 Section 11 of Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Jim Clevenger Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant by Ulysses Grant Chapter 11 Advance on the City of Mexico Battle of Contreras Assault at Churubusco Negotiations for Peace Battle of Molino del Rey Storming of Chipultepec San Cosme Evacuation of the City Hulls of the Montezuma's The route followed by the army from Puebla to the City of Mexico was over Rio Frio Mountain. The road leading over which, at the highest point, is about 11,000 feet above Tidewater. The pass through this mountain might have been easily defended, but it was not. And the advanced division reached the summit in three days after leaving Puebla. The City of Mexico lies west of Rio Frio Mountain, on a plain backed by another mountain six miles further west, with others still nearer on the north and south. Between the western base of Rio Frio and the City of Mexico there are three lakes, Chalco, and Chochimilco on the left, and Texcoco on the right, extending to the east end of the City of Mexico. Chalco and Texcoco are divided by a narrow strip of land over which the direct road to the city runs. So Chimilco is also to the left of the road, but at a considerable distance south of it, and is connected with Lake Chalco by a narrow channel. There is a high rocky mound, called El Penón, on the right of the road, springing up from the low flat ground dividing the lakes. This mound was strengthened by entrenchments at its base and summit, and rendered a direct attack impracticable. Scott's army was rapidly concentrated about Ayatla and other points near the eastern end of Lake Chalco. The reconnaissance were made up to within gunshot of El Penón while engineers were seeking a route by the south side of Lake Chalco to flank the city and come upon it from the south and southwest. A way was found around the lake, and by the 18th of August troops were in St. Augustine Tololpam, a town about eleven miles due south from the plaza of the capital. Between St. Augustine Tololpam and the city lie the Hacienda of San Antonio and the village of Chuyabusco, and southwest of them is Contre Ross. All these points, except St. Augustine Tololpam, were entrenched and strongly garrisoned. Contre Ross is situated on the side of a mountain near its base where volcanic rocks are piled in great confusion, reaching nearly to San Antonio. This made the approach to the city from the south very difficult. The brigade to which I was attached, Garlands, of Warts Division, was sent to confront San Antonio two or three miles from St. Augustine Tololpam on the road to Chuyabusco and the city of Mexico. The ground on which San Antonio stands is completely in the valley, and the surface of the land is only a little above the level of the lakes, and, except to the southwest, it was cut up by deep ditches filled with water. To the southwest is the Pedregal, the volcanic rock before spoken of, over which cavalry or artillery could not be passed and infantry would make but poor progress if confronted by an enemy. From the position occupied by Garlands Brigade, therefore, no movement could be made against the defenses of San Antonio except to the front, and by a narrow causeway over perfectly level ground, every inch of which was commanded by the enemy's artillery and infantry. If Contrae Ross, some three miles west and south, should fall into our hands, troops from there could move to the right flank of all the positions held by the enemy between us and the city. Under these circumstances, General Scott directed the holding of the front of the enemy without making an attack until further orders. On the 18th of August, the day of reaching San Augustine to Laupam, Garlands Brigade secured a position with an easy range of the advanced entrenchments of San Antonio, but where his troops were protected by an artificial embankment that had been thrown up for some other purpose than defense. General Scott, at once, set his engineers, reconnoitering the works about Contrae Ross, and on the 19th movements were commenced to get troops into position from which an assault could be made upon the force occupying that place, the Pedragal on the north and northeast, and the mountain on the south, made the passage by either flank of the enemy's forces difficult, for their work stood exactly between those natural bulwarks, but a road was completed during the day and night of the 19th, and troops were got to the north and west of the enemy. This affair, like that of Cerro Gordo, was an engagement in which the officers of the engineer corps won special distinction. In fact, in both cases, tasks which seemed difficult at first sight were made easier for the troops that had to execute them than they would have been on an ordinary field. The very strength of each of these positions was, by the skill of the engineers, converted into a defense for the assaulting parties while securing their positions for final attack. All the troops with General Scott in the Valley of Mexico, except a part of the division of general equipment at San Augustine to L'Alpame, and the brigade of Garland, worst division, at San Antonio, were engaged at the Battle of Contrae Ross, or were on their way, in obedience to the orders of their chief to reinforce those who were engaged. The assault was made on the morning of the 20th, and in less than half an hour from the sound of the advance, the position was in our hands, with many prisoners and large quantities of ordnance and other stores. The brigade, commanded by General Riley, was, from its position, the most conspicuous in the final assault, but all did well, volunteers and regulars. From the point occupied by Garland's brigade, we could see the progress made at Contrae Ross and the movement of troops toward the flank and rear of the enemy opposing us. The Mexicans, all the way back to the city, could see the same thing, and their conduct showed plainly that they did not enjoy the sight. We moved out at once and found them gone from our immediate front. Garland's brigade of Worst Division, now moved west over the point of the Pedragal, and after having passed to the north sufficiently to clear San Antonio, turned east and got on the causeway leading to Churibusco and the city of Mexico. When he approached Churibusco, his left, under Colonel Hoffman, attacked a teta point at that place and brought on an engagement. About an hour after, Garland was ordered to advance directly along the causeway and got up in time to take part in the engagement. San Antonio was found evacuated, the evacuation having probably taken place immediately upon the enemy seeing the stars and stripes waving over Contrae Ross. The troops that had been engaged at Contrae Ross, and even then on their way to that battlefield, were moved by a causeway west of and parallel to the one by way of San Antonio and Churibusco. It was expected by the commanding general that these troops would move north sufficiently far to flank the enemy out of his position at Churibusco before turning east to reach the San Antonio road, but they did not succeed in this and Churibusco proved to be about the severest battle fought in the Valley of Mexico. General Scott, coming upon the battlefield about this juncture, ordered two brigades under shields to move north and turn the right of the enemy. This shields did, but not without hard fighting and heavy loss. The enemy finally gave way, leaving in our hands prisoners, artillery, and small arms. The balance of the causeway held by the enemy up to the very gates of the city fell in like manner. I recollect at this place that some of the gunners who had stood their ground were deserters from General Taylor's army on the Rio Grande. Both the strategy and tactics displayed by General Scott in these various engagements of the 20th of August 1847 were faultless as I look upon them now after the lapse of so many years. As before stated, the work of the engineer officers who made the reconnaissance and led the different commands to their destinations was so perfect that the chief was able to give his orders to his various subordinates with all the precision he could use on an ordinary march. I mean up to the point from which the attack was to commence. After that point is reached, the enemy often induces a change of orders not before contemplated. The enemy, outside the city, outnumbered our soldiery quite three to one, but they had become so demoralized by the succession of defeats this day that the city of Mexico could have been entered without much further bloodshed. In fact, Captain Philip Kearney, afterwards a general in the War of the Rebellion, rode with a squadron of cavalry to the very gates of the city and would no doubt have entered with his little force only. At that point he was badly wounded, as were several of his officers. He had not heard the call for a halt. General Franklin Pierce had joined the army in Mexico at Puebla, a short time before the advance upon the capital commenced. He had consequently not been in any of the engagements of the war up to the Battle of Contreras. By an unfortunate fall of his horse, on the afternoon of the 19th he was painfully injured. The next day, when his brigade with the other troops engaged on the same field, was ordered against the flank and rear of the enemy guarding the different points of the road from San Augustine to Laupam to the city, General Pierce attempted to accompany them. He was not sufficiently recovered to do so and fainted. This circumstance gave