 Merhi. First of all, thank you very much. Thank you all here also to be here this afternoon. And thank you very much on the IEA for this invitation. I've been here, as you have heard, a couple of years ago. And it's always a pleasure and an honour to be back here in Ireland, especially at this well known and respected institute. As you said you have asked me to say a few words about the changing European Security Agenda. I think it's a very topical subject, not only of conversation, but also of concern. I think the decision of the UK to leave the European Union and the first policy declarations of the new US President have not really helped to ease those concerns. On the other hand, challenges are also opportunities, as the HRVP Mogherini has stated earlier. But let's face it. I mean, Europe's security is at risk. The world around us is evolving very quickly and quite dramatically. Just note how many changes we have seen in the last five years. This is true in our southern neighbourhood, in our eastern neighbourhood, also in the north, in the Arctic for example, but also in Asia, and also across the Atlantic. It seems that uncertainty and crisis seem to be the rule. Moreover, terrorist attacks in Paris, Brussels, Nice, Berlin, and also the shooting down of MH17 above eastern Ukraine have suddenly brought foreign conflicts straight into our family living homes. There are not any more very far away crisis in Africa or in the Middle East that certainly move us that are of concern, but there are now conflicts that bring pain, that bring uncertainty, that bring fear, that bring even death in our homes. And I think that makes the hell of a difference. Add to that also the refugee crisis, which further feeds concerns and insecurity. I would say that these concerns and also the conflicts and crises linked to it are at the very heart of the committee, the PSC, that I chair. We try indeed to foster a consensus among the Member States about how to tackle these challenges through our common foreign and security policy in preparation of the decisions of the Ministers. And as you know, European common foreign security policy only works by consensus. That's sometimes a cumbersome issue, but also it gives a lot of legitimacy if you have an agreement of 28 Member States. Now the world has indeed become much more connected, much more complex and much more contested world, say a little bit a more challenging one and even a more dangerous one. And we have to adapt our approach to that. We can do that. How can we get a better grip on that? And how can we adjust ourselves and be better equipped to deal with it? In this regard I see five crosscutting structural changes. The first one is what I would call the return of history and of power politics. In the 25 years ago, at the fall of the Berlin Wall, Francis Fou Coyama announced the end of history, the final triumph of the liberal democracy and the free market with the West as the only remaining superpower. But I think development since then have shown a completely different reality. History is back, power politics is back and in a certain way history repeats itself. We see it in the East where Russia invaded another country and annexed Crimea against all international rules and putting the whole post-Second World War security order in jeopardy. But the return of the history can also be seen in the southern neighbourhood where popular revolutions have brought down ancient regimes as they have done in Europe in the 19th century. And we now see instability following these revolutions and in some cases a return to strong regimes to put order into the chaos. Regional powers are vying for influence and are fighting proxy wars. And we see also return of history more and more in Asia, in the South and East China Sea for example, but now also across the Atlantic where the new president pledges to make America great again. This new reality puts the existing multilateral order, the existing international rules-based system under pressure. It goes also with a return of what I would call emotions, nationalism say populism, driving forces. A second crosscutting challenge that I see is the growing tension between values and interests. And let me be clear from the beginning. Our values and principles, democracy, human rights, freedom should remain at the very core of our common foreign insecurity policy as they are at the core of our societies and of our attractiveness to the world. However, we can no longer take it for granted that these same values and principles guide all other nations in their approach or that they accept them as international standards. The international values-based system is becoming under pressure. It's noticeable in New York, it's noticeable in Geneva and in Vienna. Speaking about human rights with countries like China, Egypt, Turkey, India, South Africa, whatever, although it is absolutely necessary, it becomes sometimes a bit complex. How to deal and engage with countries where human rights are seriously under strain, but countries that we cannot ignore because they are key players in the region or they are important for migration or other issues. This is an issue that has been the element of a serious debate in PSC, and we try to find their right balance between engaging whilst at the same time using that engagement to discuss more difficult issues such as human rights. The global strategy which Mary mentioned already is very clear on this. She said it says that interests and values go hand in hand, that we have an interest in promoting our values in the world because they are important for long-term stability and peace, and that peace and security, prosperity and democracy and the rules-based