took advantage of such power as Mr. Allerton formerly had as their agent to let these losses devolve upon them. Four, as for Mr. Allerton, with pity and compassion I may say with the Apostle Timothy, first Timothy six, nine, and ten, but they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare, and pierce themselves through with many sorrows, for the love of money is the root of all evil. God give him to see the evil of his ways that he may find mercy and repentance for the wrongs he has done. As to the two ships, the truth as far as could be learned was this. The idea of fitting out the fishing ship, the friendship, came first from the colony, but was left to them in England to carry out or not as they thought best. But when it was fully considered, and the plan seemed hopeful and profitable, it was suggested, why might they not do it for themselves to cover their losses and without letting the colony share in it. If their supplies reached them in time, that was sufficient. So they hired her and fitted her out, and freighted her as full as she could carry with the goods of passengers belonging to Massachusetts, which rose to a good sum of money, and intended to send the new Plymouth settlement their goods in the other ship. Mr. Hatterley confirmed the following upon oath before the governor and deputy governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley, that the friendship was not intended for the joint partnership, but for the private account of Mr. James Shirley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and himself. This deposition was taken under their hands at Boston, August 29, 1639, as may be seen besides other testimony. As for the White Angel, though she was first bought, or at least the price arranged by Mr. Allerton at Bristol, Mr. Shirley need not have dispersed the money against his will. That she was not intended for the general partnership appears from various evidence. The bills of sale were made out in their own names without any reference to the colony at all. Namely, Mr. Shirley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton, Mr. Hatterley would not join them in this. Mr. Allerton took oath to the same effect concerning the White Angel before the governor and deputy on September 7, 1639, and deposed that Mr. Hatterley and himself, on behalf of them all, agreed to free all the rest of the new Plymouth partners from the losses of the friendship for two hundred pounds. Concerning Mr. Allerton's accounts, they were so lengthy and intricate that they could not understand them much less correct them, and it was two or three years before they could unravel them even imperfectly. I know not why, but he took upon himself to keep all the accounts, though Mr. Shirley, their agent, was to buy and sell all their goods and did so usually. But it was Mr. Allerton who passed in accounts for all disbursements, goods bought which he never saw, the expenses for the Lydon people incurred by others in his absence, for the patents, etc., in connection with all of which he made it appear that the balance owing to him was over three hundred pounds, and demanded payment. However, on examination he was found to be over two thousand pounds debtor to them, besides I know not how much that could never be cleared up, interest unaccounted, etc. Then they were obliged to pass bills for expenses that were intolerable. The fees for the patent came to above five hundred pounds, all for nothing, thirty pounds given at a clap, and fifty pounds spent on a journey, etc. No wonder Mr. Shirley said that if their business had been better managed they might have been the richest English colony at that time. He even screwed up his poor old father-in-law's account to above two hundred pounds when, alas, he, poor man, never dreamed that what he had received could be near that value, believing that many of the things brought over had been given by Mr. Allerton as presents to him and his children, nor did they come to nearly that value in fact, the prices being inflated by interest. This year Mr. Shirley, too, sent over a cash account showing what Mr. Allerton had received from them and dispersed for which he referred to his accounts. Besides an account of beavers sold, which Mr. Winslow and others had taken over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. Winslow had brought back, and all the disbursements for the friendship and white angel, and anything else he could charge the partners with. In these accounts of Mr. Shirley's some things were obscure and some twice charged. They made them debtor to the total amount of four thousand seven hundred seventy pounds, nineteen shillings, two pence, besides one thousand pounds, still due for the purchase yet unpaid, and not withstanding all the beaver and goods that both Ashley and they had shipped over. Into such huge sums had Mr. Allerton run them in two years, for at the end of sixteen twenty-eight all their debts did not much exceed four hundred pounds, as will be remembered. Now they amounted to as many thousands. In sixteen twenty-nine when Mr. Shirley and Mr. Hatherly were at Bristol, they wrote a long letter in which they gave an account of the debts and the sums that had been disbursed, but Mr. Allerton begged and entreated them to omit it. So they blotted out two lines in which the sums were mentioned, and wrote over them so that not a word could be read to which they have since confessed. They were thus kept hoodwinked, until now they found themselves deeply in debt. Two mend matters Mr. Allerton now wholly deserted them, having brought them into the briars, he leaves them to get out as best they can. But God crossed him mightily, for having hired the ship from Mr. Shirley at thirty pounds a month, he set out again with a drunken crew, and so overloaded her that she could not bear sale, and they were forced to put into Milford Haven and reload her, which lost them the season and resulted in a less profitable voyage than the year before. Having reached this country he sold trading commodities to any that would buy, to the serious detriment of the colony. But what was worse, what he could not sell outright he sold on credit, and formed a disreputable company of traders to cover every hole and corner, even up the Kennebec, to take away the trade from the settlement's house there, on the patent for which he had wasted so much of their money. Not content with this, he did all he could to reduce its value to the colony and ruin them. He took partners and set up a trading house beyond Penobscot to cut off the trade there too. But the French, seeing that it would injure them, came down on them before they were well settled, and ousted them, killing two of their men, and taking all the goods to a considerable value, the loss being mostly, if not all, Mr. Allerton's. The rest of the men were sent into France and this was the end of that project. Those to whom he sold on credit, being loose and drunken fellows, for the most part, cheated him of all they got into their hands. Afterwards, when he came to New Plymouth, the church called him to account for these and other gross miscarriages. He confessed his fault, and promised better ways, and that he would wind himself out of the tangle as soon as he could, etc. This year Mr. Shirley must need send them out a new accountant. He had made mention of such a thing the year before, but they wrote him that their expenses were so great already that he need not increase them in this way, and that if they were dealt with fairly and had their accounts properly sent in from there, they could keep their accounts here themselves. Nevertheless, he sent them over a man they could not well refuse, as he was a younger brother of Mr. Winslow's, Mr. Josiah's Winslow, whom they had been at considerable expense to instruct in London before he came. He came over in the White Angel with Mr. Allerton, and there began his first employment. This year their house at Penobscot was robbed by the French, and all their goods of any value was taken—up to four hundred pounds or five hundred pounds at least. The captain in charge of the house, and some of the men with him, had gone westward with their vessel to fetch a supply of goods which had been brought over for them. In the meantime came a small French ship into the harbour, and amongst the company was a false scot. They pretended they had just come in from sea and did not know where they were, that their vessel was very leaky, and asked if they might haul her ashore and mend her. They used many French compliments, and in the end, seeing only three or four servants, and understanding from this scotchman that the captain and the rest were away from home, they began praising their guns and muskets that lay in racks on the wall, and took them down to look at them, asking if they were loaded, and when they had hold of them, one of them presents a gun ready charged at the servants and another a pistol, and bid them quietly deliver up their goods. Some of the men were carried aboard, and others had to help carry the goods. When they had taken what they wanted, they set them at liberty and went their way, with this mock, to tell their captain when he returned that some of the Isle of Rage gentlemen had been there. This year Sir Christopher Gardner, a descendant of that bishop of Winchester who was so great a persecutor of God's saints in Queen Mary's days, and a great traveller who had received the honour of knighthood at Jerusalem, being made knight of the sepulcher there, came into these parts under pretense of forsaking the world and living a godly life. He was not unwilling to perform any mean employment, or to take any pains for his living, and some time after he offered to join the churches in several places. He brought over with him a servant or two and a comely young woman whom he called his cousin, but it was suspected that after the Italian manner she was his concubine. Having been living in Massachusetts for some misbehavior which he should have answered for there, he fled from authority and got among the Indians of these parts. He was pursued, but they could not get him, though they promised a reward if he were found. The Indians came to the governor here and told where he was, and asked if they might kill him. He told them by no means, but if they could capture him and bring him here, they would be paid for their pains. They said he had a gun and a rapier, and he would kill them if they attempted it, and the Massachusetts Indians had said they might kill him. But the governor told them they must not kill him, but watch their opportunity and seize him. So they did, for coming upon him by the riverside he got into a canoe to escape, and while he was covering them with his gun to keep them off, the stream carried the canoe against a rock, and tumbled both him and his gun and rapier into the water. But he got out, and having a little dagger by his side they dare not close with him. So they got some long poles and soon beat the dagger out of his hands when he was glad to yield, and they brought him to the governor. But his arms and hands were badly swollen and very sore with the blows they had given him. So he treated him kindly and sent him to a lodging where his arms were bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well again. The governor blamed the Indians for beating him so much, but they said they only whipped him a little with sticks. In his lodging those who made his bed found a little notebook that had slipped out of his pocket by accident, in which was a memorandum of the day he was reconciled to the Pope and the Church of Rome, and in what university he took his scapula and such and such degrees. This was handed over to the governor here, who sent the governor of Massachusetts word of his capture. He was sent for, and the notes were handed over to the governor there, who was very grateful. After Sir Christopher got to England he showed his malice, but God prevented him. Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, it has pleased God to bring Sir Christopher Gardner safely to us with his dependence, and though I never intended to take any harsh measures with him, but to treat him as his position demanded, I let him know of your kind words about him, and that he will speed the better for your mediation. It was a special providence of God to bring those notes of his into our hands. Please instruct all that are aware of them, not to inform anyone, for that may frustrate the use to be made of them. The good Lord our God, who has always ordered things for the good of his poor churches here, direct us in this aright, and dispose it to a good issue. I am sorry we put you to so much trouble about this gentleman, especially at this busy time, but I knew not how to avoid it. I must again beg you to let me know what expense and trouble any of your people have been at on his account, that it may be recompensed. So, with the true affection of a friend, desiring all happiness to you and yours, and to all my worthy friends with you, whom I love in the Lord, I commend you to his grace and providence and rest, your most assured friend, John Winthrop, Boston, May 5th, 1631. Anint this I will take the liberty to show what occurred through this man's malice complying with others, and though I do not doubt it will be more fully dealt with by honored friends whom it more directly concerned, and who have more exact knowledge of the matter, I will give a hint of it here, showing God's providence in preventing the injury that might have resulted. The information I received was in a letter from my much honored and beloved friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts. Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth. Sir, upon a petition presented by Sir Christopher Gardner, Sir Ferdinand Gorge's Captain Mason, etc., against you and us, the cause was heard before the Lords of the Privy Council, and was afterwards reported to the King, the success of which makes it evident to all that the Lord has care of his people here. The passages are admirable, but too long to write. I heartily wish for an opportunity to impart them to you, they cover many sheets of paper. But the conclusion was, against all expectation, an order for our encouragement, and much blame and disgrace upon the adversaries. This calls for much thankfulness from us all, which we purpose, the Lord willing, to express in a day of thanksgiving to our merciful God. I do not doubt but that you will consider whether it is not fitting for you to join in it, as he humbled us by our recent correction, so he has now lifted us up by an abundant rejoicing in our deliverance from so desperate a danger, and the instrument whereby our enemies hoped to ruin us. He has mercifully turned to our great advantage as I shall further acquaint you when opportunity serves. The following is the order of the Privy Council. January 19, 1632, at the Court of Whitehall, present, Sigillum Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Dorset, Lord Viscount Falkland, Lord Bishop of London, Lord Cottington, Mr. Treasurer, Mr. Vice Chamberlain, Mr. Secretary Cook, Master Secretary Windbank. Whereas his Majesty has lately been informed of great distraction and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America called New England, which, if they be true and suffered to run on, would tend to the great dishonor of this kingdom and the utter ruin of that plantation, for prevention whereof and for the orderly settling of the government according to the intention of those patents, which have been granted by his Majesty and by his late Royal Father King James, it has pleased his Majesty that the lords and others of his most honourable Privy Council should take the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place thought fit to make a committee of this board to examine the information, which committee, having called several of the principal adventurers in the plantation, and heard those that are complainants against them, most of the things informed being denied and remaining to be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which would require a long lapse of time, and at present their lordships finding the adventurers occupied in the dispatch of men, victuals, and merchandise for that place, all of which would be at a standstill if the adventurers should be discouraged or suspect that the state had no good opinion of the plantation, their lordships not laying the fault or fancies, if any be, of some individuals upon the general government of the principal adventurers, which in due time is to be further inquired into, have thought fit in the meantime to declare that the appearances were so fair and the hopes so great, and that the country would prove both so beneficial to this kingdom, and so profitable to the particular adventurers, that the adventurers had caused to go on cheerfully with their undertakings, and rest assured that if things were carried on as was claimed when the patents were granted, and as by the patents is appointed, his majesty would not only maintain the liberties and privileges here to foregranted, but supply anything further that might tend to the good government, prosperity, and comfort of his people there of that place. William Trumbull. Mr. Allerton returned to England, little regarding his bond of one thousand pounds to perform his contract, for though bound to take the ship to London, and to pay thirty pounds per month for her hire, he did neither, for he stopped at Bristol to fit her out again there, and this he did three times. She had been ten months on the former voyage, but he never paid a penny for her hire. It would seem he knew well enough how to deal with Mr. Shirley. He, though he must needs foister upon the general account, disposing of her as he pleased, and though Mr. Allerton had thus broken his contract in every way, Mr. Shirley goes and sells him both the ship and all her accounts from first to last in a bond for two thousand pounds. In effect he might as well have given her to him, and not only this, but as good as gives him sanctuary, for he allows him one year to prepare his account and present it to the partners here, and another year to make payment of what should be due upon the account. In the meantime he wrote earnestly to them not to hinder him in his business, or delay him for the sake of the accounts, etc. The result was that in the interim he collected all the money due for freight and other amounts belonging to her or the friendship, as his own private debts. And, after all, sold ship, ordinance, fish, and other lading in Spain as he had first planned, and what became of the money he best knows. Meanwhile their hands were tied and they could do nothing but look on till he had transferred everything to other men's hands, except a few cattle and a little land, and a few things he had here at New Plymouth, and so ultimately removed all his belongings as he had already done himself from hence. Mr. Hatherly came over again this year upon his own business, and began to make preparations to settle in the country. As appeared later he had closed out his share in the business, and remained a partner in name only, nor did he trouble about their affairs in any way, except as regards his engagements in connection with the friendship. In connection with that, and some dealings between Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton owed him on private transactions, he drew up an account of over two thousand pounds, and tried to thrust it upon the partners here on the ground that Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But they told him they had been fooled long enough in that way, and showed him that it was no concern of theirs, as for the debts of the friendship he must expect to meet them. Mr. Pierce did the same, Mr. Allerton having got into his debt also in their private dealings. However, the partners here easily shook off these worries, but Mr. Allerton brought much trouble and vexation upon himself, as he had upon others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the money he had dispersed for one-sixth share in the White Angel, and recovered it with damages. Though the partners were thus plunged into heavy engagements and unjust debts, the Lord prospered their trading, and they made large returns yearly, and would soon have freed themselves if they had been fairly dealt with otherwise. The settlers, too, began to grow in prosperity through the influx of many people to the country, especially to the Bay of Massachusetts. Thereby corn and cattle rose to a high price, and many were enriched, and commodities grew plentiful. But in other regards this benefit turned to their harm, and this accession of strength to weakness. For as their stocks increased and became more saleable, there was no longer any holding them together. They must of necessity obtain bigger holdings, otherwise they could not keep their cattle, and having oxen they must have land for plowing. So in time no one thought he could live unless he had cattle and a great deal of land to keep them, all striving to increase their stocks. By this means they were quickly scattered all over the bay, and the town in which they had lived compactly until now was left very thinly peopled, and in a short time almost desolate. If this had been all the ill that resulted it would have been small in comparison with the rest, but the Church also was disunited, and those who had lived so long together in Christian and comfortable fellowship must now part and suffer many divisions. First those who lived on their lots on the other side of the bay, called Duxbury, owing to the trouble of bringing their wives and children to public worship and church meetings here, growing to a considerable number, sued to be separated and become a distinct body. So they were allowed to separate about this time, though very unwillingly. To prevent any further scattering from this place and weakening of it, it was thought best to give out some good farms in the neighborhood to special persons who would promise to live at New Plymouth, likely to be helpful to the church and commonwealth, and so tie the lands to New Plymouth as farms for its inhabitants, so that their cattle and their plowed land might be kept there by servants, and they retain their dwellings here. So some special lands were granted at a place called Green's Harbour, where no allotments had been made in the former division, very well meadowed and suitable for raising cattle. But alas, this remedy proved worse than the disease, for within a few years those who had thus got footing there seceded from the church, partly deliberately, and partly by wearing out the rest with importunity and pleas of exigency, so that they either had to let them go or live in continual contention. Others again, thinking themselves impoverished, or for want of accommodation, broke away on one pretense or another, thinking their own imagined necessity or the example of others sufficient warrant. This, I fear, will be the ruin of New England, at least of the Churches of God there, and will provoke the Lord's displeasure against them. This year Mr William Pierce came over and brought goods and passengers in a ship called the Lion, which belonged chiefly to Mr Shirley and the rest of the London partners, those here having nothing to do with her. Besides some beaver which they sent home earlier in the year, they sent in this ship upwards of eight hundred pounds worth and some otter skins. They sent also copies of Mr Allerton's accounts, requesting them to examine them and rectify such things as they should find a miss in them, as they were better acquainted with the good spot and the disbursements made there than they could be here. With these they sent a book of exceptions to his accounts, where they could