rise to exceedingly unfair and unjust criticism of him when he became a candidate for the presidency. Whatever General Pierce's qualifications may have been for the presidency, he was a gentleman and a man of courage. I was not a supporter of him politically, but I knew him more intimately than I did any other of the volunteer generals. General Scott abstained from entering the city at this time because Mr. Nicholas P. Trist, the commissioner on the part of the United States to negotiate a treaty of peace with Mexico, was with the army, and either he or General Scott thought, probably both of them, that a treaty would be more possible while the Mexican government was in possession of the capital than if it was scattered and the capital in the hands of an invader. Be this as it may, we did not enter at that time. The army took up positions along the slopes of the mountains south of the city as far west as Tacubaya. Generals were at once entered into with Santa Ana, who was then practically the government, and the immediate commander of all the troops engaged in defense of the country. A truce was signed, which denied to either party the right to strengthen its position or to receive reinforcements during the continuance of the armistice, but authorized General Scott to draw supplies for his army from the city in the meantime. Negotiations were commenced at once, and were kept up vigorously between Mr. Trist and the commissioners appointed on the part of Mexico until the 2nd of September. At that time Mr. Trist handed in his ultimatum. Texas was to be given up absolutely by Mexico, and New Mexico and California ceded to the United States for a stipulated sum to be afterwards determined. I do not suppose Mr. Trist had any discretion whatever in regard to boundaries. The war was one of conquest in the interest of an institution, and the probabilities are that private instructions were for the acquisition of territory out of which new states might be carved. At all events the Mexicans felt so outraged at the terms proposed that they commenced preparations for defense without giving notice of the termination of the armistice. The terms of the truce had been violated before, when teams had been sent into the city to bring out supplies for the army. The first train entering the city was very severely threatened by a mob. This however was apologized for by the authorities and all responsibility for it denied, and thereafter to avoid exciting the Mexican people and soldiery, our teams with their escorts were sent in at night when the troops were in barracks and the citizens in bed. The circumstance was overlooked, and negotiations continued. As soon as the news reached General Scott of the second violation of the armistice about the 4th of September, he wrote a vigorous note to President Santa Anna, calling his attention to it and, receiving an unsatisfactory reply, declared the armistice at an end. General Scott, with worse division, was now occupying Taquibaya, a village some four miles southwest of the city of Mexico and extending from the base up the mountainside for the distance of half a mile. More than a mile west and also a little above the plain stands Molino del Rey. The mill is a long stone structure, one story high and several hundred feet in length. At the period of which I speak, General Scott supposed a portion of the mill to be used as a foundry for the casting of guns, this however proved to be a mistake. It was valuable to the Mexicans because of the quantity of grain it contained. The building is flat-roofed, and a line of sandbags over the outer walls rendered the top quite a formidable defense for infantry. Chapultepec is a mound springing up from the plain to the height of probably three hundred feet and almost in a direct line between Molino del Rey and the western part of the city. It was fortified both on the top and on the rocky and precipitous sides. The city of Mexico is supplied with water by two aqueducts, resting on strong stone arches. One of these aqueducts draws its supply of water from a mountain stream coming into it at or near Molino del Rey and runs north, close to the west base of Chapultepec, thence along the center of a wide road, until it reaches the road running east into the city by the Garita San Cosme, from which point the aqueduct and road both run east to the city. The second aqueduct starts from the east base of Chapultepec, where it is fed by a spring and runs northeast to the city. This aqueduct, like the other, runs in the middle of a broad roadway, thus leaving a space on each side. The arches supporting the aqueduct afforded protection for advancing troops as well as to those engaged defensively. At points on the San Cosme road, parapets were thrown across with an embrasure for a single piece of artillery in each. At the point where both road and aqueduct turn at right angles from north to east, there was not only one of these parapets supplied by one gun and infantry supports, but the houses to the north of the San Cosme road, facing south and commanding a view of the road back to Chapultepec, were covered with infantry, protected by parapets made of sandbags. The roads leading to Garitas, the gates, San Cosme and Balian, by which these aqueducts enter the city, were strongly entrenched, deep wide ditches filled with water lined the sides of both roads. Such were the defenses of the city of Mexico in September 1847, on the routes over which General Scott entered. Prior to the Mexican War, General Scott had been very partial to General Wirth. Indeed, he continued so up to the close of hostilities, but, for some reason, Wirth had become estranged from his chief. Scott evidently took this coldness somewhat to heart. He did not retaliate, however, but on the contrary showed every disposition to appease his subordinate. It was understood at the time that he gave Wirth authority to plan and execute the battle of Molino del Rey without dictation or interference from any one, for the very purpose of restoring their former relations. The effort failed, and the two generals remained ever after cold and indifferent towards each other, if not actually hostile. The battle of Molino del Rey was fought on the 8th of September. The night of the 7th, Wirth, sent for his brigade and regimental commanders with their staffs to come to his quarters to receive instructions for the moral. These orders contemplated a movement up to within striking distance of the mills before daylight. The engineers had reconnoitered the ground as well as possible and had acquired all the information necessary to base proper orders both for approach and attack. By daylight on the morning of the 8th, the troops to be engaged at Molino were all at the places designated. The ground in front of the mills, to the south, was commanded by the artillery from the summit of Chipultepec as well as by the lighter batteries at hand, but a charge was made and soon all was over. Wirth's troops entered the mills by every door, and the enemy beat a hasty retreat back to Chipultepec. Had this victory been followed up promptly, no doubt Americans and Mexicans would have gone over the defenses of Chipultepec so near together that the place would have fallen into our hands without further loss. The defenders of the works could not have fired upon us without endangering their own men. This was not done, and five days later more valuable lives were sacrificed to carry work which had been so nearly in our possession on the 8th. I do not criticize the failure to capture Chipultepec at this time. The result that followed the first assault could not possibly have been foreseen and to profit by the unexpected advantage the commanding general must have been on the spot and given the necessary instructions at the moment or the troops must have kept on without orders. It is always, however, in order to follow a retreating foe unless stopped or otherwise directed. The loss on our side at Molino del Rey was severe for the numbers engaged. It was especially so among commissioned officers. I was with the earliest of the troops to enter the mills. In passing through to the north side looking towards Chipultepec I happened to notice that there were armed Mexicans still on top of the building only a few feet from many of our men. Not seeing any stairway or ladder reaching to the top of the building I took a few soldiers and had a cart that happened to be standing near, brought up and placing the shafts against the wall and chalking the wheels so that the cart could not back, use the shafts as a sort of ladder extending to within three or four feet of the top. By this I climbed to the roof of the building, followed by a few men, but found a private soldier had preceded me by some other way. There were still quite a number of Mexicans on the roof, among them a major and five or six officers of lower grades, who had not succeeded in getting away before our troops occupied the building. They still had their arms, while the soldier before mentioned was walking as sentry guarding the prisoners he had surrounded all by himself, I halted the sentinel, received the swords from the commissioned officers and proceeded with the assistance of the soldiers now with me to disable the muskets by striking them against the edge of the wall and throw them to the ground below. Molino del Rey was now captured and the troops engaged with the exception of an appropriate guard over the captured position and property were marched back to their quarters in Tocquebella. The