international order are the vital interests underpinning our external action. That brings me to the third cross-cutting challenge, the growing nexus between internal and external security. It's quite clear that the migration crisis, the foreign fighters problem, the terrorist attacks have clearly underlined that closening between external and internal security. What is happening in Syria and in Iraq, in Africa has considerable consequences for our daily lives here at home. And the same goes for the Sahel, where drug, human and arms trafficking go hand in hand with terrorist elements, so internal and external security are closely linked. And it has these consequences also on policy because external security policy becomes very much internal security politics. We see that every day leaders are now much more concerned with the effects of what happens outside the national borders than before because the public is more concerned. The effects of what happens abroad, migration terrorism, has become important issues in national elections with a lot of emotions in security and rhetoric. That means that the two dimensions of our response, internal and external, should reinforce each other, should be closely coordinated, to be put in synergy. And that's also why, for example, the Hyde HR Mogherini has organised a jumbo council of foreign ministers and together with justice and home affairs ministers on the migration crisis. That's also why we as PSC dealing with external security meet regularly with our colleagues from the internal security in the cozy working group. The fourth cross cutting challenge is the growing diversity of threats in the increasingly interconnected and digitalised world. It is, first of all, incredible to note the power of well-equipped, well-armed terrorist groups, Daesh, ISIS, Boko Haram, Al Qaeda, combining terrorist activities with all kinds of trafficking and modern communication and social media equipment to interconnect and thrive internationally, defying not only national states but requiring an incredible and a persistent effort by the whole international community in a coalition to curtail them. I don't think I have to remind you of the importance of social media in steering up radicalisation and steering also international terrorist networks and groupings in committing all kinds of terrible acts across the globe. Nor do I have to remind you how cyberattacks are increasingly focusing our minds and are affecting us, often used as part of a so-called broader hybrid strategy or campaign to target critical information systems, disrupt services such as energy supplies or financial services but also undermine public trust in government institutions, exploit social vulnerabilities or influence popular vote. Hybrid threats, which can be both military and civilian in nature, are not new, but the level of sophistication in a computerised and networked world makes them increasingly powerful. They are a serious challenge. We also have to straighten, I think, our communication via all kinds of media to counter false information, say propaganda, for example, from Russia, but also propaganda from Daesh and other radical and terrorist groups. I come now to the fifth cross-cutting challenge and that's an internal one. It's a certain paradox. A paradox indeed because at the moment when the security threats are increasing and the world is becoming a more challenging place at the moment when also it more is demanded from the European Union as a security provider in that world our means to do so and our willingness to act together in common are under strain. I would say that budgetary constraints often dominate foreign policy options. This is, for example, the case when it comes to planning CSDP missions or mobilising the necessary means. But besides the budgetary issues, I also witness a growing difficulty among member states to find the necessary political will to act together to find consensus to move forward to take the necessary steps commonly and to not only talk the talk, but also walk the walk. There is a tendency to do things your own way or the own way. With the growing insecurity and the lack of means, you might expect a natural need and a wish for more cooperation. That means that seems to be the logical way forward, but it seems that in crisis people tend to fall back to themselves, think about Brexit, while exactly more cooperation is needed. Ladies and gentlemen, I think the world indeed has become a much more interconnected, much more complex, much more contested world, a much more challenging one, but again as I said the question is what can we do about it and how can we get a better grip on it? How can we adapt and be more capable in dealing with it? And that is exactly what the new European global strategy is trying to do and set out to do and we are in the process of implementing that strategy. That strategy was proposed last year by the high representative Mogherini and it was adopted by the ministers and by the European Council, the head of state and government. It is an effort to put the minds in Europe in the same direction, both on analysis but also on action. It paints the picture of the world as it is now and draws lines far away forward to better address challenges in a common way. The title, subtitle of that strategy is then also a shared vision common action and that is I think exactly what is needed. There have been indeed some questions if it was wise to publish this strategy at the moment of Brexit because it almost coincided with the referendum in the UK, but I think since then it is clear that the right decision was taken and reactions since then have been further underscoring that. The world