specify them, and did not doubt but they in England might add to them. They showed them how much Mr Allerton was debtor to the general account, and as they had now put the ship White Angel wholly in his control and had tied their hands here, they requested them to call him to account, but it pleased God that the ship taking these papers on her way to Virginia before going home was wrecked on the coast not far from Virginia and their cargo was lost. This was the first loss they had sustained of that kind. But Mr Pierce and the men saved their lives, and also the letters, and got to Virginia and so safely home. Copies of the accounts were therefore sent over again to England. The following is part of Mr Pierce's letter from Virginia. It was dated December 25, 1632, and came to their hands on April 7, before they had heard anything from England. William Pierce in Virginia to the New Plymouth Colony. Dear friends, the news of this fatal stroke that the Lord has brought upon me and you will probably come to your ears before this comes to your hands, and therefore I need not enlarge on particulars, etc. Almost all my worldly belongings have been taken away, and yours also in a great measure, by this and your various former losses. It is time to look about us before the wrath of the Lord break forth in utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our hearts and try our ways, and turn unto the Lord and humble ourselves under his mighty hand and seek atonement. Dear friends, know that all your beaver and books of account are swallowed up in the sea. Your letters remain with me and shall be delivered if God bring me home. But what more should I say? By this we have lost our worldly goods, yet a happy loss if our souls are the gainers. There is more in the Lord Jehovah than ever we had in this world. O, that our foolish hearts could be weaned from things here below, which are vanity and vexation of spirit, and yet we fools catch after shadows that fly away and are gone in a moment. Thus with my continual remembrance of you and my poor desires to the throne of grace, beseeching God to renew his love and favour towards you all, in and through the Lord Jesus Christ, both in spiritual and temporal good things, as may be most to the glory and praise of his name and your everlasting good, so I rest, your afflicted brother in Christ, William Pierce, Virginia, December 25, 1632 1608 to 1650 This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. Bradford's History of the Plymouth Settlement, 1608 to 1650 by William Bradford, rendered into modern English by Harold Padgett, Book II, Chapter 14 This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor. By the first return of ships they received letters from Mr. Shirley about Mr. Allerton's further ill success and the loss by Mr. Pierce with many sad comments. But there was little hope of getting anything out of Mr. Allerton or of their accounts being either eased or rectified by them over there. They saw plainly that the burden of it all would be thrown upon their backs. The special passages of his letters I will insert here, for though I am weary of this tedious and uncomfortable subject, yet for the truth's sake I am compelled to fully ventilate matters which have resulted in so much trouble and so many hard censures on both sides. I do not wish to be partial to either side, but to disclose the truth as nearly as I can in their own words, and so leave it to the unbiased judgment of any who shall come to read them. James Shirley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth Loving Friends My last was sent in the Mary and John by Mr. William Collier. I then certified you of the great and unseasonable loss you and we had in the wreck of Mr. Pierce and his ship the Lion. But the Lord's holy name be blessed, who gives and takes as it pleases him, is will be done. Amen. I then related to you that fearful accident, or rather judgment, the Lord pleased to lay on London Bridge by fire, and therein gave you an idea of my great loss. The Lord I hope will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in him and not in the slippery and uncertain things of this world. I hope Mr. Allerton is nearly with you by this time, but he had many disasters here before he got away. The last was a heavy one, his ship, while getting out of the harbour at Bristol in stormy weather, was driven so far ashore that it cost him over one hundred pounds to get her afloat again. His condition was so lamentable that I could not but afford him some help, as did some who were strangers to him. Besides, your goods were in her, and if he had not been assisted he must have given up his voyage, and loss could not have been avoided on all sides. When he first bought her I think he would have made a saving match if he had then sunk her and never set sail in her. I hope he sees the Lord's hand against him, and will leave off these voyages. I think we did well in parting with her, she would have been but a clog to the account time and again, and though we shall not get much by way of satisfaction we shall lose no more. And now, as I have written before, pray wind up all the accounts with him there, he has nothing but many debts which he owes in various quarters. Besides, not a man here will spend a day, nay, scarcely an hour, on the accounts but myself, and that business will require more time and help than I can afford. I need not say any more, I hope you will do what will be best and will be just with him, to which add mercy and consider his intentions, though he failed in many particulars which now cannot be helped. Tomorrow or next day at furthest we are to pay three hundred pounds, and Mr. Beauchamp is out of the town so I must do it. Oh, the grief and trouble that mad Allerton has brought upon you and us. I cannot forget it, and to think of it draws many a sigh from my heart and tears from my eyes. And now the Lord has visited me with another great loss, but I can bear it with more patience than those which I have foolishly pulled upon myself. And in another letter there is this passage. My Mr. Allerton's fair propositions and large promises I have overrun myself. Indeed, grief hinders me from writing, and tears will not suffer me to see. Therefore, as you love those who ever loved you and the colony, think of us. Oh, what shall I say of that man who has abused your trust and wronged our loves? But to lament now is too late, nor can I complain of your backwardness, for I know it lies as heavy on your hearts as it does on our purses. Had the Lord sent Mr. Pierce safely home, it had eased both you and us of some of those debts. The Lord, I hope, will give us patience to bear these crosses, and that great God whose care and providence is everywhere, and especially over those who desire truly to fear and serve him. Direct, guide, prosper, and bless you so that you may have the power, as you have the will, to take off this heavy burden which now lies upon me for your sakes, and as I hope for your ultimate good and that of many thousands more. For had not you and we joined together, New England might have been scarcely known, and would not, I feel sure, be inhabited by such honest English people as it now is. The Lord increase and bless them. So with my continual prayers for you all, I rest your assured loving friend, James Shirley, June 24th, 1633. Though Mr. Shirley became more alive to his own condition by these losses, and complained the more sadly and unreservedly of Mr. Allerton, no steps were taken to help them here, not so much as to examine and rectify the accounts by which probably some hundred of pounds might have been deducted. But probably they saw that the more there was taken off the account the less would come to them in England. But to come to other things, Mr. Roger Williams, a godly and zealous man with many rare qualities but a very unstable judgment, who settled first in Massachusetts, but owing to some discontent left there, came here about this time, where he was made welcome according to their poor ability. He exercised his gifts among them, and after some time was admitted as a member of the church, and his teaching was highly approved, and for its benefit I still bless God, and am thankful to him even for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed with the truth. This year he began to hold some strange opinions, and from opinion proceeded to practice. This caused some controversy between the church and him, and in the end some discontent on his part, so that he left them somewhat abruptly. Afterwards he applied for his dismissal to transfer himself to the church at Salem, which was granted with some caution to them about him. But he soon fell into more trouble there, to the disturbance of church and government. I need not give particulars, for they are too well known to all, though for a time the church here received some hard censure through him, and the hands of those who afterwards smarted themselves. But he is rather to be pitied and prayed for, so I shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to show him his errors and return him to the way of truth, and give him a settled judgment and constancy therein, for I hope he belongs to the Lord and that he will show him mercy. Having already had intercourse with the Dutch, as will be remembered, they, seeing the new Plymouth people settled here in such a barren quarter, told them of a river which they called Fresh River, now known by the name of Connecticut River, which they had often recommended to them as a fine place for both agriculture and trade, and wished them to make use of it. But their hands then being full, they let it pass. Afterwards a tribe of Indians who came there were driven out by the Pequots, who usurped their territory, and the banished tribe often begged them to go there, and said they could do plenty of trade, especially if they would keep a house there. So having a good stock of goods, and being obliged to look out how they could better themselves and help to meet their heavy engagements, they began to explore in that direction and to trade with the natives. They found a fine place, though at first they did little trade, but the Indians put it down to the season of the year and the fear they were in of their enemies. So they tried several times, not unprofitably, but they saw that the surest way would be to keep a house there to receive the trade when it came down from inland. The Indians, not seeing them very active in establishing themselves, solicited the Massachusetts colony similarly, for their object was to be restored to their country again. But those in the bay who had but lately arrived were not fitted for it. However, some of the chief of them proposed to join with the partners here to trade jointly with them up the Connecticut River, which they were willing to agree to, with the idea that they should share equally in the building and the stock. A time of meeting was appointed in Massachusetts, and some of the principal men here were appointed to deal with them, and went accordingly. But the Massachusetts people entertained many fears of danger and loss and the like, which were seen to be the main causes of their disinclination, though they alleged that they were not provided with trading goods, etc. So the new Plymouth people offered at present to put in sufficient for both, provided they would become responsible for the half, and meantime prepare for next year. They confessed that more could not be expected, but thanked them and told them they did not care to do it. So they said they hoped it would be no offense to the Massachusetts colony if they went on without them. They said there was no reason against it, and so this partnership fell through. So the new Plymouth colonists in due time made a beginning there, and were the first English to discover the place and build it, though they were little better than forced out of it afterwards