engagement did not last many minutes, but the killed and wounded were numerous for the number of troops engaged. During the night of the eleventh, batteries were established which could play upon the fortifications of Chipotlepec. The bombardment commenced early on the morning of the twelfth, but there was no further engagement during this day than that of the artillery. General Scott assigned the capture of Chipotlepec to General Pillow, but did not leave the details to his judgment. Two assaulting columns, two hundred and fifty men each, composed of volunteers for the occasion, were formed. They were commanded by Captains Mackenzie and Casey respectively. The assault was successful but bloody. In later years, if not at the time, the battles of Molino del Rey and Chipotlepec have seemed to me to have been wholly unnecessary. When the assaults upon the Guaritas of San Cosme and Balian were determined upon, the road running east to the former gate could have been reached easily without an engagement. By moving along south of the mills, until west of them sufficiently far, to be out of range, hence north to the road above mentioned, or, if desirable, to keep the two attacking columns nearer together, the troops could have been turned east so as to come on the aqueduct road out of range of the guns from Chipotlepec. In like manner, the troops designated to act against Balian could have kept east of Chipotlepec out of range and come on to the aqueduct also out of range of Chipotlepec. Molino del Rey and Chipotlepec would both have been necessarily evacuated if this course had been pursued for they would have been turned. For equipment, a volunteer from the state of Mississippi, who stood well with the army both as a soldier and as a man, commanded the column acting against Balian. General Worth commanded the column against San Cosme. When Chipotlepec fell, the advance commenced along the two aqueduct roads. I was on the road to San Cosme and witnessed most that took place on that route. When opposition was encountered, our troops sheltered themselves by keeping under the arches supporting the aqueduct, advancing an arch at a time. We encountered no serious obstruction until within gun shot of the point where the road we were on intersects that running east through the city. The point where the aqueduct turns at a right angle. I have described the defenses of this position before. There were but three commissioned officers besides myself that I can now call to mind with the advance when the above position was reached. One of these officers was a Lieutenant Sims of the Marine Corps. I think Captain Gore and Lieutenant Judah of the Fourth Inventory were the others. Our progress was stopped for the time by the single piece of artillery at the angle of the roads and the infantry occupying the house tops back from it. West of the road from where we were stood a house occupying the southwest angle made by the San Cosme road and the road we were moving upon. A stone wall ran from the house along each of these roads for a considerable distance and thence back until it joined, enclosing quite a yard about the house. I watched my opportunity and skipped across the road and behind the south wall. Proceeding cautiously to the west corner of the enclosure, I peeped around and seeing nobody continued still cautiously until the road running east and west was reached. I then returned to the troops and called for volunteers. All that were close to me or that heard me about a dozen offered their services. Commanding them to carry their arms at a trail, I watched our opportunity and got them across the road and undercover of the wall beyond before the enemy had shot at us. Our men, undercover of the arches, kept a close watch on the entrenchments that crossed our path and the house tops beyond and, whenever a head showed itself above the parapets, they would fire at it. Our crossing was thus made practicable without loss. When we reached a safe position, I instructed my little command again to carry their arms at a trail, not to fire at the enemy until they were ordered, and to move very cautiously following me until the San Cosme road was reached. We would then, beyond the flank of the men, serving the gun on the road, and with no obstruction between us and them, when we reached the southwest corner of the enclosure before described, I saw some United States troops pushing north to a shallow ditch nearby who had come up since my reconnaissance. This was the company of Captain Horace Brooks of the artillery, acting as infantry. I explained to Brooks briefly what I had discovered and what I was about to do. He said, as I knew the ground and he did not, I might go on and he would follow. As soon as we got on the road leading to the city, the troops serving the gun on the parapet retreated, and those on the housetops nearby followed. Our men went after them in such close pursuit, the troops we had left under the arches joining, that a second line across the road, about half way between the first and the Garita, was carried. No reinforcements had yet come up except Brooks's company, and the position we had taken was too advanced to be held by so small a force. It was given up, but retaken later in the day with some loss. Worth's command gradually advanced to the front, now open to it. Later in the day, in reconordering, I found a church off to the south of the road, which looked to me as if the belfry would command the ground back of the Garita San Cosme. I got an officer of the vote to shares with a mountain howitzer, and men to work it to go with me. The road, being in possession of the enemy, we had to take the field to the south to reach the church. This took us over several ditches, breast deep in water, and grown up with water plants. These ditches, however, were not over eight or ten feet in width. The howitzer was taken to pieces and carried by the men to its destination. When I knocked for admission, a priest came to the door who, while extremely polite, declined to admit us. With the little Spanish then at my command, I explained to him that he might save property by opening the door, and he certainly would save himself from becoming a prisoner, for a time at least, and besides, I intended to go in whether he consented or not. He began to see his duty in the same light that I did, and opened the door, though he did not look as if it gave him special pleasure to do so. The gun was carried to the belfry and put together. We were not more than two or three hundred yards from San Cosme. The shots from our little gun dropped in upon the enemy and created great confusion. Why they did not send out a small party and capture us, I do not know. We had no infantry or other defenses besides our one gun. The effect of this gun upon the troops about the gate of the city was so marked that General Worth saw it from his position. He was so pleased that he sent a staff officer, Lieutenant Kimberton, later Lieutenant General, commanding the defenses of Vicksburg, to bring me to him. He expressed his gratification at the services the howitzer in the church steeple was doing, saying that every shot was effective and ordered a captain of vote to shares to report to me with another howitzer to be placed along with the one already rendering so much service. I could not tell the General that there was not room enough in the steeple for another gun, because he probably would have looked upon such a statement as a contradiction from a second Lieutenant. I took the captain with me, but did not use his gun. The night of the thirteenth of September was spent by the troops under General Worth in the houses near San Cosme and in line confronting the general line of the enemy across to Balin. The troops that I was with were in the houses north of the road leading into the city and were engaged during the night in cutting passageways from one house to another towards the town. During the night, Santa Anna, with his army, except the deserters, left the city. He liberated all the conflicts, confined in the town, hoping, no doubt, that they would inflict upon us some injury before daylight, but several hours after Santa Anna was out of the way, the city authorities sent a delegation to General Scott to ask, if not demand, an armistice. Between church property, the rights of citizens, and the supremacy of the city government in the management of municipal affairs, General Scott declined to travel himself with conditions, but gave assurances that those who chose to remain within our lines would be protected so long as they behaved themselves properly. General Quitman had advanced along his line very successfully on the 13th, so that, at night, his command occupied nearly the same position at Valen that Wurth's troops did about San Cosme. After the interview above related between General Scott and the city council, orders were issued for the cautious entry of both columns in the morning. The troops under Wurth were to stop at the Alameda, a park near the west end of the city. Quitman was to go directly to the plaza and take possession of the palace, a mass of buildings on the east side in which Congress has its sessions, the national courts are held, the public offices are all located, the president resides, and much room is left for museums, receptions, etc. This is the building generally designated as the halls of the Montezuma's. End of Section 11, recording by Jim Clevenger, Little Rock, Arkansas, Jim at joclev.com. Section 12 of Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Jim