 So thank you, Professor Walker, for that introduction and thank you to the barns as well for hosting us today. So the title of my paper is Enviable Possessions, the Thirteenth-Century Demelians of Limage. One of the most common images of ritual hand-washing from the medieval period depicts the gospel account of the Roman procurator, Pontius Pilate, washing his hands after condemning Jesus to death. As seen in the illustration from the 13th-century Bibboralisé, Pilate, at the left, is shown with both arms outstretched. Facing him stands an assistant, who has a towel slung around his neck and reaches down to the floor. In one hand, the assistant holds a golden basin, from which she pours water over Pilate's joined hands. The attendant's other hand is wrapped in a towel and supports a second, matching basin, from which the liquid catches as it runs off. The hand-washing technique involving paired bowls appears three times in the Bibboralisé, which I present here in order to demonstrate the commonplace nature of this hygienic method in 13th-century France. These hand-washing basins circulated in matching pairs, and are referred to as demelians, derived from the Latin word for twin. They are small, shallow bowls made from beaten copper and enamel. One of the pair was equipped with a spout through which to pour water, as seen in the example here. These objects would have been used at the table before and after a meal. Their iconography of courtly scenes, as well as heraldry, reflects their use in elite social contexts. The enameling technique employed on the demelians is known as channeauvet, a method developed in the 11th century in workshops in Limoges, France. The initial multiplication of enamel workshops in Limoges was likely spurred by the demand of monastic and ecclesiastical communities, who commissioned luxury liturgical and devotional objects, such as reliquaries like that of Thomas Epiquette, seen here at the left. However, knowledge of the quality of Limoges' enamel work soon spread throughout the region, leading to a larger and more diversified consumer base. Furthermore, the region of Limoges developed as a vibrant cultural crossroads because the city was situated at the intersection of prominent travel, commercial and pilgrimage routes. As a result, channeauvet enamel objects began to circulate more widely and were increasingly used outside of the region of Limoges. Evidence of this wider consumer base is sometimes apparent in the objects themselves. For example, this jambalion buries the Latin arms of Jerusalem and demonstrates the wide appeal of Limoges enamel and demelians at the time of the Crusades. As a result of the broad circulation of these objects across Latin Europe and the medieval Mediterranean, scholars have perceived the jambalions as likely participants in medieval cross-cultural artistic interaction. They frequently propose that the jambalions show iconographic resemblance to medieval Islamic works of art, positing that the jambalions are passive recipients of Islamic artistic influence. However, comparisons of these objects with Islamic art on iconographic grounds is merely suggestive, yet not conclusive. While I agree that the jambalion should be understood as a product of medieval Mediterranean cross-cultural interactions, I propose that understanding their role in European Islamic cultural relations requires looking beyond iconographic comparisons. I explore the jambalions' function in medieval European courtly culture and social values as they were redefined in the 11th to 13th centuries as a result of increased cross-cultural exposure stemming from the Crusades. This is illustrated in the miniature from the Bid Moralisé, where a highly ranked official utilizes the basins while performing a ritual act. As shown in the image, consideration of the context in which these objects were used is necessary for a fuller understanding of their cross-cultural significance. Although I question the basis on which earlier scholars posited an intercultural identity for the jambalions, I contend that cross-cultural transmissions from the Islamic world nonetheless have reflected the production and use of these objects. The key to my argument is recognizing that the practice of hand-washing first emerged in the medieval Islamic world and came to represent not only the superior hygiene of elite Muslims, but also their more refined noble culture. A large, if diverse body of textual evidence, including medieval romances, table manner treatises, and scientific texts that were translated from Arabic to Latin, attests not only to increase contact between Latin Europe and the Islamic world from the 11th to 13th centuries, but also to the transmission of the practice of hand-washing as a sign of elite social status. I posit that the Islamic origins of hand-washing customs are essential to understanding the intercultural nature of medieval French jambalions, and that these cross-cultural practices of hygienic and noble behavior define the context within which French courtiers purchased, used, and displayed these objects at the medieval dining table. Several Arabic treatises, dating from as early as the 9th century, delineate the proper practices of eating and drinking at the table. These included instructions for how to maintain correct posture, perform acceptable eating techniques, pronounce appropriate prayers in anticipation of the meal, and observe necessary rituals of hand-washing. Authors of table etiquette were careful to recommend ablution before and after dining. While hands were not always washed in the case of quick informal meals, hand-washing was nevertheless a staple in formal dining from the 9th century onwards. Proper hand-washing was performed as follows. Before the meal began, the host would offer his guests the opportunity to wash their hands. The invitation was first extended to the most honored attendee, and the host would pour water from a ewer on the guest's hands, presumably over a basin. The ewer in basin were then circulated to the right of the first guest. The master of the house washed his hands last. The equipment for such rituals among the upper and royal classes included special vessels, such as brass basins and ewers, as well as towels and rosewater. The use of metal basins in hand-washing remained widespread in the Islamic world throughout the Crusader period. It was such a staple amongst the Muslim elite that the 12th-century inventor Ismail al-Jazari, who was active at the Archbishopate Court in southeastern Turkey, devised various mechanical contraptions that facilitated hand-washing. These appeared as illustrations in his 13th-century treatise, The Book of Ingenious and Mechanical Devices, seen here at the left. Scholars suggest that the introduction of rules and regulations governing individual hygiene in medieval Western Europe were adopted from Islamic codes of courtly behavior and stemmed partly from Crusaders' admiration of Islamic lifestyles. The inferiority of Western Europeans in the eyes of medieval Muslims is evident in Islamic sources, which express Muslims' consternation with the Latin Crusaders' low standards of behavior. For instance, the 12th-century Syrian scholar Ibn Munkid observed in his