indeed today is a completely different place than the one that existed when we had our previous strategy dating back from 2003, slightly adapted in 2008. Now this new strategy sets out our core interests and principles for engaging with the wider world but it gives also the European Union a collective sense of direction. It puts five strands forward for implementation. First a real union of security and defence. Thirdly developing resilience and an integrated approach to conflict. Thirdly strengthening the internal, external nexus in our policies. Fourth updating existing or preparing new regional and thematic strategies and last but not least stepping up also our efforts on public diplomacy and we in PSC have been having had a lot of work to prepare the adoption of the strategy but we are also now very much involved in the implementation of the different strands. It is starting maybe with security and defence, it is no surprise that in this more contested world security and defence takes a special place in this new strategy and its implementation. As Mary already indicated the member states have taken steps, have agreed to steps for stepping up their cooperation in security and defence based on a package presented by the higher representative, the security and defence implementation plan. They also approved a European defence action plan of the European Commission to boost the European defence industrial basis. And of course these steps go hand in hand with strengthening also the EU NATO cooperation to implement the joint Warsaw declaration signed last year. The security and defence implementation plan defines a comprehensive level of ambition for the European Union in security and defence. It focuses on three priorities first to enable the European Union to respond more comprehensively, more rapidly and more decisively to crisis. Secondly to enhance further the capacities in security and defence of our partners. And three to strengthen the European Union capacity to protect our citizens working in a coherent and integrated manner on our internal and external security. Concrete actions to enable the EU and its member states to fulfil this level of ambition are now under preparation. They include develop the required capabilities using all tools proposed by the treaty including also the potential of permanent structure cooperation, deepening defence cooperation for example also through the European Defence Agency and setting up a coordinated enable review on defence but also to improve our structures of planning and conduct of missions and our situational awareness. It also includes improving the civilian capabilities, rapid deployment and training and strengthening rapid response and reinforcing the EU battlegroup's usability. The idea is that the ministers in March at their council, the Foreign Affairs Council where they will by the way meet together with the defence ministers, will take a couple of decisions on a number of actions and put also others further on the rails and also the heads of state and government at their European council will have this issue on their agenda. But at BB Clare security and defence is certainly not the only strength on which we work and have to work. The other strengths are equally very important work continues on resilience on an integrated approach to conflict and I think that the global strategy places a strong effort on enhancing the efforts of the European Union to address conflicts and crisis through an integrated approach by making the use of the variety of instruments that we have acting at the different levels of the conflict cycle. Also civilian capacities are a key component in all these trends. In resilience in the integrated approach but also in the security and defence part. Indeed I think it's clear that lessons from Iraq from Afghanistan but also from Libya all highlight that military action alone cannot deliver a sustainable solution in crisis situations. Civilian capacities are definitely an important part of that and also the need for a better cooperation between civilian and military capabilities. On resilience and building resilience of our partners but also of ourselves we expect a joint communication from the commission both commission and higher representative in the first half of the year in order to develop a common narrative and an approach on resilience which is an important factor for security but also a matter of adaptability to social change to political and economic pressures. The joint communication will focus on resilience of both states and societies but also on resilience the global strategy does not fix a single definition of the term resilience but it indicates that resilience is the ability of states and societies to reform thus with standing and recovering from internal and external crisis. In that same vein resilience will also have to be built against hybrid threats including cyber attacks. Indeed the rapid and coordinated response against these threats is absolutely necessary. There also a joint communication by the HR and the commission with 22 action proposals offers a very good framework to take work forward and bring actors together. Also close cooperation between on the situation rooms of the AIS on the external security with the intelligence unit of the military staff and the strategic analysis and response centre on internal security contributes to that goal and we have seen that recently in PSC that there is an excellent cooperation with resulting in excellent briefing and excellent situational awareness. And that's exactly what is needed this kind of integrated approach to crisis that people work together in an integrated approach to threats bringing