Clevenger, Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant, by Ulysses S. Grant. Chapter 12. Promotion to First Lieutenant. Capture of the City of Mexico. The Army. Mexican Soldiers. Peace negotiations. On entering the city, the troops were fired upon by the released convicts, and possibly by deserters and hospital citizens. The streets were deserted, and the place presented the appearance of a city of the dead, except for this firing by unseen persons from house tops, windows, and around corners. In this firing, the Lieutenant Colonel of my regiment, Garland, was badly wounded. Lieutenant Sidney Smith of the Fourth Inventory was also wounded mortally. He died a few days after, and by his death I was promoted to the grade of First Lieutenant. I had gone into the battle of Palo Alto in May 1846, a Second Lieutenant, and I entered the city of Mexico sixteen months later with the same rank. After having been in all the engagements possible for any one man and in a regiment that lost more officers during the war than had ever had present at any one engagement, my regiment lost four commissioned officers, all senior to me, by steamboat explosions during the Mexican War. The Mexicans were not so discriminating. They sometimes picked off my juniors. Colonel Scott soon followed the troops into the city in state. I wonder that he was not fired upon, but I believe he was not. At all events he was not hurt. He took quarters at first in the halls of the Montezuma's, and from there issued his wise and discreet orders for the government of a conquered city and for suppressing the hostile acts of liberated convicts already spoken of, orders which challenged the respect of all who studied them. Lawlessness was soon suppressed, and the city of Mexico settled down into a quiet, law-abiding place. The people began to make their appearance upon the streets without fear of the invaders. Shortly afterwards the bulk of the troops were sent from the city to the villages at the foot of the mountains, four or five miles to the south and southwest. Whether General Scott approved of the Mexican War, and the manner in which it was brought about, I have no means of knowing. His orders to troops indicate only a soldierly spirit was probably a little regard for the perpetuation of his own fame. On the other hand, General Taylor's, I think, indicate that he considered the administration accountable for the war, and felt no responsibility resting on himself further than for the faithful performance of his duties. Both generals deserve the commendations of their countrymen and to live in the grateful memory of this people to the latest generation. Here in this narrative I have stated that the plain, reached after passing the mountains east of Perote, extends to the cities of Puebla and Mexico. The route traveled by the army before reaching Puebla goes over a pass in a spur of mountain coming up from the south. This pass is very susceptible of defense by a smaller against a larger force. Then the highest point of the roadbed between Veracruz and the city of Mexico is over Rio Frio Mountain, which also might have been successfully defended by an inferior against a superior force. But by moving north of the mountains, and about 30 miles north of Puebla, both of these passes would have been avoided. The road from Perote to the city of Mexico by this latter route is as level as the prairies in our west. Arriving due north from Puebla, troops could have been detached to take possession of that place and then, proceeding west with the rest of the army, no mountain would have been encountered before reaching the city of Mexico. It is true this road would have brought troops in by Guadalupe, a town, church, and detached spur of mountain about two miles north of the capital, all bearing the same general name, and at this point Lake Texcoco comes nearer to the mountain, which was fortified both at the base and on the sides, but troops could have passed north of the mountain and come in only a few miles to the northwest and so flank the position as they actually did on the south. It has always seemed to me that this northern route to the city of Mexico would have been the better one to have taken. But my later experience has taught me two lessons first, that things are seen plainer after the events have occurred, second, that the most confident critics are generally those who know the least about the matter criticized. I know just enough about the Mexican War to approve heartily of most of the generalship, but to differ with a little of it. It is natural that an important city like Puebla should not have been passed with contempt. It may be natural that the direct road to it should have been taken, but it could have been passed, its evacuation insured, and possession acquired without danger of encountering the enemy in intricate mountain defiles. In this same way the city of Mexico could have been approached without any danger of opposition except in the open field. But General Scott's successes are an answer to all criticism. He invaded a populist country, penetrating 260 miles into the interior with a force at no time equal to one half of that opposed to him. He was without a base, the enemy was always entrenched, always on the defensive, yet he won every battle. He captured the capital and conquered the government, credited his due to the troops engaged, it is true, but the plans and the strategy were the generals. I had now made marches and been in battle under both General Scott and General Taylor. The former divided his force of 10,500 men into four columns, starting a day apart, in moving from Puebla to the capital of the nation when it was known that an army more than twice as large as his own stood ready to resist his coming. The road was broad and the country opened except in crossing the Rio Frio Mountain. General Taylor pursued the same course in marching toward an enemy. He moved even in smaller bodies. I never thought at the time to doubt the infallibility of these two generals in all matters pertaining to their profession. I supposed they moved in small bodies because more men could not be passed over a single road on the same day with their artillery and necessary trains. Later I found the fallacy of disbelief. The rebellion which followed as a sequence to the Mexican war never could have been suppressed if larger bodies of men could not have been moved at the same time than was the custom under Scott and Taylor. The victories in Mexico were, in every instance, over vastly superior numbers. There were two reasons for this. Both General Scott and General Taylor had such armies as are not often got together. At the battles of Palo Alto and Rosacadela Palma, General Taylor had a small army, but it was composed exclusively of regular troops under the best of drill and discipline. Every officer from the highest to the lowest was educated in his profession, not at West Point necessarily, but in the camp, in Garrison, and many of them in Indian wars. The rank and file were probably inferior, as material out of which to make an army, to the volunteers that participated in all the later battles of the war, but they were brave men, and then drill and discipline brought out all there was in them. A better army, man for man, probably never faced an enemy than the one commanded by General Taylor in the earliest two engagements of the Mexican War. The volunteers who followed were of better material, but without drill or discipline at the start. They were associated with so many disciplined men and professionally educated officers that when they went into engagements it was with a confidence they would not have felt otherwise. They became soldiers themselves almost at once. All these conditions we would enjoy again in case of war. The Mexican army of that day was hardly an organization. The private soldier was picked up from the lower class of the inhabitants when wanted. This consent was not asked. He was poorly clothed, worse fed, and seldom paid. He was turned adrift when no longer wanted. The officers of the lower grades were but little superior to the men. With all this I have seen as brave stands made by some of these men as I have ever seen made by soldiers. Now Mexico has a standing army larger than that of the United States. They have a military school, modeled after West Point. Their officers are educated and, no doubt, generally brave. The Mexican War of 1846-1848 would be an impossibility in this generation. The Mexicans have shown a patriotism which it would be well if we would imitate in part, but with more regard to truth. They celebrate the anniversaries of Chipultepec and Molino del Rey as a very great victories. The anniversaries are recognized as national holidays. At these two battles, while the United States troops were victorious, it was a very great sacrifice of life compared with what the Mexicans suffered. The Mexicans, as on many other locations, stood up as well as any troops ever did. The trouble seemed to be the lack of experience among the officers, which led them, after a certain time, to simply quit, without being particularly whipped, but because they had fought enough. Their authorities of the present day grow enthusiastic over their theme when telling of these victories and speak with pride of the large sum of money they forced us to pay in the end. With us, now twenty years after the close of the most dependist war ever known, we have writers, who profess devotion to the nation, engaged in trying to