Book of Contemplation, quote, Anyone who has recently arrived from the French lands is a rougher in character than those who have become acclimated and have frequently made the company of Muslims, end quote. Indeed, the introduction of hand-washing in the medieval West emerged much later than in the Islamic world. It was only beginning in the late 12th and early 13th centuries that rules regarding strict dining etiquette closely regulated Western European medieval dining practices. Because there were fewer utensils available at the table, diners most likely ate with their fingers. It was thus considered uncouth to enjoy food and drink without first having cleaned one's hands. The circulation of numerous manuals instructing medieval European diners how to behave at the table accompanied and further instigated an increased awareness of expected hygienic practices. An assortment of extant 13th-century metal water vessels, such as Aquamanilla, testifies to the rising awareness of table hygiene in medieval Europe. These objects also bespeak a group of consumers willing to invest in the utensils necessary to abide by these rules. Evidence of the Western import of the Islamic practice of hand-washing can be found in the textual record. In the Disciplina clericalis, a 12th-century treatise and collection of fables partially translated from Arabic by Spanish scholar Pietrus Alfonsi, the main character provides a lengthy description of expected dining and hygienic customs. The text is one of the first of its genre written for a Western European audience. The majority of the narrative is presented as a dialogue between an elderly man named Balham, who is presumably of Arab origin, dispensing moral advice to his son. As outlined in Alfonsi's text, hand-washing marks both the beginning and the end of the meal. After first having washed your hands before eating, you must not, so long as the meal lasts, touch anything other than the food. After eating, wash your hands because it is both hygienic and good manners. Written at a time of increased consciousness of hygiene amongst the Western medieval elite, this text participated in the circulation of knowledge through Arabic and Latin translation in the 10th and 13th century Mediterranean. The newly introduced etiquette of hand-washing led to a growing market for equipment to facilitate this practice. This, in turn, allowed for tools such as the jameleons to serve as symbols of social sophistication and belonging. The adoption of hand-washing established a social boundary between those who adopted these rules and those who did not. The observance of table manners emerges a way to communicate one's elevated social standing. These strict rules of etiquette and proper behavior, referred to as quortoisie, were also tied to codes of chivalry and morality. A Western European knight or noble not only closely followed these dining rules, but also acted upon principles such as generosity to the poor and service to the helpless, all according to general standards of noble and courteous behavior. The adoption of quortoisie, or courteous behavior from Islamic culture, is readily apparent within French romance literature, which frequently describes exploits of famous Arab knights who were revered by European audiences for their physical prowess and exemplary chivalric qualities. These texts evidence the dissemination of Islamic courtly culture in the medieval west. For example, in the late 11th or early 12th century epic poem, The Sangue of Roland, the Caliph Balignon is described as follows, quote, his look, his fierce and his hair curly. It was as white as a flower in summer. His courage has often been tested in battle. Oh God, what a noble Baron, if only he were a Christian, end quote. The fraught admiration for the Muslim enemy not only spoke to the pervasiveness of Arab and Muslim figures in the French medieval crusader experience, but also the desire for conversion or appropriation of these foreign bodies and customs. The vibrant period of cross-cultural interchange is also evident in the leisure practices of European courts. It is in this period that the crusaders allegedly became acquainted with the sophisticated hunting practices of the Eastern Mediterranean, using predatory birds such as falcons. French romance literature from the 12th and 13th century indicates that the attitudes towards Arabs involved a paradoxical intermingling of rivalry and admiration. It is epitomized by romances involving the Ayyubid Sultan Salaheddin, otherwise known as Saladin. The Chronicle of France, a 13th century collection of legends and historical anecdotes, reports that Queen Eleanor of Aquitaine fell in love with Salaheddin during a fictional duel between the Ayyubid Sultan and Eleanor's husband, King Louis VII. In one anecdote, Salaheddin impresses Eleanor with his bravery and physical prowess and start contrast to the weakly French king who refuses to engage the Ayyubid Sultan in combat. These textual sources demonstrate the market interest and thus emulation of the courtly culture of the Islamic world by the French elite. Not only is this shown in the clear admiration for Islamic standards of nightly and thus courtly values, but also in the daily expression of elite belonging through practices such as handwashing. Recognition of the broader intercultural relations between the medieval Islamic and Western European courtly classes allows us to revisit and expand upon earlier scholars' suggestion of iconographic parallels between the Jameleons and medieval Islamic works of art. The imitation and admiration of Islamic models is readily apparent, for example, in several Jameleons that display Ceto-Arabic, that is to say, letter-like forms that are derived from Arabic inscriptions but are not legible. Although little noted in the existing scholarship, this conscious imitation of Islamic decorative motifs invites renewed consideration of the connections between limousine animal basins and Islamic artistic courtly models. In conclusion, the historical, literary, and material evidence for cross-cultural networks of the medieval Mediterranean are used in favor of interpreting 13th-century French Jameleons with respect to these intercultural phenomena. The hygienic function of the Jameleons marked them as objects that were part and parcel of the European development of Courtoisie, which emerged during a time of greater contact with the Islamic world and its more refined customs. The Jameleons demand to be considered in relation to this category of courtly, portable objects, not only because of their decorative programs, as earlier scholars have suggested, but because of the broader sociocultural context in which they functioned. The performance of Courtoisie's behavior relied on the use of the Jameleons, facilitating the cleansing rituals that had become a staple of noble French medieval dining. In this way, we can appreciate the Jameleons as an essential material record of a much broader phenomenon of intercultural exchange between the medieval Islamic world and Western Europe, one defied not only by the transmission of iconographic motifs but also by the adoption of new social practices and the redefinition of courtly French identity. Thank you.