 Ladies and gentlemen, let me introduce the final panel in our session this morning. We've saved some very good speakers for last. Just to put this in context, Kirk, since you just arrived, we teed off this morning with excellent remarks by the Prime Minister, talking about really sort of an expectation of maybe a new era in U.S.-Malaysian relations, certainly going back to building, I think, the way he put it, was building from strength to strength, and I thought that was very positive. Then we heard about the trade and investment relationship, the outlook for that also seems to be some strong possibilities. We had a real treat from the General just now, and Mike Green, talking about the history of the U.S.-Malaysia security relationship, and it's a great reminder of how closely we've worked together. This panel will look at U.S.-Malaysia security cooperation and the relationship looking forward, and we're honored indeed to have a good friend, Admiral Anwar, who is the Chairman, former Chief of the Malaysian Armed Forces. He's a Navy man, he's an incredible athlete, and he's sort of one of these renaissance men that quietly lead Malaysia in a very competent way, and it's had the honor to work with him also in the private sector. He's the Chairman of the Armed Forces Fund Board in Malaysia, which is a very active investor in Malaysia. We're also joined by someone, all of you in Washington know well, all of you in Malaysia know well, Kurt Campbell, he's the Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, so one of the most proactive, interested policy makers that we have in the United States, really providing great leadership on the relationship, not only with Malaysia and ASEAN, but throughout East Asia, so we're deeply honored that both of you gentlemen could join us. We've given the honor to tee off to Tansri Anwar, so please Tansri, the floor is yours. Thank you very much, Dr. Ernest Bauer. First of all, let me say thank you very much for inviting me to the CSIS, and also thank you for ISIS, for inviting me to come back to Washington, D.C. I remember four years ago, I was here, but the same discussion we did was in Pentagon with the Chairman and Joint Staff General Pete Pace, my counterpart. We discussed a lot about the way forward in the security and defense cooperation between the United States and Malaysia. I was asked, what do I think about Iraq and Afghanistan? Of course that was within the four walls. So ladies and gentlemen, apart from that, I've been visiting Hawaii every year, because I believe in networking with my peers, especially with the emeralds, the high echelon and US Navy. Recently I was in Hawaii, witnessing the change of command of Admiral Walsh, succeeding Admiral Keating, Paycom, of course my counterpart was Admiral Fallon, and we're still very much in touch with the US Navy, because in the other company that I've not mentioned, which is the Glenn Defense Marine Asia, which I'm a chairman, we actually process all the peer-side requirements of the US Navy in the Asia Pacific. So ladies and gentlemen, certainly we have heard how historically Malaysia has always been a steady and reliable friend of the United States military. I think one of our common interests, so ladies and gentlemen, is in defense and security cooperation. Undoubtedly the emergence of various issues has brought about greater challenges in the defense and security environment. Therefore today I would like to point to a few areas and explore as a subject matter would want us to do some of the interests and challenges in the regional security architecture. The US and Malaysia certainly share a common and a few areas of possible cooperation or actions in our relationship that in particular represent the unrealized potential. I know during my tenure as Chief of Navy, in fact, if you look at Malaysian foreign policy, we are supposed to only deal bilaterally, not multilaterally. But today this morning I'm encouraged by the announcement of the Prime Minister saying the way forward is multilateralism. My experience, when we first suggested that during the hype of the piracies that was mentioned by our Honourable Prime Minister this morning, in 2000 it was about 242 incidences and it went down to 24. And then I suggested that we do a trilateral coordinated patrol Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia. And our legal boy said you can't do that. It is only bilateral approach. But I was very lucky working for the Prime Minister who was then the Defense Minister. I said I suggest it's on the merit of the situation that we have to adopt its urgent and important approach that would enable these operations to be conducted in the Malacca Straits. And at that time my good friend Tom Fago, Admiral Tom Fago, has made a special announcement saying if the littoral states do not do anything, we will come and patrol your straits. So it's a big brouhaha. Everybody was very excited. The papers printed is a man in naval uniform in our front page. And I think we broke through, it's a breakthrough performance when we managed to launch the trilateral coordinated patrol. I think the one that really triggered this is the United States of America, the US Navy. And I always say I'll thank, I really thank my good friend Tom Fago for saying this because otherwise we'll be lulled into our bilateral policy. Four months later during the Shangri-La dialogue, we move ahead. I think we launched the Eyes in the Sky, which is a fantastic thing, it's a breakthrough among the littoral states where the maritime aircrafts with three national operators on board, which is a fantastic breakthrough because it is an example today for all maritime agencies to make it an example of what we did in the Malacca Straits. Ladies and gentlemen, I think we were addressing about counterterrorism, this is also alluded to by the Prime Minister. Looking at the current security scenario, Malaysia and US have closely worked together to fight this threat