prove that the Union forces were not victorious, particularly, they say, we were slashed around from Donaldson to Vicksburg and to Chattanooga and in the east from Gettysburg to Appomattox when the physical rebellion gave out from sheer exhaustion. There is no difference in the amount of romance in the two stories. I would not have the anniversaries of our victories celebrated, nor those of our defeats made fast days and spent in humiliation and prayer, but I would like to see truthful history written. Such history will do full credit to the courage, endurance, and soldierly ability of the American citizen no matter what section of the country he hailed from or in what ranks he fought. The justice of the cause which in the end prevailed will, I doubt not, come to be acknowledged by every citizen of the land in time. For the present, and so long as there are living witnesses of the great war of sections, there will be people who will not be consoled for the loss of a cause which they believed to be holy. As time passes, people, even of the south, will begin to wonder how it was possible that their ancestors ever fought for or justified institutions which acknowledged the right of property in man. After the fall of the capital and the dispersal of the government of Mexico, it looked very much as if military occupation of the country for a long time might be necessary. General Scott at once began the preparation of orders, regulations, and laws in view of discontentancy. He contemplated making the country pay all the expenses of the occupation without the army becoming a perceptible burden upon the people. His plan was to levy a direct tax upon the separate states and collect, at the ports left open to trade, a duty on all imports. From the beginning of the war, private property had not been taken either for the use of the army or of individuals without full compensation. This policy was to be pursued. There were not troops enough in the Valley of Mexico to occupy many points. But now that there was no organized army of the enemy of any size, reinforcements could be got from the Rio Grande and there were also new volunteers arriving from time to time all by way of Vera Cruz. Military possession was taken of Cornavaca, fifty miles south of the city of Mexico, of Toluca, nearly as far west, and of Pachuca, a mining town of great importance, some sixty miles to the northeast, Vera Cruz, Jalapa, Orizaba, and Puebla were already in our possession. Meanwhile the Mexican government had departed in the person of Santa Ana and it looked doubtful for a time whether the United States Commissioner, Mr. Trist, would find anybody to negotiate with. A temporary government, however, was soon established at Carretero and Trist began negotiations for a conclusion of the war. Before terms were finally agreed upon he was ordered back to Washington but General Scott prevailed upon him to remain as an arrangement had been so nearly reached and the administration must approve his acts if he succeeded in making such a treaty as had been contemplated in his instructions. The treaty was finally signed the second of February, 1848 and accepted by the government at Washington. It is that known as the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and secured to the United States the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas and the whole territory then included in New Mexico and upper California for the sum of fifteen million dollars. Soon after entering the city of Mexico the opposition of General's Pillow, Worth, and Colonel Duncan to General Scott became very marked. Scott claimed that they had demanded of the President his removal. I do not know whether this is so or not but I do know of their unconcealed hostility to their chief. At last he placed them in arrest and preferred charges against them of insubordination and disrespect. This act brought on a crisis in the career of the General Commanding. He had asserted from the beginning that the administration was hostile to him, that it had failed in its promises of man and war material, that the President himself had shown duplicity, if not treachery, in the endeavor to procure the appointment of Benton and the administration now gave open evidence of its enmity. About the middle of February orders came convening a court of inquiry composed of Brevet Brigadier General Towson and the Paymaster General of the Army, Brigadier General Cushing and Colonel Belknap to inquire into the conduct of the accused and the accuser and shortly afterwards orders were received from Washington relieving Scott of the command of the Army in the field and assigning Major General William O. Butler of Kentucky to the place. This order also released Pillow, Worth and Duncan from arrest. If a change was to be made, the selection of General Butler was agreeable to everyone concerned, so far as I remember to have heard expressions on the subject. There were many who regarded the treatment of General Scott as harsh and unjust. It is quite possible that the vanity of the General had led him to say and do things that afforded a plausible pretext to the administration for doing just what it did and what it had wanted to do from the start. The court tried the accuser quite as much as the accused. It was adjourned before completing its labors to meet in Frederick, Maryland. General Scott left the country and never after had more than the nominal command of the Army until early in 1861. He certainly was not sustained in his efforts to maintain discipline in high places. The efforts to kill off politically, the two successful Generals made them both candidates for the presidency. General Taylor was nominated in 1848 and was elected. Four years later General Scott received a nomination but was badly beaten and the party nominating him died with his defeat. Section 13 of Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Reading by Jim Clevinger Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant by Ulysses S. Grant Chapter 13 Treaty of Peace Mexican Bullfights Regimental Quartermaster Trip to Popocotapel Trip to the Caves of Mexico The Treaty of Peace between the two countries was signed by the commissioners on each side early in February 1848. It took a considerable time for it to reach Washington, receive the approval of the administration, and be finally ratified by the Senate. It was naturally supposed by the army that there would be no more fighting and officers and men were of course anxious to get home, but knowing there must be delay, they contended themselves as best they could. Every Sunday there was a bullfight for the amusement of those who would pay their fifty cents. I attended one of them, just one, not wishing to leave the country without having witnessed the national sport. The sight to me was sickening. I could not see how human beings could enjoy the sufferings of beasts and often of men, as they seemed to do on these occasions. At these sports there are usually from four to six bulls sacrificed. The audience occupies seats around the ring in which the exhibition is given, each seat but the foremost, rising higher than the one in front so that everyone can get a full view of the sport. When all is ready a bull is turned into the ring. Three or four men come in mounted on the merest skeletons of horses blind or blindfolded and so weak that they could not make a sudden turn with their riders without danger of falling down. The men are armed with spears having a point as sharp as a needle. Other men enter the arena on foot armed with red flags and explosives about the size of a musket cartridge. To each of these explosives is fastened a barbed needle which serves the purpose of attaching them to the bull by running the needle into the skin. Before the animal is turned loose a lot of these explosives are attached to him. The pain from the fricking of the skin by the needles is exasperating but when the explosions of the cartridges commenced the animal becomes frantic. As he makes a lunge towards one horseman another runs a spear into him. He turns towards his last tormentor when a man on foot holds out a red flag. The bull rushes for this and is allowed to take it on his horns. The flag drops and covers the eyes of the animal so that he is at a loss what to do. It is jerked from him and the torment is renewed. When the animal is worked into an uncontrollable frenzy the horseman withdraw and the matadors, literally murderers, armed with knives having blades twelve or eighteen inches long and sharp. The trick is to dodge an attack from the animal and stab him to the heart as he passes. If these efforts fail the bull is finally lassoed, held fast, and killed by driving a knife blade into the spinal column just back of the horns. He is then dragged out by horses or mules. Another is led into the ring and the same performance is renewed. On the occasion when I was present one of the bulls was not turned aside by the attacks in the rear, the presentations of the red flag, etc., etc., but kept right on and placing his horns under the flanks of a horse through him and his rider to the ground with great force. The horse was killed and the rider lay prostrate as if dead. The bull was then lassoed and killed in the manner above described. Men came in and carried the dead man off in a litter. When the slaughtered bull and horse were dragged out a fresh bull was turned into the ring. Specuous among the spectators was the man who had been carried out on the litter but a few minutes before. He was only dead