as will appear. The Dutch now began to repent and hearing of their preparations, endeavored to prevent them, and getting in a little before them established a small fort with two pieces of ordnance threatening to stop their passage. But having prepared a small frame of a house and having a big new bark, they stowed the frame in her hold, together with boards to cover and finish it, and nails and all other necessaries. This was intended as a defense against the Indians, who were much offended that they had brought back and restored the right sachem of the place, called Natawanute, for they encountered a double danger in this attempt, both from the Dutch and the Indians. When they came up the river, the Dutchman demanded what they intended and whether they would go. They answered up the river to trade, their orders being to go and settle above them. They bid them stop or they would shoot, and stood by their ordnance ready loaded. They replied that they had orders from the Governor of New Plymouth to go up the river to such a place, and, shoot or not, they must obey their orders and proceed, and that they would not harm them but they must go on. So they passed on, and though the Dutch threatened them, they did not shoot. Coming to the place appointed, they clapped up their house quickly, landed their provisions, and left the men, sending the bark home. Afterwards they palisaded their house and fortified themselves better. The Dutch sent home word to Manhattan, asking what they should do, and in process of time they sent a troop of about seventy armed men, in war-like formation, with colors displayed, to attack them. But seeing them strongly established and that it would cost blood, they came to parley and returned in peace. They did the Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any of the land they had bought, but went to a place above them, and bought the tract of land which belonged to their friends the Indians whom they took with them, and with whom the Dutch had nothing to do. So this was their entrance there, and they deserved to continue to hold it, and not later to have been thrust out by friends, as in a way they were, as will be seen. But of these matters more in another place. It pleased the Lord this year to visit them with an infectious fever, of which many fell very ill, and upwards of twenty persons died, men, women, and children, and several of their oldest friends who had lived in Holland. Amongst them were Thomas Blossom, Richard Masterson, with some others, and in the end after he had helped others much, Samuel Fuller, their physician, who had been a great help and comfort to them, not only in his profession, but also as a deacon of the church, a godly man, always ready to serve his fellows. He was much missed after his death, and he and the rest of their brethren who died were much lamented by them. This brought much sadness and mourning among them, and caused them to humble themselves and seek the Lord. And towards winter it pleased the Lord that the sickness ceased. This disease also swept away many of the Indians from the adjoining parts. The spring before, especially the month of May, there had been a quantity of a great sort of fly, as large as wasps or bumblebees, which came out of holes in the ground, filling all the woods and eating the verdure. They made such a constant yelling noise that the woods rang with them till they were ready to deafen the hearers. They have not been heard or seen before or since by the English. The Indians told them the sickness would follow, and so it did, in June, July, and August, during the greatest heat of the summer. It pleased the Lord to enable them this year to send home a great quantity of beaver, besides paying all their expenses and debts here in the country, which was a great encouragement to their friends in England. Of beaver they sent three thousand three hundred sixty-six pounds, and much of it was coat beaver, which yielded twenty shillings per pound, and some of it more, and three hundred forty-six otter skins, which also sold at a good price, fourteen and fifteen shillings per pound, thus much of the affairs of this year. CHAPTER XV This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. Mr. Shirley's letters were very brief in answer to theirs this year. I will not copy any extracts from them, but will mention the subjects of one or two of them. First, he hopes they will not take offense at anything he wrote previously, professing his affection for them as before, etc. Secondly, as to Mr. Allerton's accounts, he is convinced the colony must suffer, and that to no small figure, that they have cause enough to complain, but it is now too late, that Allerton had failed them all and himself in his aims, and that he feared God in consequence would fail him, and it would not be strange if he fell into worse ways, etc. Thirdly, he blesses God and is thankful to him for the good return made this year. This is the effect of his letters, other things being of a more private nature. I now enter upon one of the saddest things that befell them since they came, and before I begin it will be necessary to quote that part of their patent which gave them rights at Kennebec. The said counsel has further given, granted, bargained, sold, in fief, allotted, assigned, and made over, and by these presence do clearly and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, in fief, allot, assign, and confirm unto the said William Bradford, his heirs, associates, and assigns all that tract of land or part of New England in America aforesaid, which lies within or between, and extends itself from the utmost limits of Kobisikonte, which adjoins the river of Kennebec, towards the western ocean, and a place called the falls of Nekwamkek in America foresaid, and the space of fifteen English miles on each side of the said river, commonly called Kennebec River, and all the said river called Kennebec that lies within the said limits and bounds, eastward, westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned, and all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, et cetera, and by virtue of the authority to us derived by his said late majesty's letters patent, to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit or trade with the savage people of that country within the several precincts and limits of his or their several plantations, et cetera. Now it happened that one hawking, belonging to the settlement at Piscataqua, went with a bark and some commodities to trade on the Kennebec, and must needs transgress their limits, and even go up the river above their house towards the falls, and intercept the trade that should have come to them. The man in charge of the place forbade him, and begged him not to do them the injury of infringing their rights which had cost them so dear. He replied he would go up and trade there in spite of them, and remain there as long as he pleased. The answer was that in that case he would be forced to remove him or to apprehend him, whereupon Hawking bid him to do his worst, and went up and anchored there. So the captain took a boat and some men, and followed him, and again urged him to depart. But all in vain he could get nothing from him but ill words. So as it was just the season for trade to come down, and if he allowed him to remain there and take it from them, all their previous expense would be wasted. He consulted with his men, who being willing, he decided to sever the boat from her anchorage, and let her drift down the river with the stream, but commanded his men not to shoot on any account unless he commanded them. He spoke to Hawking again, but all in vain. Then he sent a couple of men in a canoe to cut his cable, which one of them did. Thereupon Hawking took up a gun which he had put ready, and as the bark drifted down past the canoe he shot the man in the head and killed him instantly. One of his comrades who loved him well could not restrain himself, and making aim with his musket shot Hawking dead on the spot. This is a true account of what happened. The rest of the men took the vessel home with these sad tidings. Now Lord Say and Lord Brook, with some other imminent men, had an interest in this settlement, so the people wrote home to them in such terms as to exasperate them as much as possible, leaving out all the extenuating circumstances, and making it appear that Hawking had been killed without provocation, suppressing the fact that he had killed a man first, so their lordships were much offended till they were fully informed of the details. The news of this spread quickly, with the worst light put upon it, and reached their neighbors in Massachusetts. Their own bark came home to New Plymouth, bringing a true report of it, and all were deeply and naturally affected by it. Not long after they had occasioned to send their vessel to the Bay of Massachusetts, but the colony there was so incensed at the occurrence that they imprisoned Mr. Alden, who was aboard, and had been at Kennebecke, but had taken no part in the affair, having only gone up to take supplies. They freed the boat, but kept Mr. Alden for some time. This was thought strange here, and they sent Captain Standish with letters to give them full information, and to procure Mr. Alden's release. I will give a letter or two which referred to these things. Two letters from Thomas Dudley at Newtown, to William Bradford at New Plymouth. Good sir, I have received your letter through Captain Standish, and am unfainably glad of God's mercy towards you in the steady recovery of your health. Concerning the matter you write of, I thought I would send a word or two in answer to yourself, leaving your governor's letter to be answered by our court, to which with myself it is directed. I presume until I hear further that your patent may warrant your resistance of any Englishman trading at Kennebecke, and that the blood of Hawking and the man he slew will be required elsewhere at his hands, but with yourself and others I grieve for their deaths. I think also that your general letters will satisfy our courts, and make them cease from meddling further in the matter. Upon that same letter I have liberated Mr. Alden with his sureties, but that I may not seem to neglect the opinion of our court. I have bound Captain Standish to appear on June 3 at our next court, to make affidavit for the copy of the patent, and to testify to the circumstances of Hawking's provocations, both of which will tend to prove your innocence. If any offense has been taken at what we have done, let it be better considered, I pray you, and I hope the more you think of it, the less blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in distinguishing between those whose opinions concur with your own, and others. Though I can truly say I have spoken with no one on the subject, even those who blame you most, who had not always here to foredeclared their good will towards your colony. Referring you further to the report you have from Captain Standish and Mr. Alden, I leave you for the present with God's blessing, wishing you perfect recovery of your health and long continuance of it. I desire to be lovingly remembered to Mr. Prince, your Governor, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I could. The Lord keep you all. Amen. Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus, Thomas Dudley, Newtown, May 22, 1634. Sir, I am deeply sorry for the news that Captain Standish and others of your colony and my beloved friends are bringing with them to New Plymouth, in which I suffer with you, because of the difference of my opinion from that of others who are godly and wise amongst us here, reverence for whose judgments causes me to suspect my own ignorance. But I cannot alter it until I am convinced otherwise. I did not intend to show your letter to me, but to do my best to reconcile the differences as best I could. But Captain Standish demanding an answer to it publicly in court, I was forced to produce it, which made the breach the wider, as he will tell you. I proposed to the court that they should answer the letter from Mr. Prince, your Governor, but the court ruled that it required no answer, since it was itself an answer to a former letter of ours. Pray inform Mr. Prince of this and others whom it concerns, so that they may not impute neglect or ill manners to me on this score. The recent letters I have received from England cause me to fear that some trials are likely to fall upon us shortly, and this unhappy dispute between you and us and between you and Piscataqua will hasten them if God with an extraordinary hand does not help us. To reconcile this for the present will be very difficult, but time cools this tempers, and a common danger approaching us both will necessitate our uniting again. I pray you therefore, sir, set your wisdom and patience to work and exhort others to do the same, that things may not proceed from bad to worse, making our divisions like the bars of a palace, but that a way of peace may be kept open, where the God of peace may have entrance at his own time. If you are wronged, it is to your honor to bear it patiently. But I go too far in needlessly putting you in mind of such things. God has done great things for you, and I desire his blessings may be multiplied upon you more and more. I will commit no more to writing, but commending myself to your prayers, I rest, your truly loving friend in our Lord Jesus, Thomas Dudley, June 4, 1634. This shows what troubles arose and how hard they were to allay, for though they were heartily sorry for what had happened, they considered they had been unjustly injured and provoked, and that their neighbors, who had no jurisdiction over them, exceeded their bounds thus to imprison a member of their settlement, and bring the question before their court. But being assured of their Christian love, and convinced that it was done out of godly zeal, that religion might not suffer nor sin be in any way concealed or countenanced, especially the guilt of blood, of which all should be very conscientious. They endeavored to appease them as best they could, first by giving them the truth of it all, secondly by their willingness to refer the case to any indifferent judgment here, and to answer it elsewhere when they should be called upon to do so, and further by asking Mr. Winthrop and other respected magistrates there for their advice and direction. This molified them and brought things to a comfortable end at last. The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others was that from their court at New Plymouth they should write to the neighboring settlements, especially to that at Piscotaqua and theirs in Massachusetts, appointing a meeting at some suitable place to deliberate on the subject, full powers being delegated to those attending the meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be done which should infringe the liberties of any of them. The law of God being that for consciences' sake the priests should be consulted with, it was thought desirable that the ministers of every colony should be present to give their advice on points of conscience. Though this suggestion seems dangerous to some, they were so well assured of the justice of their cause and the equity of their friends that they agreed to it, and appointed a time of which notice was given a month beforehand, vis to Massachusetts, Salem, Piscotaqua, and others, requesting them to produce any evidence they could in the case. The place of meeting was Boston, but when the day came there only appeared some of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts and of New Plymouth. As none had come from Piscotaqua or other places, Mr. Winthrop and the others said they could do no more than they had done, and the blame must rest with them. So they opened up a fair discussion of the subject, and after all evidence had been fully sifted, the opinion of each of the magistrates and ministers was demanded, with the result that though all wished the trouble had never occurred, they could not but lay the blame and guilt on Hawking's own head, whereupon such grave and godly councils and exhortations were given as they thought fitting, both for the present and future, which were received with love and gratitude, with promises to endeavor to profit by them, and so it ended, and their love and concord renewed. Further Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley wrote very effectually on their behalf to Lord Say and others interested, which with their own letters and Mr. Winslow's further declarations when in England satisfied them fully. They sent Mr. Winslow to England this year, partly for this object, and partly to notify the partners in England that the period of their contract for the company's trade here having expired, they instructed him to close the accounts with them, and to find out how much they still remained debtors to the account, and what further course would be best to pursue. The outcome of it all will appear in next year's narrative. They sent over with him a substantial cargo which was very acceptable to them, and beaver three thousand seven hundred thirty-eight pounds, mostly coat beaver which sold at twenty shillings per pound, and two hundred thirty-four otter skins at fourteen shillings per skin, so altogether it arose to a large sum of money. Early this year they sent a boat to trade with the Dutch colony, where they met with a captain's stone who had lived in Christopher's, one of the West Indian islands, and had now been some time in Virginia and had come up from there. He kept company with the Dutch governor, and in some drunken fit got his leave to seize their boat, just as they were ready to leave and had finished trading, having five hundred pounds worth of goods aboard. There was not the least provocation or ground for such an act, but having made the governor so drunk that he could scarcely utter an intelligible word, he urged him to do it, and got the answer as you please. So he got aboard, most of their men being ashore, and with some of his own men made the rest way anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards Virginia. But several of the Dutch sailors ashore, who had often been at New Plymouth and kindly entertained there, said to each other, Shall we allow our friends to be wronged in this way, and have their goods carried away before our faces whilst our governor is drunk? They vowed they would not permit it, and got a vessel or two, and chased him and brought him back again, and delivered them their boat and goods. Afterwards Stone came to Massachusetts, and they commenced an action against him for it, but by the mediation of friends it was allowed to lapse. Later Stone came with some other gentleman to New Plymouth, and was friendly entertained by them with the rest, but revenge boiled in his breast, and some thought that on one occasion he intended to stab the governor, and put his hand to his dagger for that purpose. But by God's providence and the vigilance of those at hand it was prevented. Afterwards returning to Virginia in a penance with a Captain Norton and some others, for some unknown reason they must need to go up the Connecticut River. What they did I know not, but the Indians came aboard and knocked Stone on the head as he lay in his cabin. This was his end. They also killed all the others, but Captain Norton defended himself for a long time against them all in the cookroom, till, by accident, the gunpowder which he had put ready in some open vessel before him, took fire and it so burnt and blinded him that he could no longer make resistance, and was killed by them, though they much commended his valor. I must now relate a strange occurrence. There was a tribe of Indians living on the upper parts of the Connecticut River, a long way from the colony's trading-house there, who were enemies of the Indians that lived in the neighborhood, who stood in some fear of them, for they were a warlike tribe. About a thousand of them had enclosed themselves in a fort which they had strongly palisaded. Three or four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter to live with them, to get their trade and prevent them from bringing it down to the English or from getting friendly with them. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God to afflict these Indians with such a deadly sickness that out of one thousand, over nine hundred fifty of them died, and many of them lay rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutchmen almost starved before they could get away, kept there by the ice and snow. But about February, with much difficulty, they reached the trading-house of the New Plymouth people, by whom they were kindly treated, for they were almost exhausted with hunger and cold. After being refreshed by them for several days, they got to their own place, and the Dutch were very grateful for this kindness. This spring, too, the Indians who lived around their trading-house fell sick of smallpox, and died most miserably. A more terrible disease cannot attack them. They fear it worse than the plague, for usually it spreads amongst them broadcast. For want of bedding and linen and other comforts, they fall into a lamentable condition. As they lie on their hard mats, thepox breaks and matters and runs, their skin sticking to the mats they lie on, so that when they turn, a whole side will flay off at once, and they will be all one gore of blood, dreadful to behold. And then, what with cold and other hardships, they die like rotten sheep. The condition of these natives was indeed lamentable. They were swept so generally by the disease that in the end they were unable to help one another, or to make a fire or fetch a little water to drink, or to bury their dead. They would keep up as long as they could, and when there was no other means to make a fire, they would burn the wooden dishes they ate their food in, and their very bows and arrows. Some would crawl out on all fours to get a little water, and sometimes die by the way, not being able to get home again. But the people of the English trading-house, though they were at first afraid of the infection, seeing their woeful condition, and hearing their pitiful cries, had compassion on them, and daily fetched them wood and water, and made them fires, and got them food whilst they live, and buried them when they died. Very few of the Indians escaped, notwithstanding that they did what they could for them at great risk to themselves. The chief satcham himself died, and almost all his friends and relatives, but by the marvelous goodness and providence of God not one of the English was so much as ill, or in the least degree tainted with the disease, though they did these services for them daily for many weeks. The mercy they showed them in this way was greatly appreciated by all the Indians who knew or heard of it, and earned their gratitude, and their masters at new Plymouth highly commended and rewarded them for it. CHAPTER XVI Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the more so owing to the large consignment of fur he brought with him, which came safely to hand and was well sold. He was given to understand that all the accounts would be cleared up before his return, and all former differences settled, and that the account of the White Angel would not be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some complaints made against the country at the council, more particularly concerning their neighbors at the Bay than themselves, which he did to good effect, at the same time furthering the interests of the colonies as a whole as regards the encroachments of the French and other strangers, with a view to preventing them for the future, he took the opportunity of presenting this petition to their honors, the commissioners for the colonies. To the right