since 2002. And when Admiral Fallon was paycom, he visited me in Malaysia and I brought him to the exotic east, the eastern seaboard, which is Sabah, the Sulussis. At that time we had a threat by the Abu Sayyaf group, but then it showed him that we have deployed two battalions of troops and also the police to all the inhabited islands. And he was very surprised, he said, I didn't know you have had all your troops in all the islands. This is to deny, the strategy is to deny the ASG to utilize that island as their launchpads. So slowly we worked very closely with the US forces, especially the SEAL team that came with the fastboats and conduct more exercises now to combat counterterrorism. We have taken various measures to implement the UN Security Council resolution of 1373. After the collaboration as it resulted in Malaysia, establishing the Southeast Asia and regional center for counterterrorism, SEAL said. And we have also established a center for peacekeeping. This we have worked very closely with paycom. We have also engaged with other nations and has been very supportive for the security of the region and beyond the global war on terror, you have heard from the Prime Minister and General Ashim how this effort has been enhanced. And again, he did alluded to the US government approved some funds under the initiative FY 1206. And I was a CDF at that time, I was approached. Admiral, would you like the offer by the United States for you to have the FY 1206? That is these radar systems and the centric system, COM system to be placed in the eastern seaboard of Sabah. They told me that the Indonesian will be getting eight Thailand at that time was about to get also eight radar systems. And I approached the defense minister and said, we ought to accept this. We must accept this because it will enable us for a common system to cross-stail, especially the centric system and also the radar system, in terms of our effort to counter terrorism operations. Malaysia actually has benefited from this initiative to the installation of this coastal surveillance radar. And we in order to monitor all the maritime movements in the area, in particular transnational crimes are of concern in this area. And this initiative has generally assisted in the efforts to combat these tracks. The collective role of the littoral states that I mentioned earlier, we have been very successful and Thailand has joined us from the three littoral states now, Thailand joined us last year to be part and parcel of the Malacca State's patrol and the Eyes in the Sky initiative. Apart from the piracy tracks, there are other non-traditional security concerns such as drug trafficking, small arms trafficking and human trafficking alluded to by the general just now. So Malaysia and the United States can look into these areas of collaboration, especially in mitigating the non-traditional security tracks. I'm of the view that we could expand our cooperation and engagement towards building a closer relationship between now that we mentioned about this new Coast Guard that virtually is also during my time a tenure as a Chief of Navy which we sacrifice 17 ships and 1200 men from the Navy to form a Coast Guard. Sometimes my officers ask me, is the Chief getting crazy giving away men and but I said we believe in having this Coast Guard to conduct enforcement operations and search and rescue and this is the only way, the only solution that I think we can be very effective and it's proven now that our Coast Guard has been very effective in countering and of course conducting enforcement in our waters and now we have invited the U.S. Coast Guard to join hands with us but in bytec that was mentioned by General Ashim, bytec the U.S. Coast Guard is a member but not our Coast Guard. I think efforts have been made to propose that our Coast Guard would be part and parcel of the bytec arrangement. The humanitarian assistance and disaster relief, the Prime Minister alluded to about the tsunami and how we are poised to assist in this sectors. Issue of human assistance and disaster relief is becoming big in the region. We have participated and provide provision of humanitarian assistance and with our experience in 2004 after the tsunami I think our arrangement with the U.S. is getting stronger. What we have done is now the World Food Programme will set up a hub in Kuala Lumpur. We are moving to that humanitarian relief hub under the World Food Programme which will see the development of regional warehouse to store food, supplies, medicine and other basic amenities. As you recognized during the tsunami we allowed the use of our airports, the U.S. used the Langkawi airstrip, Australian part of the world airstrip and French and all the rest in the Subang airstrip. In human assistance disaster relief recently the ASEAN tabletop exercise on these was co-hosted by Indonesia and Singapore and it was a tremendous success. I think the tabletop is a military thing. We did a lot of rehearsals and I hope subsequently this will pave the way and anchor the structure of this ambition ASEAN security architecture. The U.S. has expressed its interest in harder operations, human assistance disaster relief operations. And we understand, we'll explore ways in which U.S. can contribute in capacity building, equipment information and of course intelligence. Military training and interoperability, it's been mentioned by General Hashim, I'm not going to say any more but we are actually looking at more areas of especially capacity building from the U.S. forces, how to develop this. And I think the both the forces, the PECOM, which they have this meeting, the bi-tech meeting in Hawaii very soon, they will address is not just military to me, not just IMED education and training but they're looking at human assistance disaster relief operation. Just to share an example, General Hashim mentioned about corpora goal, it has been a very sensitive thing for us to really send our troops. The