 What we are seeing today is the most sort of systematic onslaught on the public sphere. And the public sphere, I think most of you know, is basically that civic sphere in which debate takes place on an out of which crystallizes both the idea of nationhood and idea of where to take your nation. I think that the big difference between the 1970s or 60s and today is that we did have a fairly clear, if not always a productive idea of nationhood at that time. I say not always productive because some of the economic programs that came out of that concept led to very slow growth and in fact responsible for any of the problems we face today. But nonetheless, we were all committed to a certain idea of India. And today what has happened is it is that idea of India itself that is fractured to a point where it's almost non-existent anymore. And a good part of this, the capacity to hold it together through continuous debate and self-examination, which is what the public sphere gives you, is gone. Today there is a strong feeling that Kashmir has no place in India because this government has turned against Muslims. It's communalized India. And how do Kashmiris, the only Muslim-majority state of the country, survive in a communalized India? Now for this I think the media, the visual media are entirely to blame. In the 70s and 80s all of us wrote columns. We were expected to, an idea of an editor who did not write, was unimaginable. Today God helped the editor who writes weekly column. He won't last very long. Look around you and see how many of the editors of the big papers today write. And that's in the print media where there is still competition, there is still freedom for dissent. In the economic, in the TV media it's all gone. Now the impact of finance has been drastically increased by the sudden slowdown in India after 2009. Companies have had to borrow. And the story of TV 18, I think many of you know, borrowed 1700 crores to survive and expand, was used by Mukesh Ambani to buy up in another group. And then in 72 hours notice that 1700 crores was converted into duentions and Mr. Raghavan lost the company in its entirety. There is a similar threat hanging over NDTV. 305 crores borrowed again Mr. Mukesh Ambani to survive the crush in their advertising revenues. And that, I do not say it is the only reason, but I think it's a contributory reason. I regret to say that they are having banned Mr. Chitramanam's interview at the last moment. You can see how it is utterly impossible today to maintain a level of debate in the media, in the print and the audiovisual media. In spite of that, in spite of that you have the express, you have the Hindu. I mean think of just what it takes to bring those two papers out today. And to end, I think however the public sphere does not die so long as democracy does not die. The public sphere is reviving and reviving strongly. It's reviving now and we are at a critical moment in Indian democracy where the democracy of inherited loyalties, caste and community, is giving place to the democracy of class, class loyalties. And that is the turning point that we have to see, work towards promoting and use the media that we have, particularly the online media, in order to foster.