 All right, let me say something that I've been saying for a long time, which is probably very somewhat controversial. My sense is that the collapse of the Soviet Union is a real historical fact which has had enormous consequences. And one of the consequences is that a lot of people on the left genuinely don't know how to go from here. And here again I'm talking of a broad left, not social democrats, but other than that. I have believed that in this period there is going to be an enormous amount of experimentation. Now you see, in India this is not very easy to comprehend about other countries, because in India the left movement has been historically associated with the communist movement and that's that. You can sort of fight over that, CPI, CPI and CPI, well and so on, but that's the field within which you have it. Trotskyism, anarchism, no forces in India, you know, there are three Trotskyists in this country. So far as I know, maybe five. In Europe these have been real forces, certainly communists, but these have been real forces. The second, again, that very broad conceptual level, my sense is that the retreat, the defeat, whatever you call it, of communism and the total assimilation of social democracy into the agenda of finance has meant that the third major left force of the 19th century, which is anarchism, will necessarily rise to contest for that space. In some countries, such as Spain for example, anarchism has been a very large force and so on. Given these sort of views that I have on a broad conceptual level, one is that I do consider that these are left forces, genuinely, they are not social democrats. Sreza could have formed the government, but Sipra simply said that thing is null and void, that pact that is being imposed in Greece and I think he is doing the right thing in that the Greek communist party is doing the wrong thing. I agree with Prabhat on that. He is not saying I will come out of the Eurozone, but what he is saying, the logic of it is that Greece probably will. But the onus would be on finance capital of throwing them out. That is the right attitude for them in my view. Revisionist probably made sense in 1950s, earlier points in history, but at this point in Greece, what does it mean? Sreza himself came from the communist party of the exterior actually. And a lot of his people have actually come out of the communist movement. They are experimenting with forms. They are saying it is a very interesting political form that their party or whatever you want to call it has. He has a party. There are six others in Sreza. They all have their platforms. When the party congress comes, you are allowed fully to put up your platform, your candidates, et cetera, et cetera. Open conflicts. But once the vote has been taken and the party policy has been established, everyone has to. In other words, it is sort of a notion that even in a party, there always are different views. And it is better to allow these views to be organized as factions within the party, so long as the issue of party majority decision is upheld. In a sense, it is a reworked version of the early Soviet pre-1920s before the factions were actually planned. Or the first working men's association in the time of Marx. There were Marxists, and there were anarchists, and among anarchists there were Prudhonists, and there were Beculinists, and this and that, and so on. And they were all in the same association, and so on. Anyway, my sense is that these experiments will go on. And given the blockage of the left, it is a good thing. Sometimes errors will be made, sometimes opportunism will be there, and so on. But the principle here is actually very similar to what Prabhupāda is saying. The broadest possible unity of the left. Srija wants the Communist Party to come into the government, and this will again come up if, as it is expected next month, if Srija does gain, does emerge as the largest party. This time they got about 17 percent, Poles are saying they will get 27 percent. If they get 27 percent, this time they had 52 seats, 27 percent probably means 70, 75, 80 seats, in which case they also get those 50 seats, and so on. So they have 120, 130 seats there. So the idea of a left majority becomes credible. And at that time, the Communist Party will have to make up its mind. Is it going to prevent the formation of such a government or not? Srija's thing is to bring together all the left forces against this finance government. Yes. I think third period politics at this moment would really be pretty disastrous because the extreme right is gaining on a national platform. I think to the extent the left develops well and good. But if the left fails the people, then there will be a swing to the right and we may actually end up having fascist governments in many of these countries. In Greece there is a real fascism. For the first time, the fascist party, and they are real fascists, and they bring the planet, bring the planet and everything, meaning fascist is extreme right and radical. But those are fascists. They have entered parliament for