government has not sent troops but send observers to corpora goal in Thailand but when Admiral Raffae, the CNO, approached me and said, Admiral, why don't you send the troops? I said, Admiral, you know, my government not enable these but we continue to send observers but could you help us in reshaping the scenario to read human assistance disaster relief operations are going to send my troops the next day? Of course, he said, but of course I can do that. When Admiral Raffae went back before he could launch that, it was a coup in Thailand. So there was no corpora goal that year. Moving ahead from the current status, I think we can expand this bi-tech arrangement. We must try and look at, as I mentioned, other enforcement agencies and we look service to service activities in terms of joint and combined multilateral exercises. Although we don't have the policy that will enable us for multilateralism, but I brought in WPNS, Western Pacific Nables Impulse here, a Mynex and Divex exercise hosted by Royal Mission Navy, it's also another breakthrough from our policy. It was done and again we brought in a very big conference with all the chief of defense forces. There were 17 of them in Kuala Lumpur, the Sheraton Imperial, we discussed a lot of things in terms of how to move forward ahead in terms of this multilateral approach. Now you have heard about the provision of assistance to Afghanistan. Today we have a small delegation that's gone, they are actually in Afghanistan now, they are in Kabul, they are assisted by the U.S. forces, they are on the ground exploring how to realize what the Prime Minister has said this morning. We are waiting for them to come back and we should be looking into medical assistance and reconstruction of Afghanistan. Alignment of export controls and non-proliferation, we are very supportive of the efforts towards the ratification of relevant international conventions such as nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the biological weapons convention and also the convention of land mines. You have heard we are just moving into nuclear power but we will certainly cooperate with international community in eradicating nuclear weapons, smuggling especially through our waters. Please include the support for the proliferation of PSI security initiative. To this end, we have made important contributions to the global system and institution related to non-proliferation. As an example, nature is a productive member of the Asia Pacific Group on money laundering, financial action task force style, regional body committed to the effective implementation and enforcement of internationally accepted standards against money laundering and the financing of terrorists. Ladies and gentlemen, I could continue to give more examples of the excellent states of bilateral relations in our two countries but suffice to say that the strong bonds of friendship and networking between the higher management and between both forces are based on the basis of shared values and principles have enabled our two countries to expand our security and defense cooperation. With that, ladies and gentlemen, I would say thank you for your attention. Thank you very much. Thank you so much, Admiral Kurt. Can I give you the floor? Thank you very much, Ernie. Thank you very much. It's great to see so many friends here. It's been a busy couple of days and I'd just like to say a word if I can about how impressed all of us are, all of us who care and focus on Southeast Asia. There have been some wonderful programs in Washington which are focused on the region but I must say I don't think I've ever seen a program come into being so rapidly and have made such an important contribution on the landscape than the one that Ernie and Mike Green and John Hammery have put together. Just like if you wouldn't mind, trust me, I know this world pretty well and you rarely get a pat on the back. Please just join us and a thank you for it. It's been terrific. It's been a home for friends who visit an opportunity to meet and it has helped us establish or if I can say really reestablish a community of people who are deeply interested in the region. And for me, I'm just very grateful. And I just, every day or every other day, I get something from Ernie. It's one of the first things I print out and just very much appreciate the insights, the guidance, and the advice and the leadership in terms of this program. This is an expert group so I don't think it's appropriate to rehearse, you know, all the issues that I think that are well known about what President Obama said and what Secretary Clinton said about trying to increase US engagement with Southeast Asia. We've tried to make clear about with some visits, signing Treaty of Amity in cooperation, Mekong Initiative. I've tried to go through the region establishing some new machinery mechanisms for increased bilateral engagement. We're going to do this with Malaysia. Invitations to the Nuclear Summit. We had the largest number of Southeast Asian friends visit for such an effort in history, a variety of things. And also, I think most importantly, have taken the first tentative steps on issues related to trade. This is an issue that most friends in Southeast Asia and Asia will say, it's great to see you. We welcome you. Thank you very much. But ultimately, they're looking to the United States to regain its confidence, to feel confident in dealing on economic and trade issues in the Asian Pacific region. I think that's very much in our interest. And we welcome and support the encouragement that we've received from Asian, ASEAN friends. So I would say overall, we have tried to make a clear statement both with individual states, with ASEAN as a whole and hopefully in a larger architectural setting that the United States wants to increase our activity in the region. I will say that from my general travel in the region, I would say that the United States does have the residual capacities of a very