 We know how 10,000, 10,000 Ukrainian civilians and soldiers have been victims of this conflict, of violence, but on the other side also 100,000 Russian soldiers. And for me, our bodies that ended up in the war machine, many times also young lives emulated on the altar of old and new irons. And this is, by the way, how a systematic rearmament can take place. Yet it should be clear that weapons only serve to die and to make people die. And the point is, why should we accept death as the inevitable solution to conflicts? A policy that doesn't save life but rather demands death as a necessary solution is a necropolitics, a politics of death. And it is a policy which denies its own task, which renounces itself in favor of war and violence. So how to stop the war with negotiations, with mediations? And let me put a last question. Why has Europe not assumed a mediating role? That means peace negotiations. This is the point for me. Peace negotiations and pacifism would be a very good idea. Unfortunately, we cannot afford it. And I would say that sending weapons is the only way why I'm here today. So that's the only reason. If not Western help with weapons, I may not sit here. My child may be dead for now. If not assistance with weapons, we would be doomed. So that's just the opposite situation. We badly need military assistance from the West. I think that's quite simple. That if not for the help with weapons and with other military assistance, that would be more torchishampos. That would be more people died in Kiev. Kiev was encircled, but Kiev was not occupied. That would be all over Ukraine. I guess you see these maps that appeared before the invasion, because that was, by the way, a long attempt to talk to Putin. Macron talked to Putin, Biden talked to Putin, everyone talked to Putin. No results, absolutely. 28th of February, we have the invasion. That was a very long story. That was months before that. Nothing happened. I want to say to Donna Teller that I think you are 15% right and 100% wrong. I think that all wars are terrible, but I think that we need to make distinctions among wars. I think that it is a primary moral obligation to defend oneself and one's family and one's community. And it is a primary moral obligation. It is a duty to defend the weak. And neither of these two things can be done without power and sometimes without force or violence. Now, you shake your head, but I know of no circumstance in which a power launched a war of aggression and in the middle of it decided that they'd made a moral mistake and went home. I think that everything about pacifism goes against everything we know about the history of the human heart. Generally, pacifism likes to speak in a very high-minded, lofty tone of morality and moralism and so on. My own view is that pacifism, unless the entire world becomes pacifist tomorrow morning, pacifism's consequences are actually immoral. My position is not the position of indifference. I am on the side of European people, but I am also on the side of Russian people. I am against leadership, against leaders who are not responsible. This is the point. I don't think as a philosopher that polymos, that war comes first and then peace is something that we reach later. I think, and it is the big result of philosophers like Manuel Levinas and after the Shoah, and the idea that peace is the relationship with the other. We need the other. And we need today a policy of cohabitation for the European peoples. And Ukrainian and Russians are European peoples. And this is, for me, the point. Let me just say that the one thing you omit, you cannot make an equivalence between the Russians and the Ukrainians, except insofar as they're both dying and they're both being killed. What we've learned with Ukraine is that today we have people able to risk their life for freedom. And it's very impressive. It's true in Ukraine. It's true in Taiwan. It's true in Iran. It's true in Venezuela, in Cuba, in many places in the world. And we have in Europe and in the US, I believe to be able to reform our countries and to support freedom, and to make the necessary changes because they're huge, to support freedom in the 21st century. So that's, I believe, the big lesson of Ukraine. And especially for the Europeans, it's a tough lesson.