so far as that performance went. But the corpse was so lively that it could not forego the chance of witnessing the discomputure of some of his brethren who might not be so fortunate. There was a feeling of disgust manifested by the audience to find that he had come to life again. I confessed that I felt sorry to see the cruelty to the bull and the horse. I did not stay for the conclusion of the performance, but while I did stay there was not a bull killed in the prescribed way. Bullfights are now prohibited in the Federal District. Embracing a territory around the city of Mexico somewhat larger than the District of Columbia, and they are not an institution in any part of the country. During one of my recent visits to Mexico bullfights were got up in my honor at Puebla and at Pachuca. I was not notified in advance so as to be able to decline and thus prevent the performance. But in both cases I civilly declined to attend. Neither amusement of the people of Mexico of that day, and one which nearly all indulged in, male and female, old and young, priest and layman, was Monte Plain. Regular feast weeks were held every year at what was then known as St. Augustine to Lopham, eleven miles out of town. There were dealers to suit every class and condition of people, and many of the booths, placos, the copper coin of the country, four of them making six and a quarter cents of our money, were piled up in great quantities with some silver to accommodate the people who could not bet more than a few pennies at a time. In other booths silver formed the bulk of the capital of the bank with a few doubloons to be changed if there should be a run of luck against the bank. In some there was no coin except gold. Here the rich were said to bet away their entire estates in a single day. All this is stopped now. For myself I was kept somewhat busy during the winter of 1847-1848. My regiment was stationed to talk about it. I was regimental quartermaster and commissary. Colonel Scott had been unable to get clothing for the troops from the north. The men were becoming well they needed clothing. Material had to be purchased such as could be obtained and people employed to make it up into Yankee uniforms. A quartermaster in the city was designated to attend to this special duty. But clothing was so much needed that it was seized as fast as made up. A regiment was glad to get a dozen suits at a time. I had to look after this matter for the fourth inventory. Then our regimental fund had run down and some of the musicians in the band had been without their extra pay for a number of months. The regimental bands at that day were kept up partly by pay from the government and partly by pay from the regimental fund. There was authority of law for enlisting a certain number of men as musicians. So many could receive the pay of noncommissioned officers of the various grades and the remainder the pay of privates. This would not secure a band leader nor good players on certain instruments. In garrison there are various ways of keeping up a regimental fund sufficient to give extra pay to musicians, establish libraries, and ten-pin alleys, subscribe to magazines, and furnish many extra comforts to the men. The best device for supplying the fund is to issue bread to the soldiers instead of flour. The ration used to be 18 ounces per day of either flour or bread, and 100 pounds of flour will make 140 pounds of bread. This saving was purchased by the commissary for the benefit of the fund. In the emergency the fourth infantry was laboring under. I rented a bakery in the city, hired bakers, Mexicans, bought fuel and whatever was necessary, and I also got a contract from the chief commissary of the army for baking a large amount of hard bread. In two months I made more money for the fund than my pay amounted to during the entire war. While stationed at Monterey I had relieved the post fund in the same way. There however was no profit except in the saving of flour by converting it into bread. In the spring of 1848 a party of officers obtained leave to visit Popocottapel, the highest volcano in America, and to take an escort. I went with the party, many of whom afterwards occupied conspicuous positions before the country. Of those who went south and attained high rank there was Lieutenant Richard Anderson, who commanded a corps at Spotsylvania, Captain Sibley, a major general, and after the war for a number of years in the employ of the Cadibe of Egypt, Captain George Crititon, a rebel general, S. B. Buckner, who surrendered Fort Donelson, and Mansfield Lovell, who commanded at New Orleans before that city fell into the hands of the national troops. Of those who remained on our side there were Captain Andrew Porter, Lieutenant C. P. Stone, and Lieutenant Z. B. Tower. There were quite a number of other officers whose names I cannot recollect. At a little village, Uzumba, near the base of Popocottapel, where we proposed to commence the ascent, we procured guides and two-pack mules with forage for our horses. High up on the mountain there was a deserted house of one room called the Valkyria which had been occupied years before by men in charge of cattle-ranging on the mountain. The pasture each up there was very fine when we saw it, and there were still some cattle, descendants of the former domestic herd, which had now become wild. It was possible to go on horseback as far as the Valkyria, though the road was somewhat hazardous in places. Sometimes it was very narrow, with a yawning precipice on one side hundreds of feet down to a roaring mountain torrent below, and almost perpendicular walls on the other side. At one of these places one of our mules loaded with two sacks of barley, one on each side, the two, about as big as he was, struck his load against the mountain side and was precipitated to the bottom. The descent was steep, but not perpendicular. The mule rolled over and over until the bottom was reached, and we supposed, of course, the poor animal was dashed to pieces. That was our surprise, not long after we had gone into Bivouac, to see the lost mule, cargo, and owner coming up the ascent. The load had protected the animal from serious injury, and his owner had gone after him and found a way back to the path leading up to the hut where we were to stay. The night at the Valkyria was one of the most unpleasant I ever knew. It was very cold and the rain fell in torrents. A little higher up the rain ceased and snow began. The wind blew with great velocity. The log cabin we were in had lost the roof entirely on one side and on the other it was hardly better than a sieve. There was little or no sleep that night. As soon as it was light the next morning we started to make the ascent to the summit. The wind continued to blow with violence and the weather was still cloudy, but there was neither rain nor snow. The clouds, however, concealed from our view the country below us, except at times a momentary glimpse could be got through a clear space between them. The wind carried the loose snow around the mountain sides in such volumes as to make it almost impossible to stand up against it. We labored on and on until it became evident that the top could not be reached before night, if at all in such a storm and we concluded to return. The descent was easy and rapid though dangerous until we got below the snow line. At the cabin we mounted our horses and by night we were at Uzumba. The fatigues of the day and the loss of sleep the night before drove us to bed early. Our beds consisted of a place on the dirt floor with a blanket under us. Soon all were asleep, but long before morning first one and then another of our party began to cry out with excruciating pain in the eyes. Not one escaped it. By morning the eyes of half of the party were so swollen that they were entirely closed. The others suffered pain equally. The feeling was about what might be expected from the prick of a sharp needle at a white heat. We remained in quarters until the afternoon bathing our eyes in cold water. This relieved us very much and before night the pain had entirely left. The swelling however continued and about half the party still had their eyes entirely closed. But we concluded to make a start back, those who could see a little leading the horses of those who could not see at all. We moved back to the village of Amica Amica some six miles and stopped again for the night. The next morning all were entirely well and free from pain. The weather was clear and Popacatapel stood out in all its beauty, the top looking as if not a mile away and inviting us to return. About half the party were anxious to try the ascent again and concluded to do so. The remainder, I was with the remainder, concluded that we had got all the pleasure there was to be had out of mountain climbing and that we would visit the great caves of Mexico some ninety miles from where we then were on the road to Acapulco. The party that ascended the mountain the second time succeeded in reaching the crater at the top with but little of the labor they encountered in their first attempt. Three of them, Anderson, Stone, and Buckner, wrote accounts of their journey which were published at the time. I made no notes of this excursion and have read nothing about it since, but it seems to me that I can see the whole of it as vividly as if it were but yesterday. I have been back at Amica Amica and the village beyond twice in the last five years. The scene had not changed materially from my recollection of it. The party which I was with