strong presence in Southeast Asia. But I would also say that at a general level, there has been a bipartisan lack of focus on Southeast Asia for a sustained period of time. And it is important for powerful states like the United States that already have important and critical levels of engagement in a region that is frankly quite important for longer-term American strategic interests to appreciate when that position has eroded or that there are challenges to that position. So I think one of the most important things, and it's difficult often for the United States, it's almost much more comfortable to talk about triumphs and achievements and major sets of initiatives, but the truth is the United States has to do a better job. And that's one of the reasons that we're so grateful for these visits and also for the programs that Bernie has put together. So I'm not going to go through all the basic components, but I think you have a sense that there is a recognition that the United States, not just in this administration but in subsequent administrations, has to do more if we are to be effective. And I must also say that this is not simply about Southeast Asia. If we want to have an effective China policy, we need to make sure that we have a strong set of relationships, political, strategic, economically in Southeast Asia. If we want to be clear about including and working with India playing a strong role in Asia, we need to make sure that we're talking with India about Southeast Asia and with Southeast Asia, about India. If we want to continue a strong set of partnerships with our friends in Northeast Asia, enduring commitments in Japan, but new opportunities for engagement with Korea, it's going to be critical for the United States to step up its game in Southeast Asia. And so I hope very much to see that come into being. I must say that I think it would be fair to say that American friends that have worked for a long period in Malaysia were uncertain about what we would find when we tried to step up our interactions. I think, you know, some of us remember a complicated period in the 1990s where on the military side we were going extraordinarily well, but occasionally politically we would get bogged down and rhetorical flourishes, so we say, they're teaching me diplomatic terms. What we're finding more and more, however now when we interact with Malaysian friends, is rather than initial commentary about our culture or about our way of doing, our peculiar way of doing diplomacy or occasionally our objectives not only in Asia but elsewhere, the first and most substantial comments that we receive from Malaysian friends is, you are most welcome. Please visit often and we want a stronger relationship. Now one of our challenges is, of course, to communicate that clearly and to run it through what we might call the universal translator for our senior officials in the United States, what we are finding in almost all of our encounters in Asia is hearing a similar, please come visit often, we want to see more of you, thank you very much. Of course in Asia that is generally the polite way of saying, you know, we have maybe a few concerns about China. So instead of saying that, you say you're most welcome Americans, visit as often as frequently as you'd like and we've tried to hear that and interpret that appropriately. Obviously all of Southeast Asia seeks a strong stable relationship between the United States and China but they feel more reassured if the United States in addition to working closely with friends in Beijing are also involved in a parallel deep sustained engagement in Southeast Asia and that's what we're trying to do overall. So there is a substantial tonal change and in a very short period of time that has increased confidence in Washington. I think there was a little bit of nervousness, what are we going to hear on specific issues. And I think for Malaysian friends a similar concern, what are Americans going to raise. But in a very short period of time I think we have seen evidence that U.S.-Malaysian relations could ascend rapidly. Now the truth is we have to be careful. I liked Ernie's statements about, you know, take off and I want to be more careful than that because I'm learning that at the State Department. It's a hard thing for me. But the truth is there's something to point to here. I, you know, when people say, well gee, what are the countries where you could imagine a dramatic improvement in relations between the United States and Southeast Asia in addition to a region-wide engagement at the ASEAN Regional Forum and other larger initiatives. People generally point to either Indonesia or Vietnam and there is good reason to expect and hope for those relations to improve rather substantially. But I will also say there are sometimes forgotten, sometimes overlooked, sometimes somewhat disguised, some very powerful component elements in U.S.-Malaysian relations that should give us some confidence about the ability to take off. So for instance behind the scenes has been an extraordinarily robust military defense relationship, much more so than people recognize. Much deeper between the United States and Malaysia than anything we have between Indonesia for obvious reasons and Vietnam. Now we do not talk about this relationship in public. We just go about doing the business of it in private. But it's deep. The trust and confidence that exists not only between the military partners in KL and Hawaii but also in the Pentagon. And that's also shared at the level of civilian components as well. In addition, if you look at the economic relationship, say for instance between the United States and Indonesia, it is fairly, it's substantial in certain areas, certain kinds of construction, land clearing, some sales of high tech, but primarily it is in the extractive arenas where if you look overall at the relationship between the United States and Malaysia, we've had a very strong economic relations very much beneath the radar screen for decades. I can recall a few years ago being in a situation where we asked a group of people to name the top seven or eight trading partners for the United States. And of course at that time Malaysia was number eight and no one in the room of a very esteemed and well-educated group of people understood how deep the economic investment relationship was between our two countries. Now in the bilateral meeting between the two leaders in a very courageous way and a very far-seeing way, the Prime Minister laid out his desire to help Malaysia take that step from what he called the middle level to the next level and what would be needed in terms of investment and commitments. And he saw that as a multi-decade set of challenges but essential if Malaysia is to maintain its current path and course of potential over the course of the next several years and given the very real economic challenges from others in the region and particularly in China. So I simply mention this by saying that don't count this relationship out. Don't focus too much on the United States and Indonesia or the United States and Vietnam. Those are important relations but I must tell you I hope when we have subsequent meetings in the next couple of years that we will surprise people and in many respects one of the things we learn in Asian politics and we get this from our Japanese friends is sometimes it's not effective to be the one that's out in the spotlight. Sometimes you can make a lot of progress by making progress quietly and I think you're going to see that in US-Malaysian relations. I don't want to convey too much out of school here but I must tell you for those of us who were treated to a wonderful bilateral, we're in lots of meetings and you can tell almost immediately whether there's chemistry between two leaders, whether two leaders understand how to interact with one another or they just don't click or whether there's a race for dominance or who's going to control the agenda. Prime Minister Ajeeb was as relaxed, confident, capable in this meeting as almost any leader I've seen witnessed in some time. So I don't have that much experience but in my last 10 years, the three best bilateral meetings I've seen between two leaders, this was one of them. So that should tell you something and the Prime Minister was extraordinarily effective not only at conveying a vision of what he wanted to see in his own country but also talked about the steps that he was prepared to take to advance US-Malaysian relations and the role that Malaysia wanted to play not just in the region but increasingly globally as a multicultural democracy on a host of issues. He was also quite clear about the areas of vulnerability and anxiety that Malaysia are coping with and asked for support for the United States and understanding as well. But overall, a deeply powerful set of commitments and exchanges between the two leaders in a way that I left feeling had a little bit more bounce in my step overall. I just wanna go through, the Edmonds already talked about some of those things but a very specific set of commitments on the part of Malaysia on nonproliferation. Without the United States asking, Malaysia decided to dispatch a team to Afghanistan. The Prime Minister laid out some areas that Malaysia, I don't want to get in front of his formal announcements but I think they've decided that they'd like to do take some efforts in the arena of capacity building and human capital investment. Very impressive and again, recognition that Malaysia could play an important out of area role in this critical UN endeavor. Some specific quiet commitments on counter-terrorism from procedural steps to training that meshed nicely with the specific legislative and judicial steps that helped promote much stronger nonproliferation standards. The PM was very clear on areas that he thought Malaysia had not taken significant steps in the past and he sought to remedy and close those loop holes and very impressive in that respect. We also talked substantially about the defense relationship and I think he too understands that this has been in many respects the backbone of our relationship and I think his desire is to spread the culture of that cooperation to, shall we say, other elements of the Malaysian government. Now, I very much enjoyed my meetings with our friends in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs but not uncommon. Sometimes you will find in certain countries that the attitude sometimes lingers a little bit in Ministries of Foreign Affairs and there isn't the same sense of engagement and personal commitment there that you might find in the business community or the defense community and I would take it as our challenge over the course of the next couple of years to try to overcome some of those cultural and sort of residual anxieties and perhaps even a little bit suspicions and I was struck on my visit after two days of talks. The last hour of those talks were considerably better than the first hour and we hope to continue that so that it's not simply in certain pockets of the Malaysian government but basically in the Prime Minister's office and other parts of bureaucracy, a general consensus that it is the interest of the country to move forward on a stronger relationship between our two countries and lastly, the PM made a very clear statement on the desire to play a more substantial role in the TPP and encourage the United States to be confident on these issues in a way that we've seen from various leaders in Southeast Asia and Asia as a whole from the Minister Mentor in Singapore from friends in Korea and the like and I must say these expressions of confidence in the United States during capacities of the United States to recover from our current challenges and difficulties, a desire to see the United States to be a confident player in the trading engagement of the Asian Pacific region, the new investment opportunities. It's