the first time in Greece and the vote of the stream right is about 20 percent. I think this is the highest the extreme right has ever copied. Let's just get back to the question of the left. Do you think that in this moment of this kind of experimentation that's happening, not just in terms of formal parties but also social movements, occupy movements, etc. Now, is there a sense that you get that this may be in fact pre-saging a sort of a European spring if you will? In the way that for instance in the 90s and the 2000s there was what got called variously as the pink tide and so on in South America, Latin America. Do you see something like that maybe emerging in Europe? I see a world spring. Why only Europe? I mean, I think of the Occupy movement. Chomsky has said this is the most exciting thing he has seen in his lifetime in more recent, you know, okay, since the defeat of fascism or something. You know, because I think it's remarkable because after all it's actually a demand for equality. It is actually seeing the 99 percent versus the 1 percent. That's bringing back the issue of class. Absolutely. And what is more, the next step in it is likely to be Occupy factories. And you know, so the point is that it's really a very dynamic thing. I think everywhere in the world there are all kinds of innovations going on and I don't think only in Europe, everywhere. And I think that's really quite remarkable. What is your sense of this? Two or three. Marie Le Pen's, Marine Le Pen's. I'm, as you can see, very fascinated by this phenomenon. Marine Le Pen's one of her many slogans was bring on the French Spring. So she uses that language very happily. My second point is that, and this I have actually written in one of my articles in Frontline, that the so-called Arab Spring or Arab appraisings as I would prefer to call them, but that themselves, I think in extension, are broadening off the great militancy, working class militancy that occurred in Europe, across Southern Europe. Immense, including France, immense. And Tunisia is very close, physically very close and in every way is very close to Europe. And that working class militancy in Europe has, I think, a very considerable impact in the Arab Spring. So it's a kind of a movable feast, so to speak. Now you said about Latin America. About that, what I want to sort of bring up is, and on the one hand, what the Greeks have very much on their minds, I think, is the experience of Argentina and Ecuador, that you can repudiate the dead and survive. You can tell the IMF to pack up and survive. And in fact, Argentina became very prosperous after that and that prosperity continues. So Greeks are actually, I think, quite aware of the fact. And I think that if that Argentina and Ecuador experiences weren't there, the Greeks might have been, the Greek left, might have been a little more at sea as to what to do. Which of course I think in my own view means that if they're serious about it, they'll have to nationalize the banks and so on. They'll have to have a very different kind. The problem is that in Latin America, it was a continental wave. In Europe, and all of a sudden done, the Greeks are alone. Movements in other countries are not nearly as mature. There's no crisis point. The crisis point has come in the country, which is very small, et cetera. So where will the sustenance for Greece come? Within the continent? I don't know. I don't expect Mr. Holland to stand with the Greeks at all. This is my view. He's a machine politician of a certain sort. My sense is that there may be a logic unfolding in Greece where the ruling class really has no option but to put it out. I don't think the NATO countries are going to allow a revolution in a European country. And Syriza either surrenders the whole thing or actually makes a revolution of some kind. What that will mean, I don't know. The generation that suffered under a coup d'etat in Greece is still alive. So I don't know, but the extreme right has power to hit back on an isolated country in Greece in a way in which their options in Latin America were limited. Well, I'm afraid we will have to wind up this session now. I wouldn't even try to sort of summarize or make some final remarks or anything of the kind. I would just say that it's very clear, listening to both Rubizay Razaermer and Prof. Prabhupatnay that on the one hand we are living through exciting times. On the other hand, it's also true that the only way that one can make sense of these exciting times and to grapple with these exciting times, one is to engage in the very hard task of in a sense re-educating oneself, re-leading, making oneself literate all over again in Marx's theory and praxis. And this little space that we have here, the May Day bookstore and cafe hopes to actually become a space where these kind of sessions will inspire us and will motivate us to keep going back to some of our long-held beliefs and to re-examine our theory and our praxis again and again. So well, thanks very much to both our distinguished and eminent speakers. Thanks very much to all of you.