moved south down the valley to the town of Cuantala some forty miles from Amica Amica. The latter stands on the plain at the foot of Popacatapel at an elevation of about eight thousand feet above tide water. The slope down is gradual as the traveler moves south, but one would not judge that. In going to Cuantala descent enough had been made to occasion a material change in the climate and productions of the soil, but such is the case. In the morning we left a temperate climate where the cereals and fruits are those common to the United States. We halted in the evening in a tropical climate where the orange and banana, the coffee and the sugarcane were flourishing. We had been traveling, apparently, on a plain all day, but in the direction of the flow of water. Soon after the capture of the city of Mexico an armistice had been agreed to, designating the limits beyond which troops of the respective armies were not to go during its continuance. Our party knew nothing about these limits. As we approached Cuantala, bugle sounded the assembly and soldiers rushed from the guardhouse in the edge of the town towards us. Our party halted and I tied a white pocket-hankerchief to a stick and using it as a flag of truce proceeded on to the town. Captain Sibley and Porter followed a few hundred yards behind. I was detained at the guardhouse until a messenger could be dispatched to the quarters of the commanding general who authorized that I should be conducted to him. I had been with the general but a few minutes when the two officers following announced themselves. The Mexican general reminded us that it was a violation of the truce for us to be there. However, as we had no special authority from our own commanding general and as we knew nothing about the terms of the truce, we were permitted to occupy a vacant house outside the guard for the night with the promise of a guide to put us on the road to Conevoca the next morning. Conevoca is a town west of Guantala. The country through which we passed between these two towns is tropical in climate and productions and rich in scenery. At one point, about halfway between the two places, the road goes over a low pass in the mountains in which there is a very quaint old town, the inhabitants of which at that day were nearly all full-blooded Indians. Very few of them even spoke Spanish. The houses were built of stone and generally only one story high. The streets were narrow and had probably been paved before Cortez visited the country. They had not been graded, but the paving had been done on the natural surface. We had with us one vehicle, a cart, which was probably the first wheeled vehicle that had ever passed through that town. On a hill overlooking this town stands the tomb of an ancient king, and it was understood that the inhabitants venerated this tomb very highly, as well as the memory of the ruler who was supposed to be buried in it. We ascended the mountain and surveyed the tomb, but it showed no particular marks of architectural taste, mechanical skill, or advanced civilization the next day we went into Cuernavaca. After a day's rest at Cuernavaca, our party set out again on the journey to the great caves of Mexico. We had proceeded but a few miles when we were stopped, as before, by a guard and notified that the terms of the existing armistice did not permit us to go further in that direction. Upon convincing the guard that we were a mere party of pleasure seekers, desirous of visiting the great natural curiosities of the country which we expected soon to leave, we were conducted to a large hacienda nearby, and directed to remain there until the commanding general of that department could be communicated with and his decision obtained as to whether we should be permitted to pursue our journey. The guard promised to send a messenger at once and expected a reply by night. At night there was no response from the commanding general, but the captain of the guard was sure he would have a reply by morning. Again in the morning there was no reply. The second evening the same thing happened, and finally we learned that the guard had sent no message or messenger to the department commander. We determined therefore to go on unless stopped by a force sufficient to compel obedience. After a few hours' travel we came to a town where a scene similar to the one at Quantea occurred. The commanding officer sent a guide to conduct our party around the village and to put us upon our road again. This was the last interruption. At night we rested at a large coffee plantation some eight miles from the cave we were on the way to visit. It must have been a Saturday night. The peons had been paid off and spent part of the night in gambling away their scanty week's earnings. Their coin was principally copper, and I do not believe there was a man among them who had received as much as twenty-five cents in money. They were as much excited, however, as if they had been staking thousands. I recollect one poor fellow who had lost his last lacquot, pulled off his shirt and, in the most excited manner, put that up on the turn of a card. Quantea was the game played, the place out of doors, near the window of the room occupied by the officers of our party. The next morning we were at the mouth of the cave at an early hour, provided with guides, candles, and rockets. We explored to a distance of about three miles from the entrance, and found a succession of chambers of great dimensions and of great beauty when lit up with our rockets. Stilag tights and stilag mites of all sizes were discovered. Some of the former were many feet in diameter and extended from ceiling to floor. Some of the latter were but a few feet high from the floor, but the formation is going on constantly and many centuries hence. These stilag mites will extend to the ceiling and become complete columns. Stilag mites were all a little concave, and the cavities were filled with water. The water percolates through the roof, a drop at a time, often the drops several minutes apart, and more or less charged with mineral matter. Evaporation goes on slowly, leaving the mineral behind. This in time makes the immense columns, many of them thousands of tons in weight, which serve to support the roofs over the vast chambers. I recollect that at one point in the cave one of these columns is of such huge proportions that there is only a narrow passage left on either side of it. Some of our party became satisfied with their explorations before we had reached the point to which the guides were accustomed to take explorers and started back without guides. Coming to the large column spoken of, they followed it entirely around and commenced retracing their steps into the bowels of the mountain without being aware of the fact. When the rest of us had completed our explorations, we started out with our guides, but had not gone far before we saw the torches of an approaching party. We could not conceive who these could be, for all of us had come in together, and there were none but ourselves at the entrance when we started in. Very soon we found it was our friends. It took them some time to conceive how they had got where they were. They were sure they had kept straight on for the mouth of the cave and had gone about far enough to have reached it. End of Section 13, Recording by Jim Clevenger, Little Rock, Arkansas. Jim at jocclev.com. Section 14 of Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant. This is a LibriVox recording. All LibriVox recordings are in the public domain. For more information or to volunteer, please visit LibriVox.org. Recording by Jim Clevenger. Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant by Ulysses S. Grant, Chapter 14. Return of the Army, Marriage, Ordered to the Pacific Coast, Crossing the Ismus, Arrival at San Francisco. My experience in the Mexican War was of great advantage to me afterwards. Besides the many practical lessons it taught, the war brought nearly all the officers of the regular army together so as to make them personally acquainted. It also brought them in contact with volunteers, many of whom served in the War of the Rebellion afterwards. Even in my particular case, I had been at West Point at about the right time to meet most of the graduates who were of a suitable age at the breaking out of the rebellion to be trusted with large commands. Graduating in 1843, I was at the Military Academy from one to four years with all cadets who graduated between 1840 and 1846, seven classes. These classes embraced more than fifty officers who, afterwards, became generals on one side or the other in the rebellion, many of them holding high commands. All the older officers, who became conspicuous in the rebellion, I had also served with and known in Mexico, Lee, J. E. Johnston, A. S. Johnston, Holmes, Hebert, and a number of others on the Confederate side, McCall, Mansfield, Philip Kearney, and others on the National signs. The acquaintance, thus formed, was of immense service to me in the War of the Rebellion. I mean what I learned of the characters of those to whom I was afterward opposed. I do not pretend to say that all movements or even many of them were made with special reference to the characteristics of the commander against whom they were directed, but my appreciation of my enemies was certainly affected by this knowledge. The natural disposition of most people is to clothe the commander of a large army, whom they do not know, with almost superhuman abilities. A large part of the National army, for