honorable, the Lord's commissioners for the colonies in America, the humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the colonies in New England, humbly shows your Lordships that whereas your petitioners have settled in New England under his Majesty's most gracious protection, now the French and Dutch endeavor to divide the land between them, for which purpose the French on the east side entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away the goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest prisoners with their goods, and the Dutch on the west also made entry along the Connecticut River, within the limits of his Majesty's letters patent, where they have raised a fort and threatened to expel your petitioners, who are also established on the same river, maintaining possession for his Majesty to their great expense and the risk of both their lives and goods. In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray that your Lordships will either procure their peace with those foreign states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and the English colonies to defend themselves against all foreign enemies, and your petitioners shall pray, etc. This petition was well received by most of them, and Mr. Winslow was heard several times by them, and appointed to attend for an answer from their Lordships, having shown how this might be done without any expense or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men their authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a way as would avoid public disturbance, but this interfered with both Sir Ferdinand Gorge's and Captain Mason's plans, with whom the Archbishop of Canterbury was in league. For Sir Ferdinand Gorge's, by the Archbishop's favour, was to have been sent over to the country as Governor-General, and was about to conclude this project. The Archbishop's intention was to send over officials with him, furnished with Episcopal power, to disturb the peace of the churches here, overthrow their proceedings, and stop their further growth. But it fell out by God's providence that though in the end they prevented this petition from taking any further effect, his plot with Sir Ferdinand came to nothing. So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have his petition granted, he found that the Archbishop had checked it. However, hoping to obtain it nevertheless, he went to the Board again, but he found that the Archbishop, Sir Ferdinand and Captain Mason, had procured Morton, the man referred to previously, to prevent complaints. Mr. Winslow answered them to the satisfaction of the Board, who checked Morton and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorge's and Mason for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about many things. He accused him of preaching in the church publicly, with which Morton had charged him, affirming that he had seen and heard him do it, to which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister, he had endeavored to assist in the edification of his brethren. The Archbishop then questioned him about marriage, to which he replied that as a magistrate he had occasionally married some of the people, pointing out to their lordships that marriage was a civil institution, and that he nowhere found in the word of God that it belonged to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had no minister, besides it was no new idea, for he himself had been married in Holland by the magistrates in their stadhouse. To be short, in the end the Archbishop, by his vehement importunity, got the Board at last to consent to his commitment, so he was imprisoned in the fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could get released. This was the end of the petition, but the scheme of the others was frustrated too, which was no small blessing to the people over here. The expense to this colony was heavy, though it was undertaken as much or more in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. Winslow was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, though it had to bear the whole expense. As to their own business, whatever Mr. Shirley's intention was before, he now declared plainly that he would neither take the White Angel from the general account, nor present any further account till he had received more goods. That though a fair supply had been sent over this time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow said he could not help because of his imprisonment. However, Mr. Shirley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of attorney under their hands and seals to recover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the White Angel's account, but they sent neither the bonds nor contracts, nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those at New Plymouth to act upon it. I will here insert a few passages from Mr. Shirley's letters about these things. James Shirley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth. I have received your letter of July 22, 1634, through our trusty and loving friend Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver and otter skins. Blessed be our God, both He and it arrived safely. We have sold it in two parcels, the skins at fourteen shillings per pound, and some at sixteen, the coat at twenty shillings per pound. I have not sent the accounts over this year. I refer you to Mr. Winslow for the reason, but be assured that none of you shall suffer through not having them if God spare me life. You say the six years have expired during which the people put the trade of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran us into, but it was promised that it should continue till our disbursements and engagements were met. You think this has been done already? We know otherwise. I doubt not we shall lovingly agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney, giving you power in our names, and to shadow it the more we say for our uses, to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton towards meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He certainly gave a bond, though at present I cannot find it, but he has often affirmed with great protestations that neither you nor we should lose a penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough to meet it, so that we shall have no more trouble about it. Notwithstanding his unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice, remember mercy, and do not all you might do. Let us get out of debt, and then let us survey the matter reasonably. Mr. Winslow has undergone an unjust imprisonment, but I am convinced it will result to your general advantage. I leave it to him to tell all particulars. Your loving friend, James Shirley, London, September 7, 1635. This year they sustained another great loss from the French. Monsieur Donnet, coming into the harbor of Penobscot, having invited several of the chief men belonging to the house aboard his vessel, got them to pilot him in, and after getting the rest into his power he took possession of the house in the name of the King of France. By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willet, their agent there, approve of the sale of the goods to him, of which he fixed the prices himself, making an inventory, though with many omissions. But he made no payment for them, saying that in due course he would do so if they came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built on their own land. So, turning them out, with many compliments and fine words, he let them have their shallop and some provisions to bring them home. When they got home and related the occurrence they were much disturbed about it, for the French had robbed this house once before, at a loss to them of above five hundred pounds, and now to lose house and all vexed them greatly. So they decided to consult with their friends at the bay, who now had many ships there, and if they approved of it they intended to hire a fighting ship and tried to beat the French and regain their property. Their plan was approved of, if they themselves would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship of over three hundred tons, well fitted with ordinance, and agreed with the captain, one girling, that he and his crew should deliver them the house after they had overcome the French, and give them peaceable possession of it, with all such trading commodities as should be found there, giving the French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration of which services he was to have seven hundred pounds of beaver to be delivered to him there when he had completed his bargain. But, if he did not accomplish it, he was to lose his labor and have nothing. With him they sent their own bark, and about twenty men under Captain Standish, to help him if necessary, and to put things in order if the house were regained, and then to pay girling the beaver which was aboard their own bark. So they piloted him there, and brought him safely into the harbour. But he was so rash and heady he would take no advice, nor give Captain Standish time to summon them to surrender as his orders were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing their force, the French would probably have yielded. He did not even have patience to place his ship where she could do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when he saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish and brought her well up, and placed a few shots to some purpose. But now, when he was in a position to do some good, his powder was used up, so he was obliged to draw off again. He consulted with the Captain how he could get further supplies of gunpowder, for he had not enough to carry him home. So he told him he would go to the next settlement and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. But Captain Standish gathered, from intelligence he received, that he intended to seize the bark and take the beaver, so he sent him the powder and brought the bark home. Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his way, which ended the business. Upon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his assistants here notified their friends at the bay, and pointed out that the French were now likely to fortify themselves more strongly, and become undesirable neighbours to the English. In reply they wrote to them as follows, From the colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth. Worthy sirs, after reading your letters and considering the importance of their contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to assist you with men and ammunition to accomplish your ends with the French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire you therefore, with all convenient speed, to send some one of trust with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we commit you to God and remain your assured loving friends, John Haynes Governor, Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor, John Winthrop, Thomas Dudley, John Humphrey, William Coddington, William Pension, Atherton Howe, Increase Noel, Richard Doomer, Simon Bradstreet, Newtown, October 9, 1635. Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their people to treat with them, giving them full power to conclude an agreement according to the instructions they gave them, which were to this purpose, that if the Massachusetts colony would afford such assistance as, together with their own, was likely to affect the desired end, and also bear a considerable part of the expense they would go on. If not, having lost so much already, they must desist and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as God should give. But the conference resulted in nothing, for when it came to an issue the others would go to no expense, they sent the following letter and referred them to their messengers. Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the Governor of New Plymouth. Sir, having seriously considered the great importance of your business with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed our willingness to help by procuring you sufficient men and ammunition. But as for money, we have no authority at all to promise, and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We also think it would be proper to seek the help of the other eastern colonies, but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. We salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord. Your faithful and loving friend, Richard Bellingham, Deputy, in the name of the rest of the committee. Boston, October 16th, 1635. Not only was this the end of their suggested cooperation, but some of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly after started trading with the French, and furnished them both with provisions and ammunition, and have continued to do so to this day. So it is the English themselves who have been the chief supporters of the French, and the colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies them, but constantly gives them intelligence of what is passing among the English, especially among some of them. So it is no wonder that they still encroach more and more upon the English, and supply the Indians with guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English settlers, whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For the English are mainly occupied with farming, but the French are well fortified and live upon trade. If these things are not looked to and remedied in time, it may easily be conjectured what will result. This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, there was such a fearful storm of wind and rain as none living hereabouts either English or Indians ever saw. It was like those hurricanes and typhoons that writers mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, a little before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with amazing violence at the start. It blew down several houses and unroofed others. Many vessels were lost at sea, and many more were in extreme danger. To the southward the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the Indians had to climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof of a house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet, and floated it to another place, leaving the posts standing in the ground, and if it had continued much longer without the wind shifting, it would probably have flooded some of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew down many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger by the roots and breaking the higher pine trees off in the middle, and tall young oaks and walnut trees of a good size were bent like widths, a strange and fearful sight. It began in the southeast and veered different ways. It lasted, though not at its worst, for five or six hours. The marks of it will remain this one hundred years in these parts where it was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon the second night after. Some of their neighbors at the bay, hearing of the fame of the Connecticut River, had a hankering after it, as mentioned before. Understanding that the Indians had been swept away by the recent mortality, fear of whom was the chief obstacle to them before, they now began to explore it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth people there had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about it, for they set their minds on the place which the New Plymouth colony had not only purchased from the Indians, but where they had actually built, and the Dorchester people seemed determined if they could not remove them altogether, at any rate, to leave them only an insignificant plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single family. This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was thought to be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters that passed between them about it. I will first insert a few lines written from their own agent from there. Jonathan Brewster at Matianic to the Governor of New Plymouth Sir, the Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will not afford, except at the place where we are, namely a site for a great town, with comodious dwellings for many not far apart. What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason that we were here first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger, both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land at great expense and have since held possession at no small trouble, and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but for us they would have possessed it all and kept out all others. I hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was your will that we should use them and their messengers kindly, and so we have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The first party of them would have almost starved had it not been for this house, and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. Those who came last I entertained as best we could, helping them with canoes and guides. They got me to go with them to the Dutch, to see if I could arrange that some of them should have quiet settling near them, but they peremptorily refused them. I also gave their goods house-room according to their earnest request, and Mr. Pension's letter on their behalf, which I thought well to send you, enclosed. What trouble and cost will be further incurred I know not, for they are coming daily, and I expect those back again from below, where they have gone to view the country. All this should surely, in the judgment of all wise and understanding men, give us just claim to hold and keep our own. Thus with my duty remembered I rest, yours to be commanded, Jonathan Brewster, Matianek, July 6th, 1635. After a thorough view of the place they began to pitch upon the land near the house belonging to the New Plymouth people, which occasioned much expostulation between them and much agitating correspondence. But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details and come to the conclusion. To make any forcible resistance was far from their minds, they had enough of this at Kennebec, and to live in continual contention with their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace's sake, though they considered they suffered injury, they thought it better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible, so they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such long disputes about it, they insisted they must first acknowledge that they had no right to it, or else they would not treat with them about it at all. This being granted, the conclusion reached was as follows, that the people of New Plymouth should retain their house and have the sixteenth part of all that they bought from the Indians, and the others should have all the rest of the land, leaving such a portion for the settlers of New Town as the New Plymouth Colony reserved for them. This sixteenth part was to be taken in two places, one in the neighborhood of the house, the other near the New Town settlement. Further, they were to pay to the New Plymouth Colony the proper proportion of what had been dispersed to the Indians when purchased. In this way the controversy was ended, but the injustice was not so soon forgotten. The New Town people dealt more fairly, only wishing to have what could be conveniently spared. Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do in England, he had orders from the Church to bring over some able and fit person as their minister. Accordingly, he had procured a godly and worthy man, a Mr. Glover, but it pleased God that when he was ready for the voyage, he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr. Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not engage himself to settle permanently at New Plymouth until he had an opportunity of judging of it. So he arranged that if later he preferred to be elsewhere, he would repay the money expended for him, which came to about seventy pounds, and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year with them, and was much liked by them, but he was invited to Ipswich, where there were many rich and able men, and several of his acquaintances, so he went to them and is their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them. Book 2 Chapter 17 of Bradford's History of the Plymouth Settlement 1608-1650 This LibriVox recording is in the public domain. Bradford's History of the Plymouth Settlement 1608-1650 by William Bradford, rendered into modern English by Harold Padgett. Book 2, Chapter 17 Mr. Edward Winslow was elected governor this year. The previous year, seeing from Mr. Winslow's later letters that no accounts would be sent, they had resolved to keep the beaver and send no more till they had them, or some further agreement had been come to. At least they decided to wait until Mr. Winslow came back, and they could arrive at what was best. When he came, though he brought no accounts, he persuaded them to send the beaver, and was confident that upon receipt of it and his letters they would have the accounts next year, and though they thought his ground for hope was weak, they yielded to his importunity, and sent it by a ship at the latter end of the year, which took one thousand one hundred fifty pounds of beaver and two hundred otter skins, besides many small furs such as fifty-five mink, two black fox skins, etc. This year, in the spring, came a Dutchman, who had intended to trade at the Dutch fort, but they would not permit him. So, having a large stock of trading goods, he came here and offered them for sale. They bought a good quantity that were very suitable, such as Dutch roll, kettles, etc., amounting to the value of five hundred pounds, for payment of which they gave bills on Mr. Shirley in England, having already sent the parcel of beaver mentioned above. By another ship this year they again sent a further considerable quantity, which would reach him and be sold before any of these bills came due. The quantity of beaver then sent was one thousand eight hundred nine pounds, and ten otter skins, and shortly after the same year, then sent by another ship, of which one langroom was captain, seven hundred nineteen pounds of beaver, and one hundred ninety nine otter skins, concerning which Mr. Shirley writes as follows. James Shirley in London to the new Plymouth Colony. I have received your letters with Eight Hogshead of Beaver by Edward Wilkinson, Captain of the Falcon. Blessed be God for its safe arrival. I have also seen and accepted three bills of exchange, but I must acquaint you that the Lord's hand is heavy upon this kingdom in many parts, but chiefly in this city with his judgment of the plague. Last week's bill was twelve hundred deaths, and I fear this will be more, and it is much feared that it will be a winter sickness. It is incredible the number of people who have gone into the country in consequence, many more than went out during the last plague. So there is no trading here. Carriers from most places are forbidden to enter, and money, though long due, cannot be obtained. Mr. Hall owes us more than would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all are in the country, sixty miles from London. I wrote to him, he came up but could not pay us. I am sure that if I were to offer to sell the beaver at eight shillings per pound I could not get the money. But when the Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets, so it shall lie by in the meantime. Before I accepted the bills, I acquainted Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews about them, that no money could be got, and that it would be a great discredit to you to refuse the bills, none having ever been dishonored, and ashamed to us, with eighteen hundred pounds of beaver lying by, and more already owing than the bills came to, etc. But it was useless, neither of