together all instruments and policies those of the member states internal external but also in close complementarity and synergy working together side by side hand in hand. This is of course not new this integrated approach but we already had what is called the comprehensive approach although I think the term of integrated approach is much better and is also because it illustrates more what is needed that instruments have to be integrated and it's also a term that is preferred by the way by the HR. So this is not new but what is new is that it is becoming more and more important than systematically necessary because the nature of the threats just simply requires more efforts to create such strong synergies and this is certainly the case when it comes to pressing crisis like the migration crisis or terrorism but also hybrid. The need for such an integrated approach is clear but that is not to say that things are very much easy to realize to help to make happen. There are many challenges and it requires indeed persistent efforts and a strong push to arrive at such an integrated approach. One of the challenges is certainly that it has to bring together actors from different worlds. The one of diplomats, the one of the military, the man of the policeman, the man of development, the judges, they all speak their own language. They all have their own way of working, of thinking, of reacting, of control and command. So it's not easy to let them sing from the same sheet or read from the same page and I think it would be a mistake to take for granted because it is needed that it will also happen. I think we have to work in that direction in a day-to-day effort. As always, the devil is always in the detail, not at a strategic level also maybe but especially also when it comes down to the more down-to-earth operational level. Of particular importance is certainly, as I said already, the strengthening and the operationalization between internal and external security that nexus between CFSP and CSDP and FSG and GHA actors just as in home affairs. I think the strategy is very clear on that. The external cannot be separated from the internal and strengthening the internal external policy nexus should run as a retreat through all our actions. I've said this is not easy. This is challenging. But I think a lot of progress has been made, for example, in the field of migration. Where indeed, for example, in the agreement with Turkey, the stricter control at the borders, the implementation of the Valetta agreement but also of the compacts and the partnership framework agreements that have been signed with FRIFE, priority countries in Africa have shown that this cooperation can happen and is also happening. We have joined missions where you have the JHA people, the AIS, the commission people negotiating these agreements and implementing them, involving the different instruments, not only the police work but also working on the grassroots, education, jobs, reinforcing capacities of border services, but also on humanitarian issues and returns and readmissions. So there have been quite concrete results and ministers have seen that and I've also noted that. Also our operation, for example military operation operations of FIA is now working very closely with Frontex and the EU coast and border guard agency not only to save lives and that's important but also to tackle the businessmen of human traffickers and smugglers and train Libyan coast guard and also address arms trafficking in violation of the UN security council resolutions. Also in the Sahel, a key area when it comes to migration but also to counter-terrorism and human trafficking, where drug trafficking and arms trafficking are all intertwined. There is an action that is in common on common ground. We have some CSDP missions there and we have now started what we call a regionalisation process where these two civilian missions and a military mission in Mali and Niger are made to work closer together, promoting the integration also of the cooperation between the different countries in that area called the G5. Also helping to try to develop cross-border cooperation but also regional cooperation. Also efforts carried out in relation to or in coordination with the EU trust fund linked to the migration file. In counter-terrorism you have the same approach trying to bring this nexus between internal and external security policy actors stepping up not only information exchange but also cooperation in the fields, not in the least for example when because we have all this issue of the foreign terrorist fighters coming back. I don't know if this is really a top issue in Ireland but I know in many countries in Europe it is a very difficult issue and we have to address this in a holistic way. And here also the involvement of different actors from the CFSP CSDP side, from the Justice and Home Affairs side but also development people joining up in this kind of counter-terrorism dialogues that we have developed with a couple of countries in the south, Tunisia, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt has been very fruitful also the CT experts that have been posted in delegations, EU delegations have proven to be very useful, not in the least for further situational awareness but also for the exchange of information. And I must say that we in the external action service are actively contributing towards the security discussion in the Justice and Home Affairs field including through the Security Union Task Force but also participation of the higher herself or a representative in the councils of the Justice and Home Affairs. Also as I said sometimes joint meetings between the PSC and the COSI internal and