instance, and most of the press of the country, clothe General Lee with just such qualities. But I had known him personally and knew that he was mortal and it was just as well that I felt this. The Treaty of Peace was at last ratified, and the evacuation of Mexico by United States troops was ordered. Early in June the troops in the city of Mexico began to move out. Many of them, including the brigade to which I belonged, were assembled at Jalapa above the Vomito to await the arrival of transports at Veracruz. But with all this precaution my regiment and others were in camp on the sand beach in a July sun for about a week before embarking, while the fever raged with great virulence in Veracruz not two miles away. I can call to mind only one person, an officer, who died of the disease. My regiment was sent to Pascagoula, Mississippi, to spend the summer. As soon as it was settled in camp I obtained a leave of absence for four months and proceeded to St. Louis. On the 22nd of August, 1848, I was married to Miss Julia Dent, the lady of whom I have before spoken. We visited my parents and relations in Ohio, and at the end of my leave proceeded to my post at Sackets Harbor, New York. In April, following, I was ordered to Detroit, Michigan, where two years were spent with but few important incidents. The present Constitution of the State of Michigan was ratified during this time. By the terms of one of its provisions, all citizens of the United States residing within the State at the time of the ratification became citizens of Michigan also. During my stay in Detroit there was an election for city officers. Mr. Zachariah Chandler was the candidate of the Whigs for the Office of Mayor and was elected, although the city was then reckoned democratic. All the officers stationed there at the time who offered their votes were permitted to cast them. I did not offer mine, however, as I did not wish to consider myself a citizen of Michigan. This was Mr. Chandler's first entry into politics, a career he followed ever after with great success and in which he died enjoying the friendship, esteem, and love of his countrymen. In the spring of 1851 the garrison at Detroit was transferred to Sackett's Harbor and in the following spring the entire Fourth Infantry was ordered to the Pacific Coast. It was decided that Mrs. Grant should visit my parents at first for a few months and then remain with her own family at their St. Louis home until an opportunity offered of sending for her. In the month of April the regiment was assembled at Governor's Island, New York Harbor, and on the 5th of July eight companies sailed for Aspenwall. We numbered a little over 700 persons, including the families of officers and soldiers. Passage was secured for us on the old steamer Ohio, commanded at the time by Captain Schneck of the Navy. It had not been determined, until a day or two before starting, that the Fourth Infantry should go by the Ohio, consequently a compliment of passengers had already been secured. The addition of over 700 to this list crowded the steamer most uncomfortably especially for the tropics in July. In eight days Aspenwall was reached. At that time the streets of the town were eight or ten inches under water and foot passengers passed from place to place on raised foot walks. July is at the height of the wet season on the Ismus. At intervals the rain would pour down in streams, followed in not many minutes by a blazing tropical summer's sun. These alternate changes, from rain to sunshine, were continuous in the afternoons. I wondered how any person could live many months in Aspenwall, and wondered still more why anyone tried. In the summer of 1852 the Panama Railroad was completed only to the point where it now crosses the Chagras River. From there passengers were carried by boats to Gorgona, at which place they took mules for Panama, some twenty-five miles further. Those who traveled over the Ismus in those days will remember that boats on the Chagras River were propelled by natives not inconveniently burdened with clothing. These boats carried thirty to forty passengers each. The crews consisted of six men to a boat, armed with long poles. There were planks wide enough for a man to walk on conveniently, running along the sides of each boat from end to end. The men would start from the bow, place one end of their poles against the river bottom, brace their shoulders against the other end, and then walk to the stern as rapidly as they could. In this way, from a mile to a mile and a half an hour, could be made against the current of the river. I, as regimental quartermaster, had charge of the public property and had also to look after the transportation. A contract had been entered into with the steamship company in New York for the transportation of the regiment to California, including the Ismus transit. A certain amount of baggage was allowed per man, and saddle animals were to be furnished to commissioned officers and to all disabled persons. The regiment, with the exception of one company left as guards to the public property, camp and garrison equip each principally, and the soldiers with families took boats, propelled as above described for Gorgona. From this place they marched to Panama, and were soon comfortably on the steamer anchored in the bay some three or four miles from the town. I, with one company of troops and all the soldiers with families, all the tents, mess chests, and camp-kittles, was sent to Cruces, a town a few miles higher up to Chargaris River than Gorgona. There I found an impaccunous American who had taken the contract to furnish transportation for the regiment at a stipulated price per hundred pounds for the freight and so much for each saddle animal. But when we reached Cruces, there was not a mule, either for pack or saddle in the place, the contractor promised that the animals should be on hand in the morning. In the morning he said that they were on the way from some imaginary place, and would arrive in the course of the day. This went on until I saw that he could not procure the animals at all, at the price he had promised to furnish them for. The unusual number of passengers that had come over on the steamer and the large amount of freight to pack had created an unprecedented demand for mules. Some of the passengers paid as high as forty dollars for the use of a mule to ride twenty-five miles when the mule would not have sold for ten dollars in that market at other times. Meanwhile the cholera had broken out, and men were dying every hour. To diminish the food for the disease I permitted the company detailed with me to proceed to Panama. The captain and the doctors accompanied the men, and I was left alone with the sick and the soldiers who had families. The regiment at Panama was also affected with the disease, but there were better accommodations for the well on the steamer, and a hospital for those taken with the disease on an old hulk anchored a mile off. There were also hospital tents on shore on the island of Flamingo which stands in the bay. I was about a week at Cruces before transportation began to come in. About one-third of the people with me died, either at Cruces or on the way to Panama. There was no agent of the transportation company at Cruces to consult or to take the responsibility of procuring transportation at a price which would secure it. I, therefore, myself dismissed the contractor and made a new contract with a native at more than double the original price. Thus we finally reached Panama. The steamer, however, could not proceed until the cholera abated and the regiment was detained still longer. Altogether on the Isthmus and on the Pacific side we were delayed six weeks. But one-seventh of those who left New York harbor with the fourth infantry on the 5th of July now lie buried on the Isthmus of Panama or on Flamingo Island in Panama Bay. One amusing circumstance occurred while we were lying at anchor in Panama Bay. In the regiment there was a lieutenant slaughter who was very liable to sea sickness. It almost made him sick to see the wave of a tablecloth when the servants were spreading it. Soon after his graduation slaughter was ordered to California and took passage by a sailing vessel going around Cape Horn. The vessel was seven months making the voyage and slaughter was sick every moment of the time, never more so than while lying at anchor after reaching his place of destination. On landing in California he found orders which had come by the Isthmus notifying him of a mistake in his assignment. He should have been ordered to the northern lakes. He started back by the Isthmus route and was sick all the way. But when he arrived at the east he was again ordered to California this time definitely and at this date was making his third trip. He was as sick as ever and had been so for more than a month while lying at anchor in the bay. I remember him well seated with his elbows on the table in front of him, his chin between his hands and looking the picture of despair. At last he broke out. I wish I had taken my father's advice. He wanted me to go under the navy. If I had done so I should not have had to go to sea so much. Horse-lauder it was his last sea voyage. He was killed by Indians in Oregon. By the last of August the cholera had so abated that it was deemed safe to start. The disease did not break out again on the way to California and we reach San Francisco early in September. End of section 14 recording by Jim Clevenger, Little Rock, Arkansas. Jim at J-O-C-C-L-E-V dot com.