them would lift a finger to help. I offered to put up my third part, but they said they neither could nor would, etc. However, your bills shall be met, but I did not think they would have deserted either you or me at this time. You will expect me to write more fully and answer your letters, but I am not a day each week at home in town. I take my books and all to clap them, for here it is the most miserable time that I think has been known in many ages. I have known three great plagues, but none like this. And that which should be a means to pacify the Lord and help us is denied us, for preaching is put down in many places, not a sermon in Westminster on the Sabbath nor in many towns about us. The Lord in mercy look upon us. Early in the year there was a great drought, and no rain for many weeks, so that everything was burnt up, hay at five pounds aload, and now there is nothing but rain, so that much summer corn and late hay is spoiled. Thus the Lord sends judgment after judgment, and yet we cannot see or humble ourselves, and therefore may justly fear heavier judgments unless we speedily repent and turn unto him, which the Lord give us grace to do if it be his blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest your loving friend, James Shirley, September 14th, 1636. This was all the answer they had from Mr. Shirley, which made Mr. Winslow's hopes fail him. So they decided to send no more beaver till they came to some settlement. But now there came letters from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, full of complaints, surprised that nothing had been sent over to meet the amounts due them, and that it appeared by the account sent in 1631 that they were each of them out about eleven hundred pounds apiece, and all this time they had not received one penny towards it, and now Mr. Shirley was trying to get more money from them, and was offended because they refused him. They blamed them here very much that all was sent to Mr. Shirley and nothing to them. The partners here wondered at this, for they supposed that much of their money had been paid in, and that each of them had received a proportionate quantity yearly out of the large returns sent home. They had sent home since the account was received in 1631, which included all and more than all their debts, with that ear's supplies, goods to the following amount. November 18th, 1631, by Mr. Pierce, four hundred pounds of beaver, otter twenty skins. July 13th, 1632, by Mr. Griffin, thirteen hundred forty-eight pounds of beaver, otter one hundred forty-seven skins. Sixteen thirty-three, by Mr. Graves, three thousand three hundred sixty-six pounds of beaver, otter three hundred forty-six skins. Sixteen thirty-four, by Mr. Andrews, three thousand seven hundred thirty-eight pounds of beaver, otter two hundred thirty-four skins. Sixteen thirty-five, by Mr. Bab, one thousand one hundred fifty pounds of beaver, otter two hundred skins. June twenty-fourth, sixteen thirty-six, by Mr. Wilkinson, one thousand eight hundred nine pounds of beaver, otter ten skins. Sixteen thirty-six, by Mr. Langroom, seven hundred nineteen pounds of beaver, otter one hundred ninety-nine skins. Total twelve thousand five hundred thirty pounds of beaver, otter one thousand one hundred fifty-six skins. All these quantities were safely received and well sold as appeared by letters. The coat beaver usually sold at twenty shillings per pound, and sometimes at twenty-four shillings, otter skins at fifteen shillings, and sometimes sixteen shillings each. I do not remember any under fourteen shillings. It may be that the last year's shipment fetched less, but there were some small furs not reckoned in this account, and some black beaver at high rates to make up any such deficit. It was calculated that the above parcels of beaver came to little less than ten thousand pounds sterling, and the otter skins would pay all the expenses, and with other furs make up besides whatever might be short of the former some. When the former account was passed, all their debts, those of the white angel and friendship included, came to but four thousand seven hundred seventy pounds. They estimated that all the supplies sent them scents and bills paid for them could not exceed two thousand pounds, so that their debts should have been paid with interest. It may be objected how came it that they did not know the exact amount of their receipts as they did of their returns, but had to estimate them. Two things were the cause of it. The first and principle was that the new accountant, who was pressed upon them from England, wholly failed them, and could never render them any accounts. He trusted to his memory and loose papers, and let things run into such confusion that neither he nor anyone else could bring things to rights. Whenever he was called upon to perfect his accounts, he desired to have so long or such a time of leisure, and he would finish them. In the interim he fell very ill, and in conclusion he could make no account at all. His books, after a brief good beginning, were left altogether imperfect, and of his papers some were lost and others so confused that he knew not what to make of them himself when they came to be examined. This was not unknown to Mr. Shirley, and the colony came to smart for it to some purpose, both in England and here, though it was not their fault. They reckoned they have lost in consequence some hundred of pounds for goods sold on credit, which were ultimately a dead loss for want of clear accounts to call for payment. Another reason of the mischief was that after Mr. Winslow was sent into England to demand accounts and to take exception to the White Angel, no prices were sent with their goods, and no proper invoice of them. Everything was confused, and they were obliged to guess at the prices. They wrote back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, and told them they wondered they could say that they had sent nothing home since the last accounts. They had sent a great deal, and it might rather be wondered how they could send so much, beside all the expenses here and what the French had captured, and what had been lost at sea when Mr. Pierce's ship was wrecked off the coast of Virginia. What they had sent was sent to them all, to them as well as Mr. Shirley, and if they had not looked after it it was their own faults. They must refer them to Mr. Shirley who had received it, from whom they should demand it. They also wrote to Mr. Shirley to the same purpose, and what the others' complaints were. This year two shallops going to Connecticut with goods from Massachusetts, belonging to those who had gone there to settle, were wrecked in an easterly storm, coming into the harbor at night. The boatmen were drowned, and the goods were driven all along the shore, and strewn up and down at high watermark. But the governor had them collected, and an inventory made of them, and they were washed and dried. So most of the goods were saved and restored to the owners. Afterwards another boat from the same place, and bound for the same destination, was wrecked at Minoan's Cusset, and the goods that came ashore were preserved for them. Such misfortunes the Connecticut settlers from Massachusetts met with in their beginnings, and some thought them a correction from God for their intrusion there to the entry of others. But I dare not be so bold with God's judgments as to say that it was so. In the year 1634 the Pequots, a war-like tribe that had conquered many of its neighbors, and was puffed up with numerous victories, were at variance with the Narragansets, a great neighboring tribe. These Narragansets held correspondence and were on terms of friendship with the English of Massachusetts. The Pequots, being conscious of the guilt of the death of Captain Stone, whom they knew to be an Englishman, and of those who were with him, and having fallen out with the Dutch, lest they should have too many enemies at once wished to make friends with the English of Massachusetts, and sent messengers and gifts to them, as is shown by some letters from the Governor there as follows, Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts to the New Plymouth Colony, Dear and Worthy Sir, to let you know something about our affairs. The Pequots have sent to us desiring our friendship, and offering much wampum and beaver, etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer, with the next we had several days' conference, and taking the advice of some of our ministers and seeking the Lord in it we concluded a peace and friendship with them on these conditions, that they should deliver to us the men who were guilty of Stone's death. If we desired to settle in Connecticut they should give up their right to us, and we should trade with them as friends, the chief thing aimed at. To this they readily agreed, and begged that we should mediate a peace between them and the Narragansets, for which purpose they were willing that we should give the Narragansets part of the present they would bestow on us, for they stood so much on their honor that they would not be seen to give anything of themselves. As for Captain Stone they told us there were but two left who had a hand in his death, and that they killed him in a just quarrel, for he surprised two of their men, and bound them, and forced them to show him the way up the river. He went ashore with two others, nine Indians secretly watching him, and when they were asleep that night they killed him and the others to free their own men, and some of them going afterwards to the Penis it was suddenly blown up. We are now preparing to send the Penis to them. In another of his he writes thus, Our Penis has lately returned from the Piquots, they did little trade, and found them a very false tribe, so they mean to have no more to do with them. I have many other things to write you. Yours ever assured, John Winthrop, Boston, 12th of the first month, 1634. After these occurrences, and as I take it this year, John Oldham, so often mentioned before, now an inhabitant of Massachusetts, went trading with a small vessel, weakly manned, into the south parts, and upon a quarrel between him and the Indians was killed by them, as was before noted, at an island called by the Indians Munises, but since by the English Block Island. This, with the death of stone and the trifling of the Piquots with the English of Massachusetts, incited the latter to send out a party to take revenge and require satisfaction for these wrongs. But it was done so superficially and without acquainting those of Connecticut and their other neighbors with the project, that little good came of it. Indeed, to their neighbors it did more harm than good, for some of the murderers of Oldham fled to the Piquots, and though the English went to the Piquots and had some parley with them, they only deluded them, and the English returned without doing anything effective. After the English had returned, the Piquots watched their opportunity to kill some of the English as they passed in boats, or went out fouling, and next spring even attacked them in their homes, as will appear. I only touch upon these things, because I have no doubt they will be more fully covered by those who have more exact knowledge of them, and whom they more properly concern. This year Mr. Smith resigned his ministry, partly by his own wish, thinking it too heavy a burden, and partly at the persuasion of others. So the Church looked out for someone else, having often been disappointed in their hopes before, but it pleased the Lord to send them an able and godly man, Mr. John Rainer, meek and humble in spirit, sound in the truth, and every way unreprivable in his life and conversation. After some time of trial they chose him as their minister, the fruits of whose labors they enjoyed many years with much comfort in peace and good agreement. Thank you very much for your time, Mr. Smith. Thank you, Mr. Smith.