 Good morning, everybody. First of all, I would like to, as a veteran who was here at the creation in 2008, congratulate Thierry de Montréal and his extraordinary team to give us the chance to see each other again in person in this terrible crisis that we've had. It's wonderful to see each other again in person. The preceding panel focused on economic trends, although they touched about some power questions looking at the relationship between China and the world. This panel will focus on power relationships in present international politics. There's a lot of noise and there are many tumultuous events. We want to look beyond them and identify how various key actors and regents, US, Europe, Russia, China, how they are affected by the tectonic shifts in the geopolitical structure and how they shape them. And one of the typical examples of a lot of noise and tumultuous events is the withdrawal from Afghanistan. But what we have to ask ourselves is, what is the geopolitical meaning of the withdrawal? Who is to gain? Some argue the US lost, others argue the US gained from this withdrawal. Similarly, the AUKUS pact between Australia, the US, and the UK cost an enormous shock. Lots of consternation, disappointment, hurt feelings, breach of trust, all of that. But we have to look beyond it. Is there a new constellation of power, a new power balance emerging, between China and a group of Western states led by the US? Where does France place itself? Where does the European Union place itself in this? What role does the US accord to Europe? What do we have to think about the notion of European autonomy in this context? What does it mean? Is it real? Is it a genuine alternative? And looking at the somewhat inept way the US pulled out of Afghanistan and organized the AUKUS pact, how is the US, the Biden administration, going to balance this what the economist called ferocious complexity of reconciling on the one hand confrontation and conflict with China, with on the other hand the need for cooperation on global issues such as climate or health. And if we look at Russia, again, we have to go beyond the conflict, which is definitely the case, and at the moment, relations with the world, with the West are not really at their lowest point. We have to look beyond it and ask ourselves the geopolitical question of the future. And the Russians too, is it in the West's interest to have a Russia that remains a satellite of a powerful and rising China? Is it in Russia's interest? And as we sit here, the Trade Technology Council created between the European Union and the US to reset their economic relationship is actually meeting in Pennsylvania. Are the two blocks still the most important power block in the world in terms of economics? Are they going to reformulate and redo the orders and regulations of the liberal world order and do this at a time when the Biden administration has not discarded many of the protectionist and America first ideologies of the Trump administration? So these are open questions. And to conclude, my questions, two general questions. Is the emerging conflict with China going to structure and dominate the world in the same way as the old Cold War with a bipolar structure between the US and the Soviet Union once did? And in its combination of confrontation and interdependence and cooperation, on the other hand, how does this conflict differ from the preceding Cold War conflict? And how does this affect the likelihood of war, which, after all, the Cold War avoided, thank God? So with these questions, I turn to the panel, where we have wonderful expertise gathered here. I'm not going to introduce them with all their background because you can read that in the introduction. And I will start, and please, since our time is limited, confine yourself to six to seven minutes. I will hold up my watch when the time comes.