most welcome and it gives us a sense of confidence that others see this in the role that we could play but some specific ideas on TPP. Now, conclude Ernie, just two last things. Let us also be clear that the two sides tried not to avoid the issues on which there will be continuing discussions, perhaps some difficulties and challenges and I think any good relationship is able to deal with those issues. I saw in the meeting between the President and President Hu that the United States and China has had to deal with some very challenging issues over the course of the last couple of months. I think there is a strong desire on the part of our Malaysian friends to see the United States play a more consequential role in trying to bring peace in the Middle East. And so the fact that Malaysia has, in their perspective, a very purposeful commitment to these issues is something that the United States must take seriously and we recognize that there is a global Islam now that not just focuses on their own backyard but on issues of what they consider justice and peace beyond their borders. And so that was made very clear to us. And from our perspective, we cherish and support the general process of democratization inside the country. We occasionally have some anxieties about the role of Islamic law, how it is applied with the Malaysian Commonwealth Law and how these two secular and religious trends in the country can be reconciled. And we watch that carefully. We want very much for a benevolent, open, engaged, traditional form of Southeast Asian Islamic worship and philosophy to continue to be the dominant trend inside the country. And occasionally we see some signs that concern us. I also, in our meetings, we must say, and I think it's well known to all of you, Anwar has many friends in the United States. Very high level friends, people who care about him and we want very much for his treatment to be just and we are watching carefully in this regard. And so the fact that we were able, I think, both to talk about the issues that we're closely aligned but also issues of some challenge without getting our feelings immediately heard and saying, well, that's it. I think it's a tribute to growing maturity in the relationship as a whole. Now going forward, Ernie, I would just say there are in addition to these five areas which are the dominant areas. They are the backbone of the relationship. They are the areas that we are going to put substantial effort and focus on. We've also seen Malaysia step up in a very exciting way on climate change, not just in limiting traditional emissions but also looking at questions associated with forestation. Some of Malaysia's commitments are as robust, far reaching and almost game changing as any country in the world. And the PM was able to discuss and talk about these issues in an extraordinarily nimble way in a way that many other leaders cannot. Malaysia has also played a very important role on thinking about next steps on architecture. And I must say in stark contrast to the 1990s where there was some ambivalence about the United States, far from it now. The question is the terms, the appropriate mechanism about how the United States can and should be a more active member in this next phase of multilateralism. I think it is all well understood that the 1990s was primarily trans-specific. Lots of institutions in which the United States played a more important role, APEC, ASEAN Regional Forum. I think the last decade was one in which much of the action was Pan-Asian. And the United States perhaps wasn't as actively involved as we might be. And I think the next phase, we want to see a role in which both the United States but also other critical countries like India are more actively engaged in how we do that and try not to be in a situation where we over promise and under deliver. And I must say, quite honestly here, it's very easy when you're out of government to talk about canceled meetings and missed summits. But the truth is that the president has been in power only a year, year and a couple of months. He's made very clear he'd like to do a better job of engagement. But we've had to postpone two trips. This is just the nature of how challenging these jobs are and how difficult it is for chief executives to be able to find the time to ensure the proper level of engagement. We want to be careful that we do not over promise and under deliver. But I think Malaysia in particular, working with other countries in Southeast Asia, have communicated to us their desire to have us more actively engaged, whether it's in the East Asia summit or some sort of configuration of ASEAN plus 150, whatever the new group is, I'm not sure. I think that would be important. We also think the third and final thing, Ernie, is that it perhaps is time for the United States to think a little bit creatively about how we can encourage steps in the South China Sea to ensure that we do not have a competition devolving to bilateral or unilateral steps. We think the code of conduct has been important. The United States has occasionally in 1995 and again in 2002 had statements or made suggestions or contributions to this overall effort. I think we're going to be watching closely. We've seen some things that cause us some concern and they're not just concerned with one nation but several nations. And I think we'd like to think creatively about how the United States can make a clear set of statements that underscore our commitment to maintaining peace and stability and maintaining other strong and central American strategic interests in terms of freedom of navigation like in places like the South China Sea. So with that, I have to say I'm fairly bullish. I try not to over commit here but I think you have all the ingredients for a careful, quiet liftoff in US-Malaysian relations. And I thank you, Bernie, for the opportunity to be here today. Thank you very much. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you.