external security happen and sometimes also joint FAC for the Affairs Council with the ministers of Justice and Home Affairs are taking place. So much is being done to better integrate our approach to strengthen and marginalize that nexus between internal and external security, addressing the growing challenges. I think progress is being made but of course much more work needs to be done. I think the reality of today just simply commands it. Now one last word maybe on public diplomacy. Last but not least I would say. I think we have to adapt also our foreign and security policy communication to better reach the new communication and cyberspace public. As we have also to adapt and strengthen our communication via other media to counter false information, let me call it propaganda. I mentioned that already before. We are building here on the good work of the what is called the East Strathcom. A team in the external action service that is working on messaging towards the Eastern European countries on countering this information from Russia. Now we are also working on improving that outreach towards the MENA region and the Western Balkans. This is in close cooperation with our delegations but also with the member states. We discussed this issue last week in PSC and the general feeling was that indeed we need to do much more. I think also a seminar is going to take place with the 28 spokespersons next month to find best way of furthering this action. I think it's also a need for better communicating about what we do both at home and externally. I think there's a clear gap here that has to be addressed. There are several aspects starting with acknowledging some of our successes to reflect indeed what the European Union has achieved collectively on the basis of significant common political, financial and human investments. And maybe we need to have a bit more faith in ourselves. Let's not forget how the European integration has been able to create after centuries of wars and conflict an area of unprecedented stability, wealth, prosperity and well-being of our citizens on our continent. We've no equal. A unique example for other regions with values and principles at its core and as a powerful aspirational force for people and nations all over the world. We are also world champions in world trade and investment and also the largest humanitarian donor. I think we should be conscious of that and sometimes also be a little bit mindful of it. I think it's also quite remarkable that when Theresa May recently met with the US President, the new US President, she underlined, despite Brexit, the importance of a strong EU for Britain. Seem to be an eye-opener for the new US President. The high representative in her recent contacts with the new Secretary of State, Tillerson and also in other contacts in the United States, emphasised not only the willingness of the European Union to continue to build a strong EU-US partnership on the basis of shared interest and shared values, but also reminded of the critical importance of that partnership for security and prosperity, not only in the European Union, but also in the United States and the wider world. The EU being the indispensable partner of the United States as a security provider, together with the US representing 50% of the global wealth and one-third of world trade, and EU being the source of 80% of foreign direct investment flows into the US. Fifteen, sorry, million jobs on both sides of the Atlantic depend on transatlantic trade. I don't know if you have seen Javier Solanas, the former EU high representative for foreign and security policy, but also former Secretary General of NATO and now a distinguished fellow at Brookings Institution, that he mentioned in a recent article that the world needs the European Union now more than ever. Despite recent crisis and the hard blow dealt by the Brexit vote, the EU might well be, according to him, the world's best line of defence against today's most serious threats, isolationism, protectionism, nationalism and extremism in all forms. And he pleads calls for a European Union first mantra, but not one that would be an exercise of unilateralism, on the contrary, one that would compel member states to look beyond their narrow national interests, defend openness, defend militarism and confront head-on the exclusionary political forces that have lately been gaining ground. I must say that the high representative, the message that the high representative gathered in all her bilateral meetings that she has had last weeks from many contacts with foreign ministers and leaders from all many places in the world, that message is that happened in the margins of the G20 of the bond meeting, but also the Munich Security Conference, and that message is that the world looks at the European Union as a strong, reliable, cooperative and indispensable partner, a much more stronger one than we usually realise, and an even more indispensable partner in dangerous and confused times, when rules are too often perceived as a constraint for some and not as a guarantee for all. Ladies and gentlemen, I've been too long. I think the world has undoubtedly become a more challenging place and we have to adapt to it, that's for sure. I think it's not going to be easy. It's going to be even challenging, but as I said, challenges are also opportunities. And if it's going to be a real American first policy, things will look maybe different and some countries might be looking towards the European more and more. So we have to make sure that we are ready for this new world. As I said, work is ongoing, but I think much more needs to be done